Tournament: Stanford | Round: 3 | Opponent: Brentwood KM | Judge: Inbar Gavra
CHANGED FROM PIC TO CP 2/18/17
Indigenous mascots remain constitutionally protected
Rosen 15 Michael Rosen, 12-1-2015, "Here Are All the Racist College Mascots Left in the United States," Fusion, http://fusion.net/story/236520/offensive-mascots-united-states/
Against the backdrop of a nationwide student anti-racism movement that has spurred protests
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(Nampa, ID) North Greenville University Crusaders (Tigerville, SC)

Racist college mascots create psychological violence again Native Americans. Science proves that mascots literally harm Native Americans and create an environment where racism is ok. Studies also prove that psychological violence harms education itself.
American Psychological Association 5 http://www.apa.org "American Indian Mascots," http://www.apa.org/pi/oema/resources/indian-mascots.aspx
The use of American Indian mascots as symbols in schools and university athletic programs is
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discrimination against American Indian Nations that can lead to negative relations between groups.

Thus,

The CP: Public colleges and universities in the United States should restrict their mascots by banning and decommissioning any that use indigenous peoples. (that includes campus presses removing mascots from their names and newspapers)

Solves

Getting rid of these symbols is the first step in getting rid of just a part of some of the everyday violence that indigenous peoples face. To reduce their negative effects, all mascots should be removed immediately.
American Psychological Association 2http:www.apa.org "American Indian Mascots," http://www.apa.org/pi/oema/resources/indian-mascots.aspx
"We know from the literature that oppression, covert and overt racism, and
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personalities by schools, colleges, universities, athletic teams, and organizations.

Tournament: Cal | Round: Doubles | Opponent: Harker EM | Judge: Amit Kukreja, John Sims, Calen Smith
Puar got a lot right but still messed up – discussions of homonationalism absent Native perspectives result in settler projects– instead, you should adopt the lens of settler homonationalism – settler colonialism pre-scripted the formation of modern queer subjects and only the alternative solves. Settler sexuality and colonial necropolitics root causes the 1AC’s impacts – the exclusion of native practices resulted in the genocide of “queer” Native bodies marked for death.
Morgenson 2010 Scott, Professor of Gender Studies at Queen’s University, “SETTLER HOMONATIONALISM Theorizing Settler Colonialism within Queer Modernities”, GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies, Volume 16, Number 1-2, 2010, pp. 105-131, card pg. 105-107
I am compelled by Puar’s analysis, which I extend at the intersections of queer
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even now produces and fractures homonationalism, exposing it to possibilities for critique.

Tournament: Churchill | Round: 1 | Opponent: Mcneil | Judge: Barshop
This debate is an opportunity to deploy Red Pedagogy, a praxis which forefronts Native intellectualism and allows us to jump-start resistance to colonization. The role of the ballot is to vote for the team which best activates indigenous political agency.
Grande 8 Sandy, Associate Professor of Education at Connecticut College, “Red Pedagogy: The Un-Methodology,” Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies, eds. Norman K. Denzin, Yvonna S. Lincoln, and Linda Tuhiwai Smith, p 249-250
From the standpoint of Red pedagogy, the primary lesson in all of this is
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soul of America, so too does the more hopeful spirit of indigeneity.

Links

Disappearance Link. long analytic
Henderson 15 Phil. Department of Political Philosophy at the University of Victoria. “Imagoed communities: the psychosocial space of settler colonialism,” published in SETTLER COLONIAL STUDIES. Pg 2-3. Accessible here at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2015.1092194, Reichle
While colonialism is present as an historic fact within public consciousness, settler colonialism remains
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‘everywhere that there are settler collectives, and it occurs constantly’. 13
2. Land Link. long analytic
Churchill 2003 Ward. Churchill is a prolific writer and lecturer of over twenty books, a member of the leadership council of Colorado Acts of Rebellion: The Ward Churchill Reader. Pg 243

Maybe I can explain
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calling it by different names.

Impact

There is no neutral act on stolen land—this place is not an empty space devoid of history, but one informed by genocide—placelessness ensures continual atrocities- this infinite invisible violence always outweighs
Greenwood 9 David A., Washington State University, “Place, Survivance, and White Remembrance: A Decolonizing Challenge to Rural Education in Mobile Modernity,” Journal of Research in Rural Educatio 24.10 (2009): n/p, http://www.jrre.psu.edu/articles/24-10.pdf  myost
The term survivance is used in Native American Studies to describe the self-representation
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land and people, near and far, now and in the future.

Assaults on indigenous populations set the foundation for intervention and structural violence
Street 4 Paul, writes on imperialism, racism, and thought control for ZNet, “Those Who Deny the Crimes of the Past,” 11 March 2004, http://www.zcommunications.org/those-who-deny-the-crimes-of-the-past-by-paul-street
It is especially important to appreciate the significance of the vicious, often explicitly genocidal
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roamed by an immeasurably more civilized people than those who came to destroy.

Alt

The alternative is to reject the 1AC and affirm a decolonial social education which situates land return as our first political priority. This debate is a question of pedagogy and imagining a world without the United States through advocating indigenous land return is a first priority. Colonization is the root cause of oppression, suffering, and exploitation. Only a return to an indigenous politics through the return of indigenous ancestral lands can remedy the ills of colonialism.
Malott 8 Curry, faculty member in Professional and Secondary Education at West Chester University, A Call to Action: An Introduction to Education, Philosophy, and Native North America, p. 88-91
While the similarities between a Marxist and an Indigenous dialectical (relational) study of
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-Columbian North America and the historical development of the two in context.

Land is the only meaningful starting point – anything else is a palliative that was never seriously intended to change ANYTHING for colonized peoples – the violence of invasion is reasserted each day of occupation
Tuck and Gaztambide-Fernandez ’13 (EVE TUCK and RUBÉN A. GAZTAMBIDE-FERNÁNDEZ, “Curriculum, Replacement, and Settler Futurity,” Journal of Curriculum Theorizing, Vol. 29, No. 1, 2013, p. 72-89) m leap
Settler colonialism is the specific formation of colonialism in which the colonizer comes to stay
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who also become property, to be used, abused, and managed.

Tournament: Stanford | Round: 3 | Opponent: Brentwood KM | Judge: Inbar Gavra
Campaign expenditures are deemed constitutionally protected speech under Citizens United.
Levy 15 Gabrielle Levy, "How Citizens United Has Changed Politics in 5 Years," US News and World Report, January 21, 2015
Five years ago Wednesday, the Supreme Court handed down a decision that dramatically reshaped
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, as long as it was done independently of a party or candidate.

Limits on campaign expenditures are key to provide equal access to student government, especially for underprivileged students. The aff doesn’t limit these expenditures but rather allows them and gets rid of all limits. We need to keep these limits.
New University 16 New University. "Spending Caps Stop The Arms Race.". May 04, 2009. Web. December 07, 2016
On April 20, the New University published an editorial entitled, “Paying to
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us from making the election process better for the vast majority of students.

Kenyon, a private college with no restrictions on campaign expenditures, proves why we need diversity in student government
Adrianowycz 16, Sarah vice president of student life, is a biology major from Brecksville, Ohio. Contact her at adrianowyczs@kenyon.edu. http://kenyoncollegian.com/2016/03/03/sarah-adrianowycz/ "Student Council Lacks Diversity, and It's a Problem." The Kenyon Collegian. N.p., n.d. Web. 10 Feb. 2017. http://kenyoncollegian.com/2016/03/03/sarah-adrianowycz/.)
I find the lack of women and minorities in campus governance disturbing. As the
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experiences and concerns are elected, I think Kenyon can only be made better

Tournament: Cal | Round: 5 | Opponent: Westwood JA | Judge: John Sims
A. Interpretation – The Cambridge Dictionary defines any:
http://dictionary.cambridge.org/us/grammar/british-grammar/quantifiers/any
We use any before nouns to refer to indefinite or unknown quantities or an unlimited entity: Did you bring any bread? Mr Jacobson refused to answer any questions

Tournament: Stanford | Round: 1 | Opponent: forgot | Judge: forgot
Free speech on college campuses for white people is rooted in white supremacy and creates the myth of a post racial America.
Downey 14 R. Jamaal Downey is a doctoral student at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst. 3-11-2014, "The Paradox of Free Speech within the Context of White Supremacy -," Racism Review, http://www.racismreview.com/blog/2014/03/11/paradox-free-speech-within-context-white-supremacy/ HSLASC

The ability of some white people to shout a single word to enact such rage  AND  must succumb to their freedom of speech embedded in White Supremacy.

Allowing free speech on college campuses gives people the ability to say and thus do offensive stuff to oppressed people without suffering consequences. Their claims to social change are a joke, even if they open the potential for change, look at America, what’s really gonna happen when we open the floodgates for speech,
Raible 09 Dr. John W. Raible received his doctorate from the University of Massachusetts Amherst in Teacher Education and Curriculum Studies, concentrating in Language, Literacy, and Culture. 3-18-2009, "‘White people have no freedom of speech’," Resist racism, https://resistracism.wordpress.com/2009/03/18/white-people-have-no-freedom-of-speech/ HSLASC

So why do white people want freedom of speech? AND  a headdress and dance around barefoot.

The idea that white people can say and do what they want reinforces a heteropatriarchal racist culture in white men in specific that legitimizes sexual and racial violence against women, black men and muslims. This is specifically true on college campuses.
Kohn 16 Sally Kohn, Cnn Political Commentator, 3-27-2015, "The danger society doesn't talk about," CNN, http://www.cnn.com/2015/03/19/opinions/kohn-young-white-men/index.html
Police in Pennsylvania are investigating the Delta Kappa Rho fraternity at Penn State University regarding
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of a broader, troubling trend that has for too long been overlooked.

Alt- Do the aff except restrict free speech for bougie straight white men on college campuses. Sally Kohn a CNN editor is the solvency advocate- this is the best methodology for making people in power check their privilege
Berrien 16 Hank Berrien, The Daily Wire is an American news and conservative opinion website founded in 2015 by political commentator Ben Shapiro, who currently serves as Editor-in-chief.  9-18-2016, "Sally Kohn Rips Free Speech For Whites," Daily Wire, http://www.dailywire.com/news/9236/sally-kohn-rips-free-speech-whites-hank-berrien HSLASC
Leftist CNN contributor Sally Kohn revealed how clearly the left hates free speech on Friday
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or the greatness and exceptionalism of America. I’m happy that’s under assault.”

Tournament: Churchill | Round: 4 | Opponent: Westwood RM | Judge: sood
Framework

The value is morality because ought indicates a moral obligation. It is the verb of the resolution so it tells us how to weigh.
Burton's Legal Thesaurus, 4E. Copyright © 2007 by William C. Burton. Used with permission of The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.

The criterion is minimizing anti-black racism because challenging institutional racism is a prior ethical question— racism violates all conceptions of morality, justice, and what it means to be human.
Albert Memmi 2k, Professor Emeritus of Sociology @ U of Paris, Naiteire, Racism, Translated by Steve Martinot, p. 163-165
The struggle against racism will be long, difficult, without intermission, without remission
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. True, it is a wager, but the stakes are irresistible.

Links
Their optimism regarding society reifies the rationale of institutions which can never be ethically redeemable for blackness- -time does not progress but accumulates and repeats -from the chattel slave system to convict-lease to the modern prison system-black death and enslavement are endemic features of civil society which are covered up and only mutated by reforms -means it’s try or die for pessimism- Black social life and agency is found within a refusal of civil society
Dillon 2013 Stephen. Stephen Dillon, assistant professor of Queer Studies at Hampshire College, holds a B.A. from the University of Iowa and a Ph.D. in American Studies with a minor in Critical Feminist and Sexuality Studies from the University of Minnesota. “Fugitive Life: Race, Gender, and the Rise of the Neoliberal-Carceral State.” Ph.D Dissertation. https://conservancy.umn.edu/bitstream/handle/11299/153053/Dillon_umn_0130E_13833.pdf?sequence=1. SH
In one of the first lines of the film, a state newscaster covering the
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what the future will be. The future will be what was before. 

Impact
Antiblackness produces genocide and distributes death through racial and heterosexist violence-prefer our impacts-slow death positions blackness as disposable and already dead to support the life of civil society- rather that legitimizing it, we need to challenge the systems that make populations disposable and violence possible.
Dillon 12 Stephen, Ph.D. candidate in American Studies at the University of Minnesota. August 28, 2012. darkmatter Journal. Genearl Issue 7. http://www.darkmatter101.org/site/2012/08/28/book-review-state-of-white-supremacy-darkmatter-journal/. SH
The terrifying brilliance of contemporary white supremacy is that its breathtaking uneven distribution of life and death operates under an epistemological structure of invisibility. Premature death is cloaked under the rubric of choice, obscured by stories of personal failure, and narrated into naturalness by discourses of inevitability. For example, from 1991-2000 nearly one million African-American deaths could have been prevented were they provided the same access to medical technologies as their white counterparts.1 These deaths were not the outcome of random chance. As the authors of a 2004 article published in the American Journal of Public Health observe, the U.S. health system focuses more on medical advances than equity in care. While advances in medical technology in the 1990s averted 176,633 deaths, the deaths of 886,202 black people would have been prevented had systems of medical care been equalized instead of improved.2 The magnitude of these “slow deaths” confounds response because it is difficult to say exactly what happened and who is responsible.3 There is no sovereign issuing decrees requiring the eradication of unwanted populations, no solider gone wild with racist rage, and no legal system mandating segregation, neglect, or maltreatment. These deaths are forms of killing composed of “an agentless slow death” where the everyday drifts toward a premature ending: stress leads to one more drink, poverty to malnutrition, overwork to an unexpected sickness, quiet neglect to a small pain in the chest.4 An unimaginable system of racialized power makes slow death follow a rhythm that seems natural. The deaths of nearly one million people become inevitable in their normality, and invisible in their banality. How does one undo, let alone comprehend, a system of such ordinary and dispersed yet targeted racial violence? The power and urgency of the collection State of White Supremacy: Racism, Governance, and the United States, edited by Moon-Kie Jung, João H. Costa Vargas, and Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, becomes clear in this context. In an era when racism is imagined to be a relic of a past left behind by the enlightened progress of the post-Civil Rights state, the collection names white supremacy as a structural and animating logic to discursive, institutional, and interpersonal life in the United States. Perhaps most critically, the collection centers the state in its definition of white supremacy, which contributor Dylan Rodríguez calls an “internally complex, historically dynamic … substructure of social organization, state craft, and nation-building” (47-48). By understanding white supremacy as colluding with — but ultimately distinct from other analytics like heteropatriarchy and capitalism — the contributors explore how white supremacy affects immigration, education, popular culture, the war on terror, hate crimes legislation, and of course, the racial state. The essays are divided into three sections: “Genealogies of Racial Rule,” “Politics of Privilege and Punishment,” and “Territory and Terror”; the first section on genealogy offers a foundation for the subsequent sections. As Rodríguez observes, the study of race is often abstracted from “its constituting logic of white supremacist social dominance” (48) produced by a past that is often wished away by dominant thought. The collection centers studies of race within the larger structure of white supremacy that spans time and space, ensuring that race does not become naturalized or normalized. To that end, the introduction by editor Moon-Kie Jung provides an outline for the project as a whole by analyzing the development of what he calls the “U.S. empire-state.” By centering Empire in a reading of the Dred Scott case, Jung observes that a ruling concerning the citizenship of black people led to a reconsideration of the governance of Native and Mexican peoples. As he writes, “The racial subjection of one was related to the racial subjection of the other, evidencing a common field of white supremacy” (13). Thus, settler-colonialism and Empire were central to the domestic management of racialized populations, while the domestic was also central to racial rule abroad. Although it is not always clear how the concept of “empire-state” connects to the concerns of many of the essays, the introduction nevertheless makes a powerful argument for the use of the concept, and provides a broader historical backdrop to the collection as a whole. The first section builds off the introduction by continuing its concern with genealogy. However, the genealogies of racial domination outlined in the section’s three chapters lead to drastically different arguments. For example, Charles Mills argues that liberalism has always been a racial project and notes that for the concept to be recuperated, one must expose its racist foundations so that a “genuinely racially inclusive” liberalism can be reconstituted. In this way, a critical genealogy of liberalism that makes visible its intensely racialized logics can lead to a “revisionist liberalism” (45). Similarly, Eduardo Bonilla-Silva and Sarah Mayorga argue that, like liberalism, citizenship has always functioned as a racial apparatus for distributing material resources, safety, and belonging. For them, as long as the racial state exists, the citizen will bear “the mark of whiteness” (88). Like Mills, they call for the use of the category of citizenship in “the struggle for ultimate equality” where all “souls will truly become universal” (90). In contrast to these calls for reform, inclusion, and recuperation, Rodríguez offers a damning (and convincing) indictment of the category “human,” and implicitly, citizenship and liberalism. After offering a comparative analysis of Reconstruction-era testimonials of the Freedman’s Bureau and military testimonials concerning the colonization of the Philippines, Rodríguez argues that the death of the slave, the native, and the human Other is necessary to—and symbiotic with—the life of the white subject (or citizen and human). White supremacy continuously renders the deaths of the Other tolerable, acceptable, comfortable, and even joyful to liberalism, the citizen, and the human. Ending this relationship will not arrive by expanding the human, opening citizenship, or reforming liberalism. Instead, Rodríguez argues for the abolition of all three categories. If the citizen, liberalism, and the human are the products of white supremacy (and continue to reproduce white supremacy) then there is nothing to redeem. Instead of reforming technologies of subjection and subjugation, everything connected to white supremacy (or everything we know) must come to an end. Rodríguez’s call for a politics of abolition is complemented and extended by the essays in the second section, “Politics of Privilege and Punishment.” Here, the first two essays discuss racial discrimination in education. George Lipsitz provides a masterful reading of U.S. court cases (including a powerful rereading of Brown v. Board of Education) concerning racial discrimination in education to highlight how racism continues under the names equality, desegregation, and protection. As Lipsitz observes, the wording of Brown allows school districts to declare non-discriminatory intentions without taking reparative action. In this way, the state uses laws intended to end white supremacy in order to preserve it. Thus, the law (like the citizen and the human) is a not a vehicle of liberation but a tool of subjection. Lipsitz’s analysis of legal white supremacy authorized by Civil Rights legislation is complemented by the work of Sanford Schram, Richard Fording, and Joe Soss on what they term “neoliberal-paternalism.” Neoliberal paternalism apprehends the ways contemporary forms of poverty governance resurrect older modes of population management in order to connect them to more recent neoliberal modes of governance. Past forms of racialized state violence become sutured to newer forms of control and punishment. As more and more poor people of color abandoned by neoliberal restructuring are captured by an unprecedented regime of incarceration, welfare has increasingly mimicked the penal sphere. We might add the education system to the massive network of racialized state power outlined by Schram, Fording, and Soss. This almost unimaginable regime of racialized management and control produces a system where, as Joy James writes, “Whites are to be protected, and Black life is to be contained in order to protect whites and their property (both personal and public or institutional)” (169). These critiques of the state are powerfully extended by the work of Andrea Smith and João H. Costa Vargas in the book’s final section. Smith continues the collection’s critique of the law by observing that “genocide has never been against the law in the United States” because “Native Genocide has been expressly sanctioned as the law” (231). Like Rodríguez, Smith argues for a politics of abolition and undoing rather than reform and inclusion. In her analysis of hate crimes legislation, Smith argues that instead of making racialized and gendered violence illegal (given that racialized and gendered violence is already executed through the law in the prison, reservation, and the ghetto), we must make our organizing, theorizing, and teaching against the law. If the state is foundational to racialized, gendered, and heterosexist violence, then the state should not be the mediator of pain and grievance because “the state is now going to be the solution to the problem it created in the first place” (232). The work of João H. Costa Vargas complements this analysis by making clear the ways the law produces anti-black genocide. For Vargas, the black diaspora is a “geography of death” where the premature and preventable deaths of black people are authorized by a “cognitive matrix” that systematically renders black life devalued. Vargas would surely understand the preventable deaths produced by the medical industry as a form of genocide, namely because intent is not central to his theorization of the concept. Instead, creating or tolerating conditions that produce mass-based uneven vulnerability to premature death is genocidal, making white supremacy itself a genocidal project. Accordingly, genocide is at the core of our ethical standards, is foundational to modern politics, and is central to our cognitive apparatuses (269). To challenge genocide we must undo the epistemologies that support systems of value and disposability and make possible the slow deaths that are the “condition of possibility for our present subjectivities and modern politics” (269).

Alt

The alternative is to reject the aff and demand the end of the world. Only a constant refusal of the political coherence of civil society can articulate a response to antiblackness. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction and blackness can only be the total disconfiguration of civil society-not an alternative politics but the end of politics.
Wilderson 2007 Frank B., “The Prison Slave as Hegemony’s Silent Scandal” in Warfare in the American Homeland ed. Joy James, p. 31-2
Slavery is the great leveler of the black subjects positionality. The black American subject
AND
not by an unabashed revolutionary polemic, then certainly by a revolutionary zeitgeist.

Tournament: Alta | Round: 1 | Opponent: fsad | Judge: hfalkdsjhf
Indemnification
Officers don’t take accountability because cities end up paying, means the aff doesn’t give incentive to stop police brutality
Schwartz 2k14 Schwartz, Joanna C. "Police indemnification." (2014). NYU Law
This Article empirically examines an issue central to judicial and scholarly debate about civil rights
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and compensation goals of 42 U.S.C. § 1983.
This practice of indemnification is devastating for communities of color—cities just increase taxes which hurts Brown and Black bodies who fall victim to the police misconduct in the first place
Phillip 15, Abby. "Why the Poor Often Pay for Police Misconduct with Their Pocketbooks." Washington Post. The Washington Post, 03 June 2015. Web. 17 Nov. 2016. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-nation/wp/2015/06/03/why-the-poor-and-disadvantaged-often-pay-for-police-misconduct-with-their-pocketbooks/?utm_term=.019efe59ae21. SM
Floyd Dent, a black man from Inkster, Mich., was pulled over for a routine traffic stop in January when a white Inkster police officer dragged Dent out of his vehicle, put him in an apparent choke-hold, punched him repeatedly in the head and used a stun gun on him. That officer, William Melendez, was fired and is now on trial, charged with misconduct in office and mistreatment of a prisoner, after dashboard camera video of the incident became public. And now the residents of the small Michigan town will pay the cost for Melendez’s conduct — literally. Late last month, the city of Inkster settled a lawsuit with Dent for nearly $1.4 million. According to the Detroit Free Press, Inkster’s financial manager said the city would levy a tax on property owners to help cover the cost of compensating Dent. Inkster is a city of about 25,000 residents, according to the most recent Census figures, and the median income there is just $26,500. Seventy-three percent of Inkster’s residents are black, and nearly 40 percent of the people in the city live below the poverty line. There is a bitter irony to the situation, but it’s not unusual that the very people who are most beset by police violence are the ones who wind up paying for it with their pocketbooks. When victims or their families are paid out by cities and municipalities in excessive-force cases that are settled or tried, taxpayers pay every time, highlighting the direct relationship between the social and financial costs of police violence. In Chicago: $84 million in one year. Los Angeles: $54 million. Philadelphia: $40 million in cases brought since 2009. Fatal police shootings in 2015 approaching 400 nationwide In Inkster, the sum is small and deals with just one case. But for its residents, the reality will be unavoidable: The tax will amount to a $178.67 on a home valued at about $55,400, the Free Press estimates. “The price of this is enormous, and it probably is hardest on those who can least afford it and whose communities are most egregiously beset with the misconduct problems,” noted Andy Shaw, president and CEO of the Better Government Association, which has studied the high financial and social costs of police misconduct in Chicago. U.S. cities pay out millions to settle police lawsuits In Chicago, police-related settlements over the last decade cost the city more than $500 million according to a study published by the group last year. Everyone pays the price, including renters who are likely to be least able to afford it. “They not only face the financial burden and the reduction of services, these dollars could have improved their schools could have given them more cops on the streets to improve their neighborhoods,” Shaw said. “Instead they were transfer payments to victims and victims’ attorneys.” Shaw added: “It takes a terrible toll.” In Inkster, residents are asking why they will now be forced to shoulder this burden. “It’s not our responsibility that there was mistakes made with the police department and the city,” resident Juanita Davis told WDIV in Detroit. Thousands of people fatally shot by police, few prosecutions “It is absolutely true that the innocent citizens in Inkster shouldn’t have to put up with this, and they don’t have to,” said Dan Korobkin, deputy legal director of the ACLU of Michigan. “They ought to demand of their city council people, of their mayor, of their police chief and police officers — all of whom are accountable to the public — that they police this city by respecting the people of the city and complying with basic principles of decency and the constitution.
Poverty is the worst form of structural violence, its death toll is greater than even a nuclear war
Gilligan 96
James, Professor of Psychiatry at the Harvard Medical School, Director of the Center for the Study of Violence, and a member of the Academic Advisory Council of the National Campaign Against Youth Violence, “Violence: Our Deadly Epidemic and its Causes”, p. 191-196
The deadliest form of violence is poverty. You cannot work for one day with the violent people who fill our prisons and mental hospitals for the criminally insane without being forcible and constantly reminded of the extreme poverty and discrimination that characterizes their lives. Hearing about their lives, and about their families and friends, you are forced to recognize the truth in Gandhi’s observation that the deadliest form of violence is poverty. Not a day goes by without realizing that trying to understand them and their violent behavior in purely individual terms is impossible and wrong-headed. Any theory of violence, especially a psychological theory, that evolves from the experience of men in maximum security prisons and hospitals for the criminally insane must begin with the recognition that these institutions are only microcosms. They are not where the major violence in our society takes place, and the perpetrators who fill them are far from being the main causes of most violent deaths. Any approach to a theory of violence needs to begin with a look at the structural violence in this country. Focusing merely on those relatively few men who commit what we define as murder could distract us from examining and learning from those structural causes of violent death that are for more significant from a numerical or public health, or human, standpoint. By “structural violence” I mean the increased rates of death, and disability suffered by those who occupy the bottom rungs of society, as contrasted with the relatively low death rates experienced by those who are above them. Those excess deaths (or at least a demonstrably large proportion of them) are a function of class structure; and that structure itself is a product of society’s collective human choices, concerning how to distribute the collective wealth of the society. These are not acts of God. I am contrasting “structural” with “behavioral violence,” by which I mean the non-natural deaths and injuries that are caused by specific behavioral actions of individuals against individuals, such as the deaths we attribute to homicide, suicide, soldiers in warfare, capital punishment, and so on. Structural violence differs from behavior violence in at least three major respects. *The lethal effects of structural violence operate continuously, rather than sporadically, whereas murders, suicides, executions, wars, and other forms of behavior violence occur one at a time. *Structural violence operates more or less independently of individual acts; independent of individuals and groups (politicians, political parties, voters) whose decisions may nevertheless have lethal consequences for others. *Structural violence is normally invisible, because it may appear to have had other (natural or violent) causes. CONTINUED The finding that structural violence causes far more deaths than behavioral violence does is not limited to this country. Kohler and Alcock attempted to arrive at the number of excess deaths caused by socioeconomic inequities on a worldwide basis. Sweden was their model of the nation that had come closest to eliminating structural violence. It had the least inequity in income and living standards, and the lowest discrepancies in death rates and life expectancy; and the highest overall life expectancy of the world. When they compared the life expectancies of those living in the other socioeconomic systems against Sweden, they found that 18 million deaths a year could be attributed to the “structural violence” to which the citizens of all the other nations were being subjected. During the past decade, the discrepancies between the rich and poor nations have increased dramatically and alarmingly. The 14 to 19 million deaths a year caused by structural violence compare with about 100,000 deaths per year from armed conflict. Comparing this frequency of deaths from structural violence to the frequency of those caused by major military and political violence, such as World War II (an estimated 49 million military and civilian deaths, including those by genocide – or about eight million per year, 1939-1945), the Indonesian massacre of 1965-66 (perhaps 575,000 deaths), the Vietnam war (possibly two million, 1954-1973), and even a hypothetical nuclear exchange between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. (232 million), it was clear that even war cannot being to compare with structural violence, which continues year after year. In other words, every fifteen years, on the average, as many people die because of relative poverty as would be killed by the Nazi genocide of the Jews over a six-year period. This is, in effect, the equivalent of an ongoing, unending, in fact accelerating, thermonuclear war, or genocide, perpetrated on the weak and poor every year of every decade, throughout the world. Structural violence is also the main cause of behavioral violence on a socially and epidemiologically significant scale (from homicide and suicide to war and genocide). The question as to which of the two forms of violence – structural or behavioral – is more important, dangerous, or lethal is moot, for they are inextricably related to eachother, as cause to effect.

Tournament: Alta | Round: 4 | Opponent: asdfisadufj | Judge: faskjldfhs
Afro-Pessimism

I negate. Resolved: The United States ought to limit qualified immunity for police officers.

Framework

The value is morality because ought indicates a moral obligation. It is the verb of the resolution so it tells us how to weigh.
Burton's Legal Thesaurus, 4E. Copyright © 2007 by William C. Burton. Used with permission of The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.

The criterion is minimizing anti-black racism because challenging institutional racism is a prior ethical question— racism violates all conceptions of morality, justice, and what it means to be human.
Albert Memmi 2k, Professor Emeritus of Sociology @ U of Paris, Naiteire, Racism, Translated by Steve Martinot, p. 163-165
The struggle against racism will be long, difficult, without intermission, without remission
AND
. True, it is a wager, but the stakes are irresistible.

Link

The 1AC fails at critiquing the police state, constitution and the fourth amendment. The problem itself is the constitution which was structured against black people. Their advocacy of a document made to leave decisions of life and death in the hand of whiteness is itself antiblack.
Sexton 2007 Jared Sexton Warfare in the American Homeland Racial Profiling and the Societies of Control –Jared Sexton Duke University Press Durham and London 2007 DDI15/
In the contemporary United States, the police operate as the unaccountable arbiters of lethal
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or in any setting in which the police judge your presence "incongruous."

Focus on spectacular acts of state violence miss the underlying system of social relations that fuels the police state- the state limits the possibilities for radical engagement to appease the demands Whiteness- even the most progressive law reform movements still rely on a system that produces the prison and police systems The fact that they leave police immunity in place, or even police in place means that they don’teven  fully solve the symptom of antiblackness that they discuss (police are still racist and will still be terrible just accountable) let alone the entire structure of antiblackness which is reified by remedies.
Brewer and Heitzeg 2008 Rose M. Brewer and Nancy A. Heitzeg. Rose M. Brewer is professor in the Department of Afro-American and African Studies at the University of Minnesota at Twin Cities. Nancy A. Heitzeg is Professor of Sociology and Critical Studies of Race and Ethnicity at St. Catherine University. “The Racialization of Crime and Punishment: Criminal Justice, Color-Blind Racism, and the Political Economy of the Prison Industrial Complex.” American Behavioral Scientist. Volume 51 Number 5 January 2008 625-644. SH
The post–civil rights era explosion in criminalization and incarceration is fundamentally a project
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it is magically removed from any societal impact and any subsequent legal remedy.

Their optimism regarding society reifies the rationale of institutions which can never be ethically redeemable for blackness- -time does not progress but accumulates and repeats -from the chattel slave system to convict-lease to the modern prison system-black death and enslavement are endemic features of civil society which are covered up and only mutated by reforms -means it’s try or die for pessimism- Black social life and agency is found within a refusal of civil society
Dillon 2013 Stephen. Stephen Dillon, assistant professor of Queer Studies at Hampshire College, holds a B.A. from the University of Iowa and a Ph.D. in American Studies with a minor in Critical Feminist and Sexuality Studies from the University of Minnesota. “Fugitive Life: Race, Gender, and the Rise of the Neoliberal-Carceral State.” Ph.D Dissertation. https://conservancy.umn.edu/bitstream/handle/11299/153053/Dillon_umn_0130E_13833.pdf?sequence=1. SH
In one of the first lines of the film, a state newscaster covering the
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what the future will be. The future will be what was before. 

Impact
Antiblackness produces genocide and distributes death through racial and heterosexist violence-prefer our impacts-slow death positions blackness as disposable and already dead to support the life of civil society- rather that legitimizing it, we need to challenge the systems that make populations disposable and violence possible.
Dillon 12 Stephen, Ph.D. candidate in American Studies at the University of Minnesota. August 28, 2012. darkmatter Journal. Genearl Issue 7. http://www.darkmatter101.org/site/2012/08/28/book-review-state-of-white-supremacy-darkmatter-journal/. SH
The terrifying brilliance of contemporary white supremacy is that its breathtaking uneven distribution of life and death operates under an epistemological structure of invisibility. Premature death is cloaked under the rubric of choice, obscured by stories of personal failure, and narrated into naturalness by discourses of inevitability. For example, from 1991-2000 nearly one million African-American deaths could have been prevented were they provided the same access to medical technologies as their white counterparts.1 These deaths were not the outcome of random chance. As the authors of a 2004 article published in the American Journal of Public Health observe, the U.S. health system focuses more on medical advances than equity in care. While advances in medical technology in the 1990s averted 176,633 deaths, the deaths of 886,202 black people would have been prevented had systems of medical care been equalized instead of improved.2 The magnitude of these “slow deaths” confounds response because it is difficult to say exactly what happened and who is responsible.3 There is no sovereign issuing decrees requiring the eradication of unwanted populations, no solider gone wild with racist rage, and no legal system mandating segregation, neglect, or maltreatment. These deaths are forms of killing composed of “an agentless slow death” where the everyday drifts toward a premature ending: stress leads to one more drink, poverty to malnutrition, overwork to an unexpected sickness, quiet neglect to a small pain in the chest.4 An unimaginable system of racialized power makes slow death follow a rhythm that seems natural. The deaths of nearly one million people become inevitable in their normality, and invisible in their banality. How does one undo, let alone comprehend, a system of such ordinary and dispersed yet targeted racial violence? The power and urgency of the collection State of White Supremacy: Racism, Governance, and the United States, edited by Moon-Kie Jung, João H. Costa Vargas, and Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, becomes clear in this context. In an era when racism is imagined to be a relic of a past left behind by the enlightened progress of the post-Civil Rights state, the collection names white supremacy as a structural and animating logic to discursive, institutional, and interpersonal life in the United States. Perhaps most critically, the collection centers the state in its definition of white supremacy, which contributor Dylan Rodríguez calls an “internally complex, historically dynamic … substructure of social organization, state craft, and nation-building” (47-48). By understanding white supremacy as colluding with — but ultimately distinct from other analytics like heteropatriarchy and capitalism — the contributors explore how white supremacy affects immigration, education, popular culture, the war on terror, hate crimes legislation, and of course, the racial state. The essays are divided into three sections: “Genealogies of Racial Rule,” “Politics of Privilege and Punishment,” and “Territory and Terror”; the first section on genealogy offers a foundation for the subsequent sections. As Rodríguez observes, the study of race is often abstracted from “its constituting logic of white supremacist social dominance” (48) produced by a past that is often wished away by dominant thought. The collection centers studies of race within the larger structure of white supremacy that spans time and space, ensuring that race does not become naturalized or normalized. To that end, the introduction by editor Moon-Kie Jung provides an outline for the project as a whole by analyzing the development of what he calls the “U.S. empire-state.” By centering Empire in a reading of the Dred Scott case, Jung observes that a ruling concerning the citizenship of black people led to a reconsideration of the governance of Native and Mexican peoples. As he writes, “The racial subjection of one was related to the racial subjection of the other, evidencing a common field of white supremacy” (13). Thus, settler-colonialism and Empire were central to the domestic management of racialized populations, while the domestic was also central to racial rule abroad. Although it is not always clear how the concept of “empire-state” connects to the concerns of many of the essays, the introduction nevertheless makes a powerful argument for the use of the concept, and provides a broader historical backdrop to the collection as a whole. The first section builds off the introduction by continuing its concern with genealogy. However, the genealogies of racial domination outlined in the section’s three chapters lead to drastically different arguments. For example, Charles Mills argues that liberalism has always been a racial project and notes that for the concept to be recuperated, one must expose its racist foundations so that a “genuinely racially inclusive” liberalism can be reconstituted. In this way, a critical genealogy of liberalism that makes visible its intensely racialized logics can lead to a “revisionist liberalism” (45). Similarly, Eduardo Bonilla-Silva and Sarah Mayorga argue that, like liberalism, citizenship has always functioned as a racial apparatus for distributing material resources, safety, and belonging. For them, as long as the racial state exists, the citizen will bear “the mark of whiteness” (88). Like Mills, they call for the use of the category of citizenship in “the struggle for ultimate equality” where all “souls will truly become universal” (90). In contrast to these calls for reform, inclusion, and recuperation, Rodríguez offers a damning (and convincing) indictment of the category “human,” and implicitly, citizenship and liberalism. After offering a comparative analysis of Reconstruction-era testimonials of the Freedman’s Bureau and military testimonials concerning the colonization of the Philippines, Rodríguez argues that the death of the slave, the native, and the human Other is necessary to—and symbiotic with—the life of the white subject (or citizen and human). White supremacy continuously renders the deaths of the Other tolerable, acceptable, comfortable, and even joyful to liberalism, the citizen, and the human. Ending this relationship will not arrive by expanding the human, opening citizenship, or reforming liberalism. Instead, Rodríguez argues for the abolition of all three categories. If the citizen, liberalism, and the human are the products of white supremacy (and continue to reproduce white supremacy) then there is nothing to redeem. Instead of reforming technologies of subjection and subjugation, everything connected to white supremacy (or everything we know) must come to an end. Rodríguez’s call for a politics of abolition is complemented and extended by the essays in the second section, “Politics of Privilege and Punishment.” Here, the first two essays discuss racial discrimination in education. George Lipsitz provides a masterful reading of U.S. court cases (including a powerful rereading of Brown v. Board of Education) concerning racial discrimination in education to highlight how racism continues under the names equality, desegregation, and protection. As Lipsitz observes, the wording of Brown allows school districts to declare non-discriminatory intentions without taking reparative action. In this way, the state uses laws intended to end white supremacy in order to preserve it. Thus, the law (like the citizen and the human) is a not a vehicle of liberation but a tool of subjection. Lipsitz’s analysis of legal white supremacy authorized by Civil Rights legislation is complemented by the work of Sanford Schram, Richard Fording, and Joe Soss on what they term “neoliberal-paternalism.” Neoliberal paternalism apprehends the ways contemporary forms of poverty governance resurrect older modes of population management in order to connect them to more recent neoliberal modes of governance. Past forms of racialized state violence become sutured to newer forms of control and punishment. As more and more poor people of color abandoned by neoliberal restructuring are captured by an unprecedented regime of incarceration, welfare has increasingly mimicked the penal sphere. We might add the education system to the massive network of racialized state power outlined by Schram, Fording, and Soss. This almost unimaginable regime of racialized management and control produces a system where, as Joy James writes, “Whites are to be protected, and Black life is to be contained in order to protect whites and their property (both personal and public or institutional)” (169). These critiques of the state are powerfully extended by the work of Andrea Smith and João H. Costa Vargas in the book’s final section. Smith continues the collection’s critique of the law by observing that “genocide has never been against the law in the United States” because “Native Genocide has been expressly sanctioned as the law” (231). Like Rodríguez, Smith argues for a politics of abolition and undoing rather than reform and inclusion. In her analysis of hate crimes legislation, Smith argues that instead of making racialized and gendered violence illegal (given that racialized and gendered violence is already executed through the law in the prison, reservation, and the ghetto), we must make our organizing, theorizing, and teaching against the law. If the state is foundational to racialized, gendered, and heterosexist violence, then the state should not be the mediator of pain and grievance because “the state is now going to be the solution to the problem it created in the first place” (232). The work of João H. Costa Vargas complements this analysis by making clear the ways the law produces anti-black genocide. For Vargas, the black diaspora is a “geography of death” where the premature and preventable deaths of black people are authorized by a “cognitive matrix” that systematically renders black life devalued. Vargas would surely understand the preventable deaths produced by the medical industry as a form of genocide, namely because intent is not central to his theorization of the concept. Instead, creating or tolerating conditions that produce mass-based uneven vulnerability to premature death is genocidal, making white supremacy itself a genocidal project. Accordingly, genocide is at the core of our ethical standards, is foundational to modern politics, and is central to our cognitive apparatuses (269). To challenge genocide we must undo the epistemologies that support systems of value and disposability and make possible the slow deaths that are the “condition of possibility for our present subjectivities and modern politics” (269).

Alt

The alternative is to reject the aff and demand the end of the world. Only a constant refusal of the political coherence of civil society can articulate a response to antiblackness. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction and blackness can only be the total disconfiguration of civil society-not an alternative politics but the end of politics.
Wilderson 2007 Frank B., “The Prison Slave as Hegemony’s Silent Scandal” in Warfare in the American Homeland ed. Joy James, p. 31-2
Slavery is the great leveler of the black subjects positionality. The black American subject
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not by an unabashed revolutionary polemic, then certainly by a revolutionary zeitgeist.

Tournament: Loyola | Round: 6 | Opponent: Jack Stern | Judge: Matt Conrad
1nc

Water DA

Global water shortage is higher than ever, new studies take everyone into account and show us that this is a global issue we never realized.
Bellware 2k16 Kim Bellware, 2-15-2016, "Global Water Shortage Risk Is Worse Than Scientists Thought," Huffington Post, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/water-scarcity-study_us_56c1ebc5e4b0b40245c72f5e
The growing risk of worldwide water shortages is worse than scientists previously thought, according
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part of their food from the affected areas, it involves us all.”

Offshore SMRs allowed now and desalinate key to solving water crises worldwide.
WNA 2k16 New Technologies for Seawater Desalination Using Nuclear Energy, TecDoc 1753, International Atomic Energy Agency (January 2015) updated in 2k16 by World Nuclear Association
Small and medium sized nuclear reactors are suitable for desalination, often with cogeneration of
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20 countries, is expected to enable further cost reductions of nuclear desalination.

Lack of water causes structural violence and death; root cause for disease and conflict
Rasmussen 09 (Britt Debes Rasmussen-Aalborg University: Development and International Relations, “The Impacts of Water Scarcity on the Prospects for Poverty Alleviation, and the Role of Development Aid in this,” 31 June 2009, http://projekter.aau.dk/projekter/files/17815112/water_scarcity__poverty__and_development_aid.docx, XM)
Water scarcity affects people all over the planet but it is particularly disastrous to the
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, and perhaps most importantly hindering the production of food and thereby development. 

Thus the CP:

Countries ought to prohibit the production of nuclear power except for offshore small modular reactors.

Offshore SMR’s are the only viable source of desalination
Science Daily 7 – Science News Source(“Could Nuclear Power Be The Answer To Fresh Water?”, Nov 20, 2007, http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2007/11/071120082429.htm, Daehyun)
Scientists are working on new solutions to the ancient problem of maintaining a fresh water
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-scale seawater desalination for economic production of fresh water," he says.

Solves the aff - Contextualize

The counterplan is feasible and safe – only offshore avoids nuclear meltdowns
Chandler 14 – Mit News Office(David, “Floating nuclear plants could ride out tsunamis”, Apr 6, 2014, http://newsoffice.mit.edu/2014/floating-nuclear-plants-could-ride-out-tsunamis-0416, Daehyun)
When an earthquake and tsunami struck the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear plant complex in 2011,
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Alan Crowle of Chicago Bridge and Iron, based in Canton, Mass.

Climate Change DA

Banning nuclear destroys our ability to stop climate change; we claim a switch to renewable but end up using fossil fuels because they are the most accessible. Every instance worldwide has proved. Nordhaus 2k16
Ted Nordhaus, 7-15-2016, "Without nuke power, climate change threat grows: Column," USA TODAY, http://www.usatoday.com/story/opinion/2016/07/15/nuclear-diablo-canyon-plant-closing-energy-power-california-environmentalists-column/87090886/ Ted Nordhaus is the executive director of the Breakthrough Institute. Ray Rothrock, CEO of Red Seal  and a former president of the National Venture Capital Association, has been an investor in a number of next generation nuclear technologies.
The announcement last month that California’s largest utility, Pacific Gas and Electric company,
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. Without nuclear energy there is little prospect of meaningfully addressing climate change.

SMR’s are key to solve climate change Lovering et al 2012
Michael, – et al and Ted Nordhaus—co-founders of American Environics and the Breakthrough Institute a think tank that works on energy and climate change – AND – Jesse Jenkins-Director of Energy and Climate Policy, the Breakthrough Institute, Why We Need Radical Innovation to Make New Nuclear Energy Cheap, 9/11, thebreakthrough.org/index.php/programs/energy-and-climate/new-nukes/
Arguably, the biggest impact of Fukushima on the nuclear debate, ironically, has
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than developing the nuclear technologies we will need to get that job done.

Global warming definitively causes extinction
Sharp and Kennedy 14 – (Associate Professor Robert (Bob) A. Sharp is the UAE National Defense College Associate Dean for Academic Programs and College Quality Assurance Advisor. He previously served as Assistant Professor of Strategic Security Studies at the College of International Security Affairs (CISA) in the U.S. National Defense University (NDU), Washington D.C. and then as Associate Professor at the Near East South Asia (NESA) Center for Strategic Studies, collocated with NDU. Most recently at NESA, he focused on security sector reform in Yemen and Lebanon, and also supported regional security engagement events into Afghanistan, Turkey, Egypt, Palestine and Qatar; Edward Kennedy is a renewable energy and climate change specialist who has worked for the World Bank and the Spanish Electric Utility ENDESA on carbon policy and markets; 8/22/14, “Climate Change and Implications for National Security,” International Policy Digest, http://intpolicydigest.org/2014/08/22/climate-change-implications-national-security/)
Our planet is 4.5 billion years old. If that whole time was
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investment patterns, and political decisions; it will be hard to fix! 

Renewables and nuclear aren’t zero-sum
Vine 14 – Senior Energy Fellow at the Center for Climate and Energy Solutions(Doug, “CLIMATE SOLUTIONS: THE ROLE OF NUCLEAR POWER”, Apr 28, 2014, http://www.c2es.org/publications/climate-solutions-role-nuclear-power, Daehyun)
In summary, policies like the PTC and state renewable portfolio standards have been critical
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it may become necessary to reconsider the way in which wholesale markets function.

Tournament: Loyola | Round: 1 | Opponent: Polytechnic EM | Judge: Panchal, Olivia
This debate is an opportunity to deploy Red Pedagogy, a praxis which forefronts Native intellectualism and allows us to jump-start resistance to colonization. The role of the ballot is to vote for the team which best activates indigenous political agency.
Grande 8 Sandy, Associate Professor of Education at Connecticut College, “Red Pedagogy: The Un-Methodology,” Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies, eds. Norman K. Denzin, Yvonna S. Lincoln, and Linda Tuhiwai Smith, p 249-250
From the standpoint of Red pedagogy, the primary lesson in all of this is
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soul of America, so too does the more hopeful spirit of indigeneity.

Links

Disappearance Link. long analytic
Henderson 15 Phil. Department of Political Philosophy at the University of Victoria. “Imagoed communities: the psychosocial space of settler colonialism,” published in SETTLER COLONIAL STUDIES. Pg 2-3. Accessible here at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2015.1092194, Reichle
While colonialism is present as an historic fact within public consciousness, settler colonialism remains
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‘everywhere that there are settler collectives, and it occurs constantly’. 13
2. Land Link. long analytic
Churchill 2003 Ward. Churchill is a prolific writer and lecturer of over twenty books, a member of the leadership council of Colorado Acts of Rebellion: The Ward Churchill Reader. Pg 243

Maybe I can explain what I’m getting at here by way of indulging in a sort of grand fantasy. Close your eyes for a moment and dream along with me that the current progressive agenda has been realized. Never mind how, let’s just dream that it’s been fulfilled. Things like racism, sexism, ageism, militarism, classism, and the sorts of corporatism with which we are now afflicted have been abolished. The police have been leashed and the prison-industrial complex dismantled. Income disparities have been eliminated across the board, decent housing and healthcare are available to all, an amply endowed educational system is actually devoted to teaching rather than indoctrinating our children. The whole nine yards. Sound good? You bet. Nonetheless, there’s still a very basic—and I daresay uncomfortable—question which must be posed: In this seemingly rosy scenario, what, exactly, happens to the rights of native peoples? Face it, to envision the progressive transformation of “American society” is to presuppose that “America”—that is, the United States—will continue to exist. And, self-evidently, the existence of the United States is, as it has always been and must always be, predicated first and foremost on denial of the right of self-determining existence to every indigenous nation within its purported borders. Absent this denial, the very society progressives seek to transform would never have had a landbase upon which to constitute itself in any form at all. So, it would have had no resources with which to actualize a mode of production, and there would be no basis for arranging or rearranging the relations of production. All the dominoes fall from there, don’t they? In effect, the progressive agenda is no less contingent upon the continuing internal colonial domination of indigenous nations than that advanced by Bill Clinton.10 Perhaps we can agree to a truism on this score: Insofar as progressivism shares with the status quo a need to maintain the structure of colonial dominance over native peoples, it is at base no more than a variation on a common theme, intrinsically a part of the very order it claims to oppose. As Vine Deloria once observed in a related connection, “these guys just keep right on circling the same old rock while calling it by different names.

3. Environmentalism Link. long analytic
Yamamoto and Lyman 2k1 (Eric K. Yamamoto, Hawaii Law School Law Professor, and Jen-L W. Lyman, UC Berkeley visiting law Professor, University of Colorado Law Review, Spring 2001, “Racializing Environmental Justice,” 72 U. Colo. L. Rev. 311, pg. 311-313, LexisNexis)
For example, as Native communities endeavor to ameliorate conditions of poverty and social dislocation
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about environmentalists who sometimes treat them as mascots for the environmental cause. n52

Impact

There is no neutral act on stolen land—this place is not an empty space devoid of history, but one informed by genocide—placelessness ensures continual atrocities- this infinite invisible violence always outweighs
Greenwood 9 David A., Washington State University, “Place, Survivance, and White Remembrance: A Decolonizing Challenge to Rural Education in Mobile Modernity,” Journal of Research in Rural Educatio 24.10 (2009): n/p, http://www.jrre.psu.edu/articles/24-10.pdf  myost
The term survivance is used in Native American Studies to describe the self-representation
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land and people, near and far, now and in the future.

Assaults on indigenous populations set the foundation for intervention and structural violence
Street 4 Paul, writes on imperialism, racism, and thought control for ZNet, “Those Who Deny the Crimes of the Past,” 11 March 2004, http://www.zcommunications.org/those-who-deny-the-crimes-of-the-past-by-paul-street
It is especially important to appreciate the significance of the vicious, often explicitly genocidal
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roamed by an immeasurably more civilized people than those who came to destroy.

Alt

The alternative is to reject the 1AC and affirm a decolonial social education which situates land return as our first political priority. This debate is a question of pedagogy and imagining a world without the United States through advocating indigenous land return is a first priority. Colonization is the root cause of oppression, suffering, and exploitation. Only a return to an indigenous politics through the return of indigenous ancestral lands can remedy the ills of colonialism.
Malott 8 Curry, faculty member in Professional and Secondary Education at West Chester University, A Call to Action: An Introduction to Education, Philosophy, and Native North America, p. 88-91
While the similarities between a Marxist and an Indigenous dialectical (relational) study of
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-Columbian North America and the historical development of the two in context.

Land is the only meaningful starting point – anything else is a palliative that was never seriously intended to change ANYTHING for colonized peoples – the violence of invasion is reasserted each day of occupation
Tuck and Gaztambide-Fernandez ’13 (EVE TUCK and RUBÉN A. GAZTAMBIDE-FERNÁNDEZ, “Curriculum, Replacement, and Settler Futurity,” Journal of Curriculum Theorizing, Vol. 29, No. 1, 2013, p. 72-89) m leap
Settler colonialism is the specific formation of colonialism in which the colonizer comes to stay
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who also become property, to be used, abused, and managed.