Tournament: Any | Round: 1 | Opponent: Any | Judge: Any
Please message me on Facebook or email me at: skaravadi.2001@gmail.com
I will disclose past neg strats on the topic.

Also, anything on my teammates' wikis is fair game.

Tournament: USC | Round: 4 | Opponent: CL Education WJ | Judge: Zane Dille

~Curry 13~ Abstract ethics fail. Prescriptive "ought" statements imply a moral obligation that the black thinker does not have access to because the world is framed by white supremacy. Curry 13 

Ought implies a projected (futural) act. The word commands a deliberate action to reasonably expect the world to be able to sustain or support. For the Black thinker, the Black citizen-subject-slave-(in) human, ought is not rational but repressive. For the oppressed racialized thinker, the ethical provocation is an immediate confrontation with the impossibility of actually acting towards values like freedom, liberty, humanity, and life, since none of these values can be achieved concretely for the Black in a world controlled by and framed by the white. The options for ethical actions are not ethical in and of themselves, but merely the options the immorality of the racist world will allow, thus the oppressed is forced to idealize their ethical positions, eliminating the truth of their reality, and the peeling away the tyranny of white bodies, so that as the oppressed, the can ideally imagine an ―if condition,‖ whereby they are allowed to ethical engage racism from the perspective of: ―if whites were moral and respected the humanity of Blacks, then we can ethically engage in these behaviors. Unfortunately, this ought constraint only forces Blacks to consciously recognize the futility of ethical engagement, since it is in this ought deliberation that they recognize that their cognition of all values are dependent not on their moral aspirations for the world, but the determined by the will of white supremacy to maintain virtue throughout all ethical calculations. In short, Black ethical deliberation is censored so that it can only engage moral questions by asserting that whites are virtuous and hence capable of being ethically persuaded towards right action, hence all ethical question about racism, white supremacy and anti-Blackness is not about how Blacks think about the world, but what possibility the world allows Blacks to contemplate under the idea of ethics. 

~Yancy 08~ Their notions of ethics can’t articulate black life and allows whiteness to theorize about it. Yancy 08 

I write out of a personal existential context. This context is a profound source of knowledge connected to my "raced" body. Hence, I write froma place of lived embodied experience a site of exposure. In philosophy, the only thing that we are taught to expose is a weak argument, a fallacy, or someone’s "inferior" reasoning power. The embodied self is bracketed and deemed irrelevant to theory, superfluous and cumbersome in one's search for truth. It is best, or so we are told, to reason from nowhere. Hence, the white philosopher/author presumes to speak for all of "us" without the slightest mention of his or her "raced" identity. Self-consciously writing as a white male philosopher, Crispin Sartwell observes:  Left to my own devices, I disappear as an author. That is the "whiteness" of my authorship. This whiteness of authorship is, for us, a form of authority; to speak (apparently) from nowhere, for everyone, is empowering, though one wields power here only by becoming lost to oneself. But such an authorship and authority is also pleasurable: it yields the pleasure of self-forgetting or apparent transcendence of the mundane and the particular, and the pleasure of power expressed in the "comprehension" of a range of materials.(1998, 6)  To theorize the Black body one must "turn to the ~Black~ body as the radix for interpreting racial experience" (Johnson ~1993, 600~). It is important to note that this particular strategy also functions as a lens through which to theorize and critique whiteness; for the Black body's "racial" experience is fundamentally linked to the oppressive modalities of the "raced" white body. However, there is no denying that my own "racial" experiences or the social performances of whiteness can become objects of critical reflection. In this paper, my objective is to describe and theorize situations where the Black body's subjectivity, its lived reality, is reduced to instantiations of the white imaginary, resulting in what I refer to as "the phenomenological return of the Black body." These instantiations are embedded within and evolve out of the complex social and historical interstices of whites' efforts at self-construction through complex acts of erasure vis-à-vis Black people. These acts of self-construction, however, are myths/ideological constructions predicated upon maintaining white power. As James Snead has noted, "Mythification is the replacement of history with a surrogate ideology of ~white~ elevation or ~Black~ demotion along a scale of human value"(Snead 1994,

~Curry 2~ And, pretending that anti-black agents are capable of moral action is abstraction that makes ethics impossible. Traditional ethics is an anti black system that only serves to re-entrench white supremacy. Curry 2 

Traditionally we have taken ethics to be, as Henry Sedgwick claims, "any rational procedure by which we determine what individual human beings 'ought'—or what is right for them—or to seek to realize by voluntary action" (1981:1). This rational procedure is however at odds with the empirical reality the ethical deliberation must concern itself with. To argue, as is often done, that the government, its citizens, or white people should act justly, assumes that the possibility of how they could act defines their moral disposition. If a white person could possibly not be racist, it does not mean that the possibility of not being racist, can be taken to mean that they are not racist. In ethical deliberations dealing with the problem of racism, it is common practice to attribute to historically racist institutions, and individuals universal moral qualities that have yet to be demonstrated. This abstraction from reality is what frames our ethical norms and allows us to maintain, despite history or evidence, that racist entities will act justly given the choice. Under such complexities, the only ethical deliberation concerning racism must be anti-ethical, or a judgment refusing to write morality onto immoral entities. In the post-structuralist era, post-colonial thinking about racism specifically, and difference/otherness generally, has given a peculiar ameliorative function to discourse and the performance of "other-ed" identities. In this era, the dominant illusion is that discourse itself , an act that requires as its basis the recognition of the "other" as "similar," is socially transformative—not only with regard to how the white subject assimilates the similitude of the "other-ed," but as an actual  activity gauged by the recognition by one white person or by a group of white people in any given scenario, is uncritically accepted and encouraged  as anti-racist politics.. In actuality such discourse appeals, which necessitate—become dependent on—(white) recognition, function very much like the racial stereotype, in that the concept of the Black body being the expression and source of experience and phenomena (existential-phenomenological-theorization)  is incarcerated by the conceptualization created by the discursive catalyst yearning to be perceived by the white thing seeing the Black. Such appeals lend potentiality-hope-faith to the already present/demonstrated ignorance-racism-interest of the white individual, who in large part expresses the historical tone/epistemology of their racial group’s interest.  When morality is defined, not by the empirical acts that demonstrate immorality, but the racial character of those in question, our ethics become nothing more than the apologetics of our tyrannical epoch.

~Curry 3~ The alternative is to embrace antiethics – refuse to assign moral qualities to immoral entities and never assume white morality will save black lives. Curry 3 

Anti-ethics; the call to demystify the present concept of man as illusion, as delusion, and as stratagem, is the axiomatic rupture of white existence and the multiple global oppressions like capitalism, militarism, genocide, and globalization, that formed the evaluative nexus which allows whites to claim they are the civilized guardians of the world’s darker races. It is the rejection of white virtue, the white’s axiomatic claim to humanity that allows the Black, the darker world to sow the seeds of consciousness towards liberation from oppression. When white (in)humanity is no longer an obstacle weighed against the means for liberation from racism, the oppressed are free to overthrow the principles that suggest their paths to liberation are immoral and hence not possible. To accept the oppressor as is, the white made manifest in empire, is to transform white western (hu)man from semi-deitous sovereign citizen to contingent, mortal, and un-otherable. Exposing the inhumanity of white humanity is the destruction/refusal of the disciplinary imperative for liberal reformism and dialogue as well as a rejection of the social conventions that dictate speaking as if this white person, the white person and her white people before you are in fact not racist white people, but tolerable—not like the racist white people abstracted from reality, but really spoken of in conversations about racism. The revelatory call, the coercively silenced but intuitive yearning to describe the actual reality set before Black people in an anti-Black society, is to simply say there is no negotiating the boundaries of anti-Blackness or the horizons of white supremacy. Racism, the debasement of melaninated bodies and nigger-souls, is totalizing.

Tournament: Stanford | Round: 6 | Opponent: BASIS KB | Judge: Jeff Merrill

Brown Killjoy K

1NC

~Shah 16~ Brownfacing in Hollywood bastardizes the culture of brown people while simultaneously perpetuating racial tropes and cultural fetishization. Shah 16

~Shah, Ekta. "Remnants of Caste in Casting: Cast Aside Untouchables in India and Hollywood." Selected Works. Northwestern University, 17 June 2016. Web. 9 Jan. 2017. (https://works.bepress.com/ekta-shah/1/)~~
In a Hollywood phenomenon known as "brownfacing," non-Indian actors are cast
AND
whether it be within caste or casting realms (Anand 128, 137).

~Bitter and Curt~ Cultural fetishization is a form of systemic oppression that steals and bastardizes entire cultures in order for supposedly exotic appearances. Bitter and Curt 13

~Bitterandcurt. "Cultural Fetishization as a Form of Cultural Appropriation." Bitter and Curt. Tumblr, 01 Oct. 2013. Web. 09 Jan. 2017.~
A large part of systemic oppression that minorities face boils down to being treated and
AND
phrase from the Bible poorly translated and tattooed in Mandarin across his chest.

~Kumashiro 10~ AND, The university is a microcosm for society writ large - Asian American adolescents are constantly pressured into assimilating whiteness despite a persistent perception as indelibly foreign. Kumashiro 10

~Kevin K. Kumashiro, 2010, "Supplementing normalcy and otherness: Queer Asian American men reflect on stereotypes, identity, and oppression" from International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, No URL, Dean of the School of Education at the University of San Francisco, 497-498.~
While growing up, Michael felt Othered because of his race. His unassimilable Asian
AND
model" minority) (Haney Lopez, 1996 ; Lowe, 1996).

~ROTB~ THUS, the role of the ballot is to endorse the best performative or methodological liberatory strategy for brown (or oppressed) voices.

~McGregory 14~ Therefore, the alt is the enactment of the brown killjoy (modeled after Sara Ahmed’s "feminist killjoy"), creating a starting point for inclusion that allows brown and all marginalized groups to join the conversation through an organic limiting of speech. Vote negative to embrace the brown killjoy – a refusal to play according to white logic. Killing joy operates as both an internal personal catharsis and an external deployable strategy – deconstructing cultural institutions while carving spaces of possibility, which resist forces of oppression. McGregory 14

~McGregory, Aileen. "Queer Killjoys: Individuality, Niceness, and the Failure of Current Ally Culture." CiteSeerX. Pennsylvania State University, Apr. 2014. Web. 21 Dec. 2016.~
Sara Ahmed writes about the "feminist killjoy," who refuses to orient herself towards
AND
tolerance that depoliticizes LGBT ~queer~-ally relationships and rejects critical engagement.

~Osajima 07~ AND, the performance of the k also serves as a form of conscientization, which is a method for me to name my world and understand the ways I relate to it in educational spaces such as debate: this is a starting point for real world change. Osajima 07

~Keith Osajima, 2007, REPLENISHING THE RANKS:  Raising Critical Consciousness Among Asian Americans; JOURNAL OF ASIAN AMERICAN STUDIES (JAAS), February, Volume 10, No. 1; p. 64~, sourced from Scribd, https://www.scribd.com/document/254510841/Asian-Conscientization, Professor and Director of the Race and Ethnic Studies Program at the University of Redlands, 67.~
Conscientization for these respondents meant being able to "name their world." That is
AND
individual lives. Their descriptions of this process were quite consistent and similar.

~Kang 16~ THUS, acts of protest like the k are essential to allowing Asian-Americans to conscientize themselves by developing a properly founded grammar to challenge oppression and to investigate their relationships with racial hierarchies – this is the way we build coalitions. Means the k precludes the aff because only the k establishes "speech" to discuss the struggles of Asian-Americans. Kang 16

~Jay Caspian Kang, 2016, "How Should Asian-Americans Feel About the Peter Liang Protests?" New York Times, http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/23/magazine/how-should-asian-americans-feel-about-the-peter-liang-protests.html?'r=1, Jay Caspian Kang is an American writer and editor, most known for his sports articles for Grantland, for which he worked as an Editor until December 2013. He currently serves as the science and technology editor for The New Yorker's Elements blog, No page.~

Each of these thoughts represents an uneasy, probing investigation into the complicated, often-complicit relationship between Asian-Americans and the nation’s racial hierarchies. I do not claim to know the right answer to any of these questions. I do not know how to explain why I knew Liang would be found guilty well before the verdict was announced. I cannot adequately describe the conflict in feeling like a race traitor for applauding Liang’s conviction while also feeling like a race traitor for questioning it. I know the lifeblood of my conditional whiteness as an educated, upwardly mobile Asian-American lies somewhere in those conflicts. And because it’s historically been in the best interests of people like me to never discuss these things, even in private, I lack the vocabulary to discuss it. 

~Kulynych~ AND, even if policymaking is good - protest performances like the k define the political because they can reveal what has been taken for granted in the political sphere and allow us to reorient ourselves towards proper political solutions, so protest is a prior question. Kulynych

~Jessica Kulynych, 1997, "Performing Politics: Foucault, Habermas, and Postmodern Participation", Polity, Vol. 30, No. 2 (Winter, 1997), pp. 315-346, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3235221, Kulynych is a professor at Winthrop University, 333-334.~

William Chaloupka provides a second understanding of performativity that helps explain Foucault's "cryptonormativism." Chaloupka plays upon the dual meaning of demonstration to highlight the performative aspects of protest. In the typical usage, to demonstrate means "to point out, to make known, to describe and explain." In this sense, protesters utilize their actions as a vehicle for their interests. They make their point, which already exists, through the use of the demonstration as tactic. But demonstration has also an alternative meaning, a meaning derived from the French demontrer (to demonstrate), and montrer (to show).65 Thus, as Chaloupka sees it, a demonstration is also "a show." The demonstration in this sense is not an explanation but an exposure, a defiance embodied in action that flies in the face of acceptability. Accordingly, the protestor's usage moves toward the contingent realm of strategies and emotions. Here demonstration does not establish objectivity and logic, so much as it shows up the objective order, assertively getting in the way.66 Thus the performative aspect of demonstration cannot be adequately captured with the lens of truth and justice. The protestor is not trying to make a point, to prove that the system is unjust. Rather, the protestor exposes the contingency of justice itself. Foucault comes close to saying what Chaloupka argues here when he states, a critique is not a matter of saying that things are not right as they are. It is a matter of pointing out on what kinds of assumptions, what kinds of familiar, unchallenged, unconsidered modes of thought the practices we accept rest. . .. Criticism is a matter of flushing out that thought and trying to change it: to show that things are not as self-evident as one believes, to see that what is accepted as self-evident will no longer be accepted as such. If we interpret the "to show" here not as pointing out what is wrong with disciplinary society (which would leave Foucault subject to Fraser's nor- mative criticism), but rather as "showing," or "showing up," then we no longer need the introduction of normative notions, we are merely doing disciplinary society one better. Making a point is a function of discourse, the ability to align and arrange arguments that support a position. Yet, the performative protestor does not argue against the state, he mocks it. The protestor works at the margins of discourse, utilizing puns and jokes and caricature to "expose" the limits of what is being said. Thus, performative resistance, when considered as critique, does not need to tell us what is wrong, rather it reveals the existence of subjection where we had not previously seen it. I am not suggesting that we can get a normative anchor out of the notion of performativity. To the contrary, I am suggesting performative resistance makes no such normative distinctions, or rather, that performativity is not about normative distinctions. We bring normativity to our performances as ethical principles that are themselves subject to resistance. By unearthing the contingency of the "self-evident," performative resistance enables politics. Thus, the question is not should we resist (since resistance is always, already present), but rather what and how we should resist.

Tournament: Golden Desert | Round: 1 | Opponent: Brentwood LR | Judge: Nigel Ward

Queer Rage K

1NC

~Schamel 15~ The promulgation of free speech as a right and an avenue for justice is inaccessible to queer people. Free speech is a façade of equality, co-opted by heteronormativity to foster debate not for us but about us. Schamel 15

~Craig. "The Liberal As An Enemy Of Queer Justice." Catalyst: A Social Justice Forum. Vol. 6. No. 1. 2015.~
The liberal discourse of hate and hate speech is really a misbegotten and weak apologetics
AND
this right to abuse, the most protected right of the liberal state.

~Analytic~

~Schamel 2~ AND, The idea of liberatory speech is a distractionary tactic that forces queer people to buy back into the system, because if we try hard enough, and fight for long enough, we can totally win back their hearts and minds! Schamel 2

A fourth enemy position which corrupts any progress toward queer justice is the liberal discourse
AND
heterosexuals hate is beside the point. Whom they abuse is the point.

~Analytic~

~Elia 1~ Violence against queerness results in the annihilation of identity—this is a form of soul murder. Elia 03

(John Elia, Professor at San Francisco University, Journal of Homosexuality, Vol. 45, no. 2/3/4, p. 64, 2003)
These are the internal injuries that individuals inflict upon themselves. Very early in life
AND
and others, of the heteronormative mandate a widespread form of soul murder?

~Elia 2~ Thus, the primary role of the ballot and the role of the judge as an educator is to endorse the best performative OR methodological liberatory strategy for queer bodies. Elia 2

Wedded to disseminating the idea that heterosexuality is the ultimate and best form of sexuality,
AND
a more in-depth description and analysis of this form of sexuality education will follow later in this essay.

~Alt – Copenhaver 14~ My alternative is Queer Rage – The K is an embodiment and exemplification of queer rage, my rage that is critical to challenge all forms of oppression. My experiences as a cis, able bodied Indian queer person of color differs from other bodies, but rage translates into accessibility - we engage in a new world where everyone can use anger that tears at the walls of normalcy. Queer rage creates organic restrictions on speech by raging against the Aff’s ontological investment in it. Queer rage is beautiful and energizing. It demands change. Copenhaver 14

~Robert Copenhaver identified as a Queer person of faith, graduate of Idaho State University, whose interests include queer theory, politics, and theology. He will be starting a masters in theological studies at The Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago next fall; "Queer Rage"; published 2/19/14; http://coperoge.wordpress.com/2014/02/19/queer-rage/~~
I hate straight people who can’t listen to queer anger without saying "hey,
AND
in which anti-queerness continue to perpetuate violence against queer bodies everywhere.

~Analytic~

~Analytic~

~Vaccaro 12~ Classrooms, such as the debate space, create a unique pedagogical experience where ideologies of queer identities can change. Vaccaro et. al. 12

~(Annemarie (Department of Human Development and Family Studies at the University of Rhode Island), Gerri August (Department of Educational Studies at Rhode Island College), and Megan S. Kennedy (faculty member in the Department of Education at Westfield State University,). Inside the Classroom Walls, Chapter 5, pg 83-84) SK~
Classroom walls create an impression of dichotomy—the academic arena within, the personal
AND
progresses as young people move through our educational system—kindergarten through college.

Tournament: JanFeb | Round: 3 | Opponent: Any | Judge: Any

Revenge Porn DA

1NC

~Franks 16~ BIPARTISAN revenge porn legislation on college campuses is coming now. Franks 16

~Franks, Mary Anne. "It's Time For Congress To Protect Intimate Privacy." The Huffington Post. The Huffington Post, 18 July 2016. Web. 27 Jan. 2017.~
The recognition that the right to privacy extends to intimate photographs and videos is one
AND
and videos of nudity or sexual activity. IPPA seeks to change that. 

~Goldberg 16~ Aff means public colleges and universities shouldn’t restrict revenge porn. Goldberg 16

~Erica Goldberg JD, Cardozo, Columbia Law Review Volume 116, No. 3 April 2016 "FREE SPEECH CONSEQUENTIALISM"~
The regulation of revenge porn presents thorny First Amendment issues, even though the speech is considered both highly injurious and of low value. Some argue that revenge porn can be regulated as obscenity, but, like much pornography, sexually explicit speech that does not rise to the level of obscenity is still protected speech. Criminal statutes and torts based on the invasion of privacy and emotional distress caused by revenge porn compromise the freedom to distribute protected speech lawfully obtained. Indeed, the Supreme Court has recognized a right for the media to publish even unlawfully obtained content, so long as the publisher was not involved in the illegal conduct that produced the content. And in United States v. Stevens, the Supreme Court held that individuals cannot be held criminally liable for distributing speech depicting illegal acts, so long as the individuals did not perpetrate the underlying act. Revenge porn, as defined here, is both legally obtained and depicts a legal act. In the ultimate articulation of free speech consequentialism, Mary Anne Franks argues for criminalization of revenge porn because "some expressions ~of free speech~ are just considered so socially harmful and don’t contribute any benefits to society." Yet this does not separate revenge porn from any number of categories of protected speech that may cause others emotional distress and are considered by some to possess little value; this is nothing more than a call for judges to make whole­sale and retail judgments about the value and harms that flow from particular forms of speech. If revenge porn can be regulated, legislators should not target the victim’s emotional distress or the invasion of privacy, as these focal points threaten to undermine strong free speech protections exceptional to America’s free speech regime.

~Citron 14~ And–the impacts of revenge porn are horrific. Citron 14
~Morton and Sophia Macht Professor of Law at the University of Maryland Francis School of Law, Danielle Keats Citron Mary Anne Franks 2014 "CRIMINALIZING REVENGE PORN" Wake Forest Law Review~

Victims’ fear can be profound. They do not feel safe leaving their homes Jane, for example, did not go to work for days after she discovered the postings. Hollie Toups, a thirty-three-year-old teacher’s aide, explained that she was afraid to leave her home after someone posted her nude photograph, home address, and Facebook profile on a porn site. "I don’t want to go out alone," she explained, "because I don’t know what might happen." Victims struggle especially with anxiety, and some suffer panic attacks. Anorexia nervosa and depression are common ailments for individuals who are harassed online. Researchers have found that cyber harassment victims’ anxiety grows more severe over time. Victims have difficulty thinking positive thoughts and doing their work. According to a study conducted by the Cyber Civil Rights Initiative, over 80 of revenge porn victims experience severe emotional distress and anxiety. Revenge porn is often a form of domestic violence. Frequently, the intimate images are themselves the result of an abuser’s coercion of a reluctant partner. In numerous cases, abusers have threatened to disclose intimate images of their partners when victims attempt to leave the relationship. Abusers use the threat of disclosure to keep their partners under their control, making good on the threat once their partners find the courage to leave. The professional costs of revenge porn are steep. Because Internet searches of victims’ names prominently display their naked images or videos, many lose their jobs. Schools have terminated teachers whose naked pictures appeared online. A government agency ended a woman’s employment after a coworker circulated her nude photograph to colleagues. Victims may be unable to find work at all. Most employers rely on candidates’ online reputations as an employment screen. According to a 2009 study commissioned by Microsoft, nearly 80 of employers consult search engines to collect intelligence on job applicants, and, about 70 of the time, they reject applicants due to their findings. Common reasons for not interviewing and hiring applicants include concerns about their "lifestyle," "inappropriate" online comments, and "unsuitable" photographs, videos, and information about them. Recruiters do not contact victims to see if they posted the nude photos of themselves or if someone else did in violation of their trust. The "simple but regrettable truth is that after consulting search results, employers don’t call revenge porn victims to schedule" interviews or to extend offers. Employers do not want to hire individuals whose search results might reflect poorly on the employer. To avoid further abuse, targeted individuals withdraw from online activities, which can be costly in many respects. Closing down one’s blog can mean a loss of income and other career opportunities. In some fields, blogging is key to getting a job. According to technology blogger Robert Scoble, people who do not blog are "never going to be included in the ~technology~ industry." When victims shut down their profiles on social media platforms like Facebook, LinkedIn, and Twitter, they are saddled with low social media influence scores that can impair their ability to obtain employment. Companies like Klout measure people’s online influence by looking at their number of social media followers, updates, likes, retweets, and shares. Not uncommonly, employers refuse to hire individuals with low social media influence scores. Aside from these traditional harms, revenge porn can also amount to a degrading form of sexual harassment. It exposes victims’ sexuality in humiliating ways. Victims’ naked photos appear on slut-shaming sites, such as Cheaterville.com and MyEx.com. Once their naked images are exposed, anonymous strangers can send e-mail messages that threaten rape. Some have said: "First I will rape you, then I’ll kill you." Victims internalize these frightening and demeaning messages. Women would more likely suffer harm as a result of the posting of their naked images than their male counterparts. Gender stereotypes help explain why—women would be seen as immoral sluts for engaging in sexual activity, whereas men’s sexual activity is generally a point of pride.

Tournament: USC | Round: 4 | Opponent: CL Education WJ | Judge: Zane Dille

~Alcoff 92~ The Aff’s act of speaking on behalf of the oppressed only relegates them to further oppression. Instead, we should allow the oppressed to speak for themselves. Focusing on the voices of the oppressed is necessary to account for their unique social location. Alcoff 92 

The recognition that there is a problem in speaking for others has followed from the widespread acceptance of two claims. First, there has been a growing awareness that where one speaks from affects both the meaning and truth of what one says, and thus that one cannot assume an ability to transcend her location. In other words, a speaker's location (which I take here to refer to her social location or social identity) has an epistemically significant impact on that speaker's claims, and can serve either to authorize or dis-authorize one's speech. The creation of Women's Studies and African American Studies departments were founded on this very belief: that both the study of and the advocacy for the oppressed must come to be done principally by the oppressed themselves, and that we must finally acknowledge that systematic divergences in social location between speakers and those spoken for will have a significant effect on the content of what is said. The unspoken premise here is simply that a speaker's location is epistemically salient. I shall explore this issue further in the next section. 

~Ryan 90~ The alt is to reject the Aff’s representation of                  . You cannot separate their discourse from their advocacy. Representations frame and alter the actions we take. Ryan 90 

Representations signify and produce different kinds of attitudes and actions. They have an active power: they make things happen, usually by painting the world in such a way that certain policies — from domestic slavery to Cold War militarism — will appear justified. More importantly, perhaps, the very act of painting itself enacts the policy. The mapping out of a social terrain as an exploitable field of economic possibilities already in effect transforms that terrain, denying other possibilities and producing an object that can be acted on without certain constraints which might have come into play if the social world had been conceived (pictured, mapped, represented) differently. This is particularly clear when representations, which are supposedly the effects of the things they represent, come to take the place of their cause, the things themselves. If the images are powerful and pervasive, they can act on the things they supposedly represent by transforming them to make them conform to the prevalent images of those things. Victims of violence are especially susceptible to this process. Rendered passive and subdued by violence, they are represented as somehow deserving of violence, as wanting or needing it. An effect of violence, a particular representation, thus comes to justify violence. The representations produced by acts of violence come to be justifications for further acts of violence. That violence then furthers the transformation of its victims into people whose behavior conforms with the dominant representations of them.

Tournament: JanFeb | Round: 2 | Opponent: Any | Judge: Any

Trigger Warnings DA

1NC

~Miltimore 16~ Universities are pushing back against trigger warnings now. Miltimore 16

~Jon Miltimore is the senior editor for intellectual takeout, 8-23-2016, "University to 2020 Class: Don't Expect 'Safe Spaces' or 'Trigger Warnings' Here," Intellectual Takeout, http://www.intellectualtakeout.org/blog/univ-chicago-pushes-back-trigger-warnings-safe-spaces~~
Similarly, many universities are creating "safe spaces" where students can relax free
AND
students "to retreat from ideas and perspectives at odds with their own."

~Garcia 16~ The Aff gets rid of restrictions of free speech. People can choose not to place trigger warnings on their speech. This causes psychological violence. Garcia 16

~Amy Garcia, Johns Hopkins University, 11-15-2016, "Should Campus Protests Have Trigger Warnings Too?," Study Breaks, http://studybreaks.com/2016/11/15/should-campus-protests-have-trigger-warnings-too/~~
If you have no psychological triggers, then you are correct in assuming that you probably do not need warnings. Yet one must not conflate a lack of utility for oneself with a lack of utility. Most students do not need handicap entrances, yet who would argue that they are useless? Most students do not have serious food allergies, yet who would argue that a list of ingredients is frivolous? Though psychological trauma endangers only a small percentage of students, who would argue that their well-being should be ignored? Even on college campuses, the tyranny of the majority looms. Consider the Voice for Life protest at Hopkins. According to Planned Parenthood, approximately 578,681 abortions were administered last year, and nearly half were on women younger than 24. Given the distressing nature of abortion, and the odds that one or more of those nearly 262,722 women might be on campus, might it be the university’s responsibility to warn students of the potentially harmful demonstration? No one is asking that peaceful protests be eliminated or even censored. There is, though, ample precedent for imposing restrictions on the "time, place, and manner" of protests, provided constitutional safeguards are met. It simply stands that if warnings make sense when engaging with potential triggers in the words or letters of professors and books, they also make sense when engaging with potentially triggering actions.

~Pickett 16~ Thus, the Aff harms marginalized groups by creating psychological violence for them. Pickett 16

~Raeann Pickett, Aug 31, 2016, "Trigger Warnings and Safe Spaces Are Necessary," TIME, http://time.com/4471806/trigger-warnings-safe-spaces/~~
The University of Chicago recently decided to put an end to trigger warnings—advance notice of subject material that might upset students—and safe spaces—places where students can avoid those subjects. The university’s reasoning for ending these voluntary practices was a "commitment to academic freedom." In reality, this policy puts many students in the uncomfortable position of entering spaces that may or may not be safe for them to learn, interact and share in—and puts the onus on them to leave or to endure the situation. The decision doesn’t take students wants or needs into account. As the National Coalition Against Censorship notes: "In many cases, the request for trigger warnings comes from students themselves." And safe spaces can have powerful therapeutic purposes for those who enter them. In fact, the university’s new policy does the exact opposite of what it is purported to do: instead of fostering academic freedom, it could foster mistrust and negatively affect survivors of trauma, including people of color. If students cannot trust that spaces they enter are going to keep them safe, they are less able to feel secure enough to learn. Safe spaces and trigger warnings can help support victims of assault, PTSD and violence. Organizations like Slut Walk and Take Back The Night have made great strides in ending stigma for sexual assault survivors and have called for increasing trigger warnings for sensitive content. A lack of safe spaces can also compound the mental toll of racism, even subtle racism. Past experience with bullying plays a role here: Of the 160,000 children bullied every day, 31 are multiracial, according to Clemson University’s "Status of Bullying in School" 2013 report. Racial bullying often goes unnoticed or unreported due to how teachers perceive interethnic relationships. Psychologist Morris Rosenberg found that African-Americans showed surprisingly high rates of self-esteem when they compared themselves with other African-Americans, but when they compared themselves to white peers, self-esteem levels dropped. Safe spaces can help minorities feel empowered to speak up.

Tournament: USC | Round: 4 | Opponent: CL Education WJ | Judge: Zane Dille

~Tuck and Yang 1~ Increasing knowledge in the debate space only creates a feeding ground for the academic carnivore. Tales of oppression become commodified and used to uphold the very system the 1AC criticizes. Tuck and Yang 14

~Tuck, Eve, and K. Wayne Yang. "R-Words: Refusing Research.’’" Humanizing Research (2014): 223-248.~
Though one might read these cases as instances of misconduct with which only those in
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be language, experiences, and wisdoms better left alone by social science.

~Tuck and Yang 2~ Academic consumption is colonialist subjugation using the tales of oppression as the torch to lead the way. The 1AC’s telling of their story only feeds dominate power structures and forces them back into an unending cycle of pain. Turns case. Tuck and Yang 2

Similarly, at the center of the analysis in this chapter is a concern with the fixation social science research has exhibited in eliciting pain stories from communities that are not White, not wealthy, and not straight. Academe’s demonstrated fascination with telling and retelling narratives of pain is troubling, both for its voyeurism and for its consumptive implacability. Imagining "itself to be a voice, and in some disciplinary iterations, the voice of the colonised" (Simpson, 2007, p. 67, emphasis in the original) is not just a rare historical occurrence in anthropology and related fields. We observe that much of the work of the academy is to reproduce stories of oppression in its own voice. At first, this may read as an intolerant condemnation of the academy, one that refuses to forgive past blunders and see how things have changed in recent decades. However, it is our view that while many individual scholars have chosen to pursue other lines of inquiry than the pain narratives typical of their disciplines, novice researchers emerge from doctoral programs eager to launch pain-based inquiry projects because they believe that such approaches embody what it means to do social science. The collection of pain narratives and the theories of change that champion the value of such narratives are so prevalent in the social sciences that one might surmise that they are indeed what the academy is about. In her examination of the symbolic violence of the academy, bell hooks (1990) portrays the core message from the academy to those on the margins as thus: No need to hear your voice when I can talk about you better than you can speak about yourself. No need to hear your voice. Only tell me about your pain. I want to know your story. And then I will tell it back to you in a new way. Tell it back to you in such a way that it has become mine, my own. Re-writing you I write myself anew. I am still author, authority. I am still colonizer the speaking subject and you are now at the center of my talk. (p. 343) Hooks’s words resonate with our observation of how much of social science research is concerned with providing recognition to the presumed voiceless, a recognition that is enamored with knowing through pain. Further, this passage describes the ways in which the researcher’s voice is constituted by, legitimated by, animated by the voices on the margins. The researcher-self is made anew by telling back the story of the marginalized/subaltern subject. Hooks works to untangle the almost imperceptible differences between forces that silence and forces that seemingly liberate by inviting those on the margins to speak, to tell their stories. Yet the forces that invite those on the margins to speak also say, "Do not speak in a voice of resistance. Only speak from that space in the margin that is a sign of deprivation, a wound, an unfulfilled longing. Only speak your pain" (hooks, 1990, p. 343). The costs of a politics of recognition that is rooted in naming pain have been critiqued by recent decolonizing and feminist scholars (Hartman, 1997, 2007; Tuck, 2009). In Scenes of Subjection, Sadiya Hartman (1997) discusses how recognizing the personhood of slaves enhanced the power of the Southern slaveowning class. Supplicating narratives of former slaves were deployed effectively by abolitionists, mainly White, well-to-do, Northern women, to generate portraits of abuse that ergo recognize slaves as human (Hartman, 2007). In response, new laws afforded minimal standards of existence, "making personhood coterminous with injury" (Hartman, 1997, p. 93), while simultaneously authorizing necessary violence to suppress slave agency. The slave emerges as a legal person only when seen as criminal or "a violated body in need of limited forms of protection" (p. 55). Recognition "humanizes" the slave, but is predicated upon her or his abjection. You are in pain, therefore you are. "~T~he recognition of humanity require~s~ the event of excessive violence, cruelty beyond the limits of the socially tolerable, in order to acknowledge and protect the slave’s person" (p. 55). Furthermore, Hartman describes how slave-as-victim as human accordingly establishes slave-as-agent as criminal. Applying Hartman’s analysis, we note how the agency of Margaret Garner or Nat Turner can only be viewed as outsider violence that humane society must reject while simultaneously upholding the legitimated violence of the state to punish such outsider violence. Hartman asks, "Is it possible that such recognition effectively forecloses agency as the object of punishment . . . Or is this limited conferral of humanity merely a reinscription of subjugation and pained existence?" (p. 55).

Tournament: Alta | Round: 1 | Opponent: Ashland GD | Judge: Michael Harris

Classism DA

1NC

~Lawyers~ Qualified immunity applies to civil lawsuits and the aff seeks to gain advantages by regulating civil lawsuits. Civil suits require plaintiffs to pay for lawsuits that they can’t afford. Lawyers.com.
~Lawyers.com. Legal Website "What are "Costs" in a Civil Lawsuit?" No date.~
No matter what kind of case you're involved in
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the actual costs incurred, thereby reducing the amount of its net recovery.

~Higdon 1~ And, this leads to the exploitation of the poor. Higdon 10

~Higdon, Woodrow L. Investigative Photo Journalist, Former Police Officer "Public Corruption Cover Up Through Civil Litigation." GTI News, March 2010.~
Less than ten percent (10) of American citizens can afford the high cost
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ninety percent of the cover up is complete, and all of the criminal exposure is gone.
~He continues~
Law enforcement has the capability, and the incentive,
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The public unions are insulated from criminal investigations, and civil damage.

~Higdon 2~ This means only the rich can afford the liberation the aff seeks and means the only people who benefit from the aff are the already rich. Turns the case – reject their classist policy. Higdon 2

The so-called "Civil and Criminal Justice Systems" in the United States
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one of the most effective public corruption cover up tools available to public agencies.

~Marsh~ Class domination is the dominant form of injustice – it twists all other antagonisms to its own needs. Means we control the internal link to solvency. Marsh 95

~James L., Fordham University, "Critique, Action, and Liberation", p.343-344 GAL)
Because capitalism is a system with interrelated social, economic, and political components,
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positively by common aspirations, norms, and ideals and a common enemy.

Tournament: Apple Valley | Round: 1 | Opponent: Scarsdale AC | Judge: Connor Riano

~Coker~ Limiting qualified immunity seeks to remedy the impacts of crimes and restore the state to its so-called prior utopian society. For womxn, there is no such prior utopia. Transforming the state by moving beyond police officers is key to achieving actual justice for the battered womxn. Coker 02.

~Coker, Donna, Transformative Justice: Anti-Subordination Processes in Cases of ~IPV~ domestic violence (2002). in Restorative Justice and Family Violence (Heather Strang and John Braithwaite Eds. 2002) Cambridge University Press. Pg.128–152~
As some restorative justice writers have noted, the criminal justice system may not be
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have the option to choose processes that operate with a transformative justice ideal.

~Ayylidiz 1~ Society’s inactivity forces womxn to embrace vigilantism to repair the moral order and bring justice to the abuser. Ayylidiz 95

~Ayylidiz, Elisabeth. "WHEN BATTERED WOMXN'S SYNDROME DOES NOT GO FAR ENOUGH: THE BATTERED WOMXN AS VIGILANTE." Journal of Gender and The Law 4.141 (1995): 141-66. Print.~
The phenomenon of vigilantism has been explored from many different angles. Several of these
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that ~IPV~ domestic violence offenders do not serve any time at all

~Lowry~ In the squo, we criminalize female vigilantes. Lowry 11

~Hit Her Once, She'll Shoot You Dead: Did Janice Soprano Have It Right? Mary Pauline Lowry Posted: 09/19/11 11:42 AM ET~
But while I might cheer on the fictional Janice Soprano as she murders the fictional
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Nearly all abused inmates will be released back into their communities without neededsupport.

~Ayylidiz 2~ The AC perpetuates criminalization of female vigilantism by working through a justice ideal founded on masculine heteronormativity where qualified immunity is granted to police officers who refuse to help the battered womxn, but criminalize the battered womxn who kill their abuser. The battered womxn cannot rely on retribution. Ayylidiz 2

Courts have long been threatened by vigilantism.9 The legal system, fearing vigilantism, claims that retribution is the objective of the criminal justice system.
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abuser was killed and McBride was sentenced to life in prison without parole.

~Alt~ Thus, the alt is to replace the criminal justice system and the prison industrial complex with the female vigilante.

~Smith 1~ We need to displace ourselves from the prison industrial complex to be able to reimagine the heteronormativity of the criminal justice system. Smith 11 

An abolitionist politic does not believe that the prison system is "broken" and in need of reform;
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abolition must also include at its center a reworking of gender and sexuality that displaces both heterosexuality and gender normativity as measures of worth.

~Smith 2~ Prisons are the way that the state criminalizes the other and how it endorses heteronormativity—abolishing current prisons systems is a must in order to change heteronormative society. Smith 2 

In the recent past, the term prison industrial complex has been offered to begin to name the enormity of the prison system.
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What, then, might a world look like in which harm is met with healing and support, rather than the displacement and reviolation produced by the PIC?

~Leavitt~ AND, our discourse is key—we need to interrupt the policing that continues to permeate our public spaces. Policing manifests in all social spaces. Leavitt 12 

Policing of deviant sexualities and gender identities lies at the core of queer criminalization
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petitioners assert that the Crimes Against Nature statute violates constitutional equal protection guarantees because it creates an irrational distinction between sex that is oral or anal, rather than vaginal.

~Ayylidiz 3~ Thus, we must embrace the female vigilante. A revolution that rejects the solely male vigilante begins with embracing the female vigilante. This means we replace the criminal justice system with the female vigilante to transform the patriarchal state. Ayylidiz 3

A feminist view of battered womxn who kill
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should extend the same respect and sympathy to the battered womxn vigilante as it does to the archetypal male vigilante.

 ~ROTB/J~ Thus, the role of the ballot and judge is to endorse the best liberatory strategy for womxn.

~Jaggar~ To have a productive solution with an accurate understanding of reality, we must first start with a female epistemology. Jaggar 83

~Jaggar, Alison M. ~Professor of Philosophy and Wom~x~n’s Studies, University of Colorado-Boulder~ Feminist Politics and Human Nature. Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Allanheld, 1983. Print.~
Both liberal and Marxist epistemologists consider that, in order to arrive at an adequate
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distorted in ways that promote the interests of men above those of womxn.

~Beland~ Injecting gender consciousness into discourse is key to change the frames of political discussions and fostering better knowledge production. Beland 09

~(Daniel Beland. "Gender, Ideational Analysis, and Social Policy" Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State and Society. Vol 16 Num 4. Pp 558-581. Winter 2009) SK~
To further illustrate the role of frames in politics and policy change, let me
AND
and social policy make a strong and original contribution to this ideational literature.

Tournament: Valley | Round: 2 | Opponent: Bettendorf AW | Judge: Mark Ahlstrom

Borders K

1NC

The aff’s use of "countries" as independent hegemonic agents to carry out the ban re-entrenches the harms that brought us to this point in the first place – international politics provided the threat of nuclear power. A blanket ban by individual nations will never solve – if it isn’t nukes it’ll be something even worse – the AC misjudges the origins of its harms.
Taylor 14  summarizes Arendt:  ~~Double brackets for gendered language, single brackets already in text~~
Taylor, Nicholas A.J. 2014. ‘Rethinking Cosmopolitan Solidarity: Nuclear Harm from a Cosmic Point of View’. Paper presented at the annual meeting for the International Society for Environmental Ethics and the International Association of Environmental Philosophy, Allenspark, CO, 17–20 June 2014. (KW)
More important still is the passage where Arendt (2007b) asserts that
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a world that is thoroughly nonnatural’.
Focus on making countries distinct from one another originates from colonial power structures – the map is the military blueprint. State sovereignty is the root of imperialism and domination – historical analysis proves.
Craib 09
Raymond B. Craib – Associate Professor in the Department of History, Cornell University, “Relocating cartography”, Postcolonial Studies (2009), vol. 12 no. 4, pp. 481-490, http://history.arts.cornell.edu/relocating20cartograhy.pdf (KW)
The summation is a powerful and important one
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new forms of enclosure and classification, and the expansion of state power.
And, the aff’s focus on territory and international politics exclusively creates in and out-groups – means that the NC is a prerequisite to solving all harms – otherwise villainizes other bodies and enables the inevitability of AC impacts.
Shapiro 97  
Michael J., Department of Political Science, University of Hawai’I, Violent Cartographies: Mapping Cultures of War, pp. 149-51 (KW)
The complicity of the social sciences, psychology, and psychiatry
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This is especially evident in the orchestration of Norman Schwarzkopf's career as a media personality.
The alt is to radically reject notions of statehood and impose a nuclear ban from a globally human perspective. No perm – a) Aff already specified countries, b) competes through net benefits, c) doesn’t affirm – countries will NOT ban nuclear energy. Text of the res first – 1) spirit is vague and subject to interpretation, only text provides a solid determination of what’s topical, 2) key to real world, actions need to be phrased intentionally, rigid interpretation is the best way to communicate specific actions and not general concepts.
Nuclear power affects all of humanity – even one slip-up could potentially end the human race. Self-preservation means the issue must be globally challenged – the political nature of the AC inevitably distances us from the true threat and prioritizes superficial political argumentation over mutual survival. Embracing the alt takes us away from the separatist national mindset, key to ending colonialism and approaching real peace.
Taylor 2
Several decades before planet Earth was scientifically accepted as operating as a single, self-regulating system (with interlinked processes and subsystems),
AND
whether by design or as an ancillary benefit.12
The role of the ballot and judge as an educator is to reject arguments based on asymmetrical power relations—because pedagogical contexts are inherently political, we have a unique opportunity to promote real change. Tejeda and Espinoza 03
Carlos Tejeda and Manuel Espinoza, "Toward a Decolonizing Pedagogy: Social Justice Reconsidered," in Peter Trifonas’s PEDAGOGIES OF DIFFERENCE: RETHINKING EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL CHANGE/ RoutledgeFalmer. New York, London. 2003. Questia (KW)
Just as objective social reality exists not by chance,
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both the means and the ends of schooling.

Tournament: Valley | Round: 4 | Opponent: Strake Jesuit MC | Judge: John Scoggin

Eco-Psychoanalysis K

1NC

1. The central question of the debate is how we use the environment, in terms of responses to anxiety—-energy production is a dangerous palliative that gives us the allusion of control by affirming our mastery over nature and distracting us from our consumptive practices—-ensures serial policy-failure.

Dodds 12 
(Joseph, MPhil, Psychoanalytic Studies, Sheffield University, UK, MA, Psychoanalytic Studies, Sheffield University, UK BSc, Psychology and Neuroscience, Manchester University, UK, Chartered Psychologist (CPsychol) of the British Psychological Society (BPS), and a member of several other professional organizations such as the International Neuropsychoanalysis Society, Psychoanalysis and Ecology at the Edge of Chaos p 27 *gender mod)
Why psychoanalysis? On the face of it, it seems frankly irrelevant. Surely
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environments', the ultimate 'environment mother' (Winnicott 1999,1987).
 

2. Technological management is an expression of the death drive—-causes projection of our fears onto the human AND non-human world to justify their annihilation—-turns and outweighs the case

Dodds 12
(Joseph, MPhil, Psychoanalytic Studies, Sheffield University, UK, MA, Psychoanalytic Studies, Sheffield University, UK BSc, Psychology and Neuroscience, Manchester University, UK, Chartered Psychologist (CPsychol) of the British Psychological Society (BPS), and a member of several other professional organizations such as the International Neuropsychoanalysis Society, Psychoanalysis and Ecology at the Edge of Chaos p 70 *gender mod)
Here there are echoes of Freud's (1916) idea of 'anticipatory mourning' and the
AND
of bringing about our extinction. (Searles 1972: 371-372) 

3. The doctrine of continued re-engineering of nature results in more insidious destructive practices that make their impacts inevitable—-unforeseen non-linearities ensure serial policy failure and extinction. Prohibiting nuclear energy in favor of renewables and/or other alternatives still doesn’t solve the core of the issue. Backhaus 9

(Gary, Phil @ Loyola Maryland, "Automobility: Global Warming as Symptomatology" April 2009, www.mdpi.com/2071-1050/1/2/187)
Many environmental thinkers have questioned the presupposed tenets, e.g., the doctrine
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are destroying the life of, and on, the planet.

4. These pathologies distort not only how we respond to crisis but also why and to which crises —- what value nature/the environment has—-as such, your primary role is to investigate the aff’s psychological investment in energy production as an exercise in reprogramming our position in a non-linear and inevitably chaotic world.

Dodds 12 
(Joseph, MPhil, Psychoanalytic Studies, Sheffield University, UK, MA, Psychoanalytic Studies, Sheffield University, UK BSc, Psychology and Neuroscience, Manchester University, UK, Chartered Psychologist (CPsychol) of the British Psychological Society (BPS), and a member of several other professional organizations such as the International Neuropsychoanalysis Society, Psychoanalysis and Ecology at the Edge of Chaos p 198 ( ) – gender modified)
The metaphor of an acrobat on a high wire referred to by Bateson (2000
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as a species among the interconnected life systems of the Earth. 

5. Don’t be blackmailed by their threat of immediate consequences—-actomania in the face of environmental apocalypse not only requires a fantasy of natural manipulation but it actively blinds us to a reconfiguration of our consumptive practices

Swyngedouw 6
(Erik, Dept of Geography, School of Environment and Development, Manchester University "Impossible "Sustainability" and the Post-Political Condition,"  Forthcoming in: David Gibbs and Rob Krueger (Eds.) Sustainable Development, http://www.liv.ac.uk/geography/seminars/Sustainabilitypaper.doc)
This chapter seeks to destabilise some of the most persistent myths about nature, sustainability
AND
practicing expanding energy use and widening and deepening its ecological footprint.  

6. We don’t need an alternative besides our framework of analysis—-the fantasy will reveal itself as long as we continue asking questions to expose their concealment of the lack—-in other words, it’s your job to confuse and frustrate them via a refusal to partake in their politics—-this crushes the permutation

Dean 6 
(Jodi, Prof of Political Science at Hobart and William Smith Colleges, 2006, Zizek’s Politics. Xviii-xx)
Žižek emphasizes that Lacan conceptualized this excessive place, this place without guarantees, in
AND
we can organize, consider, and formalize our experiences as ideological subjects.

Tournament: Loyola | Round: 2 | Opponent: West Ranch JW | Judge: Amanda Drummond

Postcolonialism K

1NC

Tribal sovereignty is a vehicle of colonialism. The concept perpetuates colonial dominion over tribes and thus, internal colonialism. D’Errico 2K

~Peter d’Errico, Legal Studies Department of the University of Massachusetts, "SOVEREIGNTY: A Brief History in the Context of U.S. "Indian law", http://www.umass.edu/legal/derrico/sovereignty.html This article was written as the entry for "Sovereignty" in the The Encyclopedia of Minorities in American Politics, part of the American Political Landscape Series (Phoenix, AZ: Oryx Press, 2000, at pp. 691-693). Copyright is held by Jeffrey D. Schultz and Co., Colorado Springs, CO (USA), with all rights reserved. It is published here as part of a course at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, for educational purposes.~
The legal history of "tribal sovereignty" starts with colonialism. From their earliest
AND
was manifested in the Court's broad assertion of general federal power over Indians.

Internal colonialism creates the state as the subject and erases indigenous sovereignty. 2 warrants.

• • 1. Byrd 1
       ~Jodi Associate Professor of English, American Indian Studies, and Gender and Women’s Studies at U of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. The Transit of Empire: Indigenous Critiques of Colonialism (First Peoples: New Directions Indigenous) Byrd, Jodi A. (2011-09-06).~
       In this chapter, I am particularly interested in how the idea of "internal
       AND
       nor excluded from the American polity, neither fully colonized nor fully decolonized.

Colonialism destroyed indigenous peoples’ agency.

Byrd 2
But what seems to me to be further disavowed, even in Lowe’s important figuration
AND
they are the transit through which the dialectic of subject and object occurs.

An anti-colonial discursive framework is key to decolonizing debate and challenging institutionalized power. Wane, et al 9

(Njoki Nathani Wane is the Special Adviser on Status of Women at University of Toronto as Co-Director of Centre for Integrative Anti-Racist Research Studies. ¶ Anne Wagner (featured left) is a professor of Modern and Contemporary Art at UC-Berkeley. Riyad Shahjahan is an educational administrator at ¶ Michigan State University. "Rekindling the Sacred: Toward a Decolonizing Pedagogy in Higher Education" Journal of Thought, Spring-Summer 2009)
We use a critical anti-colonial discursive framework (Dei and Asghazadesh, 2001
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our theorizing of how spirituality may be incorporated into teaching in higher education.

Thus, the Alt is to engage in the politics of the impossible and imagine the world when we kick the U.S. off the planet. Prioritization is key. Ward Churchill ’96

~Churchill ’96 Ward Churchill coordinator of American Indian Studies with the Center for Studies of Ethnicity and Race in America at the University of Colorado/Boulder  From a Native Son: Selected Essays on Indigenism 1985-1995~
(*Not to be confused with Winston Churchill*)
The question, which inevitably
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realism." Isn't it time we all went to work on attaining it?