Quarry Lane Karavadi Neg
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| ANy | 1 | Any | Any |
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| Alta | 1 | Ashland GD | Michael Harris |
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| Any | 1 | Any | Any |
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| Any | 1 | Any | Any |
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| Any | 1 | Any | Any |
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| Apple Valley | 1 | Scarsdale AC | Connor Riano |
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| Apple Valley | 1 | Scarsdale AC | Connor Riano |
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| JanFeb | 1 | Any | Any |
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| JanFeb | 2 | Any | Any |
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| JanFeb | 3 | Any | Any |
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| Loyola | 2 | West Ranch JW | Amanda Drummond |
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| Stanford | 6 | BASIS KB | Jeff Merrill |
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| USC | 4 | CL Education WJ | Zane Dille |
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| Valley | 4 | Strake Jesuit MC | John Scoggin |
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| Valley | 2 | Bettendorf AW | Mark Ahlstrom |
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Cites
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0 - Contact InfoTournament: Any | Round: 1 | Opponent: Any | Judge: Any Also, anything on my teammates' wikis is fair game. | 12/6/16 |
JanFeb -- Antiethics KTournament: USC | Round: 4 | Opponent: CL Education WJ | Judge: Zane Dille ~Curry 13~ Abstract ethics fail. Prescriptive "ought" statements imply a moral obligation that the black thinker does not have access to because the world is framed by white supremacy. Curry 13Ought implies a projected (futural) act. The word commands a deliberate action to reasonably expect the world to be able to sustain or support. For the Black thinker, the Black citizen-subject-slave-(in) human, ought is not rational but repressive. For the oppressed racialized thinker, the ethical provocation is an immediate confrontation with the impossibility of actually acting towards values like freedom, liberty, humanity, and life, since none of these values can be achieved concretely for the Black in a world controlled by and framed by the white. The options for ethical actions are not ethical in and of themselves, but merely the options the immorality of the racist world will allow, thus the oppressed is forced to idealize their ethical positions, eliminating the truth of their reality, and the peeling away the tyranny of white bodies, so that as the oppressed, the can ideally imagine an ―if condition,‖ whereby they are allowed to ethical engage racism from the perspective of: ―if whites were moral and respected the humanity of Blacks, then we can ethically engage in these behaviors. Unfortunately, this ought constraint only forces Blacks to consciously recognize the futility of ethical engagement, since it is in this ought deliberation that they recognize that their cognition of all values are dependent not on their moral aspirations for the world, but the determined by the will of white supremacy to maintain virtue throughout all ethical calculations. In short, Black ethical deliberation is censored so that it can only engage moral questions by asserting that whites are virtuous and hence capable of being ethically persuaded towards right action, hence all ethical question about racism, white supremacy and anti-Blackness is not about how Blacks think about the world, but what possibility the world allows Blacks to contemplate under the idea of ethics. ~Yancy 08~ Their notions of ethics can’t articulate black life and allows whiteness to theorize about it. Yancy 08I write out of a personal existential context. This context is a profound source of knowledge connected to my "raced" body. Hence, I write froma place of lived embodied experience a site of exposure. In philosophy, the only thing that we are taught to expose is a weak argument, a fallacy, or someone’s "inferior" reasoning power. The embodied self is bracketed and deemed irrelevant to theory, superfluous and cumbersome in one's search for truth. It is best, or so we are told, to reason from nowhere. Hence, the white philosopher/author presumes to speak for all of "us" without the slightest mention of his or her "raced" identity. Self-consciously writing as a white male philosopher, Crispin Sartwell observes: Left to my own devices, I disappear as an author. That is the "whiteness" of my authorship. This whiteness of authorship is, for us, a form of authority; to speak (apparently) from nowhere, for everyone, is empowering, though one wields power here only by becoming lost to oneself. But such an authorship and authority is also pleasurable: it yields the pleasure of self-forgetting or apparent transcendence of the mundane and the particular, and the pleasure of power expressed in the "comprehension" of a range of materials.(1998, 6) To theorize the Black body one must "turn to the ~Black~ body as the radix for interpreting racial experience" (Johnson ~1993, 600~). It is important to note that this particular strategy also functions as a lens through which to theorize and critique whiteness; for the Black body's "racial" experience is fundamentally linked to the oppressive modalities of the "raced" white body. However, there is no denying that my own "racial" experiences or the social performances of whiteness can become objects of critical reflection. In this paper, my objective is to describe and theorize situations where the Black body's subjectivity, its lived reality, is reduced to instantiations of the white imaginary, resulting in what I refer to as "the phenomenological return of the Black body." These instantiations are embedded within and evolve out of the complex social and historical interstices of whites' efforts at self-construction through complex acts of erasure vis-à-vis Black people. These acts of self-construction, however, are myths/ideological constructions predicated upon maintaining white power. As James Snead has noted, "Mythification is the replacement of history with a surrogate ideology of ~white~ elevation or ~Black~ demotion along a scale of human value"(Snead 1994, ~Curry 2~ And, pretending that anti-black agents are capable of moral action is abstraction that makes ethics impossible. Traditional ethics is an anti black system that only serves to re-entrench white supremacy. Curry 2Traditionally we have taken ethics to be, as Henry Sedgwick claims, "any rational procedure by which we determine what individual human beings 'ought'—or what is right for them—or to seek to realize by voluntary action" (1981:1). This rational procedure is however at odds with the empirical reality the ethical deliberation must concern itself with. To argue, as is often done, that the government, its citizens, or white people should act justly, assumes that the possibility of how they could act defines their moral disposition. If a white person could possibly not be racist, it does not mean that the possibility of not being racist, can be taken to mean that they are not racist. In ethical deliberations dealing with the problem of racism, it is common practice to attribute to historically racist institutions, and individuals universal moral qualities that have yet to be demonstrated. This abstraction from reality is what frames our ethical norms and allows us to maintain, despite history or evidence, that racist entities will act justly given the choice. Under such complexities, the only ethical deliberation concerning racism must be anti-ethical, or a judgment refusing to write morality onto immoral entities. In the post-structuralist era, post-colonial thinking about racism specifically, and difference/otherness generally, has given a peculiar ameliorative function to discourse and the performance of "other-ed" identities. In this era, the dominant illusion is that discourse itself , an act that requires as its basis the recognition of the "other" as "similar," is socially transformative—not only with regard to how the white subject assimilates the similitude of the "other-ed," but as an actual activity gauged by the recognition by one white person or by a group of white people in any given scenario, is uncritically accepted and encouraged as anti-racist politics.. In actuality such discourse appeals, which necessitate—become dependent on—(white) recognition, function very much like the racial stereotype, in that the concept of the Black body being the expression and source of experience and phenomena (existential-phenomenological-theorization) is incarcerated by the conceptualization created by the discursive catalyst yearning to be perceived by the white thing seeing the Black. Such appeals lend potentiality-hope-faith to the already present/demonstrated ignorance-racism-interest of the white individual, who in large part expresses the historical tone/epistemology of their racial group’s interest. When morality is defined, not by the empirical acts that demonstrate immorality, but the racial character of those in question, our ethics become nothing more than the apologetics of our tyrannical epoch. ~Curry 3~ The alternative is to embrace antiethics – refuse to assign moral qualities to immoral entities and never assume white morality will save black lives. Curry 3Anti-ethics; the call to demystify the present concept of man as illusion, as delusion, and as stratagem, is the axiomatic rupture of white existence and the multiple global oppressions like capitalism, militarism, genocide, and globalization, that formed the evaluative nexus which allows whites to claim they are the civilized guardians of the world’s darker races. It is the rejection of white virtue, the white’s axiomatic claim to humanity that allows the Black, the darker world to sow the seeds of consciousness towards liberation from oppression. When white (in)humanity is no longer an obstacle weighed against the means for liberation from racism, the oppressed are free to overthrow the principles that suggest their paths to liberation are immoral and hence not possible. To accept the oppressor as is, the white made manifest in empire, is to transform white western (hu)man from semi-deitous sovereign citizen to contingent, mortal, and un-otherable. Exposing the inhumanity of white humanity is the destruction/refusal of the disciplinary imperative for liberal reformism and dialogue as well as a rejection of the social conventions that dictate speaking as if this white person, the white person and her white people before you are in fact not racist white people, but tolerable—not like the racist white people abstracted from reality, but really spoken of in conversations about racism. The revelatory call, the coercively silenced but intuitive yearning to describe the actual reality set before Black people in an anti-Black society, is to simply say there is no negotiating the boundaries of anti-Blackness or the horizons of white supremacy. Racism, the debasement of melaninated bodies and nigger-souls, is totalizing. | 3/9/17 |
JanFeb -- Brown Killjoy KTournament: Stanford | Round: 6 | Opponent: BASIS KB | Judge: Jeff Merrill Bitter and Curt Cultural fetishization is a form of systemic oppression that steals and bastardizes entire cultures in order for supposedly exotic appearances. Bitter and Curt 13 Kumashiro 10 AND, The university is a microcosm for society writ large - Asian American adolescents are constantly pressured into assimilating whiteness despite a persistent perception as indelibly foreign. Kumashiro 10 ROTB THUS, the role of the ballot is to endorse the best performative or methodological liberatory strategy for brown (or oppressed) voices. Osajima 07 AND, the performance of the k also serves as a form of conscientization, which is a method for me to name my world and understand the ways I relate to it in educational spaces such as debate: this is a starting point for real world change. Osajima 07 | 3/9/17 |
JanFeb -- Revenge Porn DATournament: JanFeb | Round: 3 | Opponent: Any | Judge: Any Revenge Porn DA1NC~Franks 16~ BIPARTISAN revenge porn legislation on college campuses is coming now. Franks 16~Franks, Mary Anne. "It's Time For Congress To Protect Intimate Privacy." The Huffington Post. The Huffington Post, 18 July 2016. Web. 27 Jan. 2017.~ ~Goldberg 16~ Aff means public colleges and universities shouldn’t restrict revenge porn. Goldberg 16~Erica Goldberg JD, Cardozo, Columbia Law Review Volume 116, No. 3 April 2016 "FREE SPEECH CONSEQUENTIALISM"~ ~Citron 14~ And–the impacts of revenge porn are horrific. Citron 14 | 3/9/17 |
JanFeb -- Speaking For Others KTournament: USC | Round: 4 | Opponent: CL Education WJ | Judge: Zane Dille ~Alcoff 92~ The Aff’s act of speaking on behalf of the oppressed only relegates them to further oppression. Instead, we should allow the oppressed to speak for themselves. Focusing on the voices of the oppressed is necessary to account for their unique social location. Alcoff 92The recognition that there is a problem in speaking for others has followed from the widespread acceptance of two claims. First, there has been a growing awareness that where one speaks from affects both the meaning and truth of what one says, and thus that one cannot assume an ability to transcend her location. In other words, a speaker's location (which I take here to refer to her social location or social identity) has an epistemically significant impact on that speaker's claims, and can serve either to authorize or dis-authorize one's speech. The creation of Women's Studies and African American Studies departments were founded on this very belief: that both the study of and the advocacy for the oppressed must come to be done principally by the oppressed themselves, and that we must finally acknowledge that systematic divergences in social location between speakers and those spoken for will have a significant effect on the content of what is said. The unspoken premise here is simply that a speaker's location is epistemically salient. I shall explore this issue further in the next section. ~Ryan 90~ The alt is to reject the Aff’s representation of . You cannot separate their discourse from their advocacy. Representations frame and alter the actions we take. Ryan 90Representations signify and produce different kinds of attitudes and actions. They have an active power: they make things happen, usually by painting the world in such a way that certain policies — from domestic slavery to Cold War militarism — will appear justified. More importantly, perhaps, the very act of painting itself enacts the policy. The mapping out of a social terrain as an exploitable field of economic possibilities already in effect transforms that terrain, denying other possibilities and producing an object that can be acted on without certain constraints which might have come into play if the social world had been conceived (pictured, mapped, represented) differently. This is particularly clear when representations, which are supposedly the effects of the things they represent, come to take the place of their cause, the things themselves. If the images are powerful and pervasive, they can act on the things they supposedly represent by transforming them to make them conform to the prevalent images of those things. Victims of violence are especially susceptible to this process. Rendered passive and subdued by violence, they are represented as somehow deserving of violence, as wanting or needing it. An effect of violence, a particular representation, thus comes to justify violence. The representations produced by acts of violence come to be justifications for further acts of violence. That violence then furthers the transformation of its victims into people whose behavior conforms with the dominant representations of them. | 3/9/17 |
JanFeb -- Trigger Warnings DATournament: JanFeb | Round: 2 | Opponent: Any | Judge: Any Trigger Warnings DA1NC~Miltimore 16~ Universities are pushing back against trigger warnings now. Miltimore 16~Jon Miltimore is the senior editor for intellectual takeout, 8-23-2016, "University to 2020 Class: Don't Expect 'Safe Spaces' or 'Trigger Warnings' Here," Intellectual Takeout, http://www.intellectualtakeout.org/blog/univ-chicago-pushes-back-trigger-warnings-safe-spaces~~ ~Garcia 16~ The Aff gets rid of restrictions of free speech. People can choose not to place trigger warnings on their speech. This causes psychological violence. Garcia 16~Amy Garcia, Johns Hopkins University, 11-15-2016, "Should Campus Protests Have Trigger Warnings Too?," Study Breaks, http://studybreaks.com/2016/11/15/should-campus-protests-have-trigger-warnings-too/~~ ~Pickett 16~ Thus, the Aff harms marginalized groups by creating psychological violence for them. Pickett 16~Raeann Pickett, Aug 31, 2016, "Trigger Warnings and Safe Spaces Are Necessary," TIME, http://time.com/4471806/trigger-warnings-safe-spaces/~~ | 3/9/17 |
JanFeb -- Tuck and Yang DATournament: USC | Round: 4 | Opponent: CL Education WJ | Judge: Zane Dille ~Tuck and Yang 1~ Increasing knowledge in the debate space only creates a feeding ground for the academic carnivore. Tales of oppression become commodified and used to uphold the very system the 1AC criticizes. Tuck and Yang 14~Tuck, Eve, and K. Wayne Yang. "R-Words: Refusing Research.’’" Humanizing Research (2014): 223-248.~ ~Tuck and Yang 2~ Academic consumption is colonialist subjugation using the tales of oppression as the torch to lead the way. The 1AC’s telling of their story only feeds dominate power structures and forces them back into an unending cycle of pain. Turns case. Tuck and Yang 2
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NovDec -- Classism DATournament: Alta | Round: 1 | Opponent: Ashland GD | Judge: Michael Harris Classism DA1NC~Lawyers~ Qualified immunity applies to civil lawsuits and the aff seeks to gain advantages by regulating civil lawsuits. Civil suits require plaintiffs to pay for lawsuits that they can’t afford. Lawyers.com. | 3/9/17 |
NovDec -- Fem Vigilantism KTournament: Apple Valley | Round: 1 | Opponent: Scarsdale AC | Judge: Connor Riano ~Coker~ Limiting qualified immunity seeks to remedy the impacts of crimes and restore the state to its so-called prior utopian society. For womxn, there is no such prior utopia. Transforming the state by moving beyond police officers is key to achieving actual justice for the battered womxn. Coker 02.~Coker, Donna, Transformative Justice: Anti-Subordination Processes in Cases of ~IPV~ domestic violence (2002). in Restorative Justice and Family Violence (Heather Strang and John Braithwaite Eds. 2002) Cambridge University Press. Pg.128–152~ ~Ayylidiz 1~ Society’s inactivity forces womxn to embrace vigilantism to repair the moral order and bring justice to the abuser. Ayylidiz 95~Ayylidiz, Elisabeth. "WHEN BATTERED WOMXN'S SYNDROME DOES NOT GO FAR ENOUGH: THE BATTERED WOMXN AS VIGILANTE." Journal of Gender and The Law 4.141 (1995): 141-66. Print.~ ~Lowry~ In the squo, we criminalize female vigilantes. Lowry 11~Hit Her Once, She'll Shoot You Dead: Did Janice Soprano Have It Right? Mary Pauline Lowry Posted: 09/19/11 11:42 AM ET~ ~Ayylidiz 2~ The AC perpetuates criminalization of female vigilantism by working through a justice ideal founded on masculine heteronormativity where qualified immunity is granted to police officers who refuse to help the battered womxn, but criminalize the battered womxn who kill their abuser. The battered womxn cannot rely on retribution. Ayylidiz 2Courts have long been threatened by vigilantism.9 The legal system, fearing vigilantism, claims that retribution is the objective of the criminal justice system. ~Alt~ Thus, the alt is to replace the criminal justice system and the prison industrial complex with the female vigilante.~Smith 1~ We need to displace ourselves from the prison industrial complex to be able to reimagine the heteronormativity of the criminal justice system. Smith 11An abolitionist politic does not believe that the prison system is "broken" and in need of reform; ~Smith 2~ Prisons are the way that the state criminalizes the other and how it endorses heteronormativity—abolishing current prisons systems is a must in order to change heteronormative society. Smith 2In the recent past, the term prison industrial complex has been offered to begin to name the enormity of the prison system. ~Leavitt~ AND, our discourse is key—we need to interrupt the policing that continues to permeate our public spaces. Policing manifests in all social spaces. Leavitt 12Policing of deviant sexualities and gender identities lies at the core of queer criminalization ~Ayylidiz 3~ Thus, we must embrace the female vigilante. A revolution that rejects the solely male vigilante begins with embracing the female vigilante. This means we replace the criminal justice system with the female vigilante to transform the patriarchal state. Ayylidiz 3A feminist view of battered womxn who kill ~ROTB/J~ Thus, the role of the ballot and judge is to endorse the best liberatory strategy for womxn. ~Jaggar~ To have a productive solution with an accurate understanding of reality, we must first start with a female epistemology. Jaggar 83~Jaggar, Alison M. ~Professor of Philosophy and Wom~x~n’s Studies, University of Colorado-Boulder~ Feminist Politics and Human Nature. Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Allanheld, 1983. Print.~ ~Beland~ Injecting gender consciousness into discourse is key to change the frames of political discussions and fostering better knowledge production. Beland 09~(Daniel Beland. "Gender, Ideational Analysis, and Social Policy" Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State and Society. Vol 16 Num 4. Pp 558-581. Winter 2009) SK~ | 3/9/17 |
SeptOct -- Borders KTournament: Valley | Round: 2 | Opponent: Bettendorf AW | Judge: Mark Ahlstrom Borders K1NCThe aff’s use of "countries" as independent hegemonic agents to carry out the ban re-entrenches the harms that brought us to this point in the first place – international politics provided the threat of nuclear power. A blanket ban by individual nations will never solve – if it isn’t nukes it’ll be something even worse – the AC misjudges the origins of its harms. | 3/9/17 |
SeptOct -- Eco Psychoanalysis KTournament: Valley | Round: 4 | Opponent: Strake Jesuit MC | Judge: John Scoggin Eco-Psychoanalysis K1NC1. The central question of the debate is how we use the environment, in terms of responses to anxiety—-energy production is a dangerous palliative that gives us the allusion of control by affirming our mastery over nature and distracting us from our consumptive practices—-ensures serial policy-failure.Dodds 12 2. Technological management is an expression of the death drive—-causes projection of our fears onto the human AND non-human world to justify their annihilation—-turns and outweighs the caseDodds 12 3. The doctrine of continued re-engineering of nature results in more insidious destructive practices that make their impacts inevitable—-unforeseen non-linearities ensure serial policy failure and extinction. Prohibiting nuclear energy in favor of renewables and/or other alternatives still doesn’t solve the core of the issue. Backhaus 9
4. These pathologies distort not only how we respond to crisis but also why and to which crises —- what value nature/the environment has—-as such, your primary role is to investigate the aff’s psychological investment in energy production as an exercise in reprogramming our position in a non-linear and inevitably chaotic world.Dodds 12 5. Don’t be blackmailed by their threat of immediate consequences—-actomania in the face of environmental apocalypse not only requires a fantasy of natural manipulation but it actively blinds us to a reconfiguration of our consumptive practicesSwyngedouw 6 6. We don’t need an alternative besides our framework of analysis—-the fantasy will reveal itself as long as we continue asking questions to expose their concealment of the lack—-in other words, it’s your job to confuse and frustrate them via a refusal to partake in their politics—-this crushes the permutationDean 6 | 3/9/17 |
SeptOct -- Postcolonialism KTournament: Loyola | Round: 2 | Opponent: West Ranch JW | Judge: Amanda Drummond Postcolonialism K1NCTribal sovereignty is a vehicle of colonialism. The concept perpetuates colonial dominion over tribes and thus, internal colonialism. D’Errico 2K~Peter d’Errico, Legal Studies Department of the University of Massachusetts, "SOVEREIGNTY: A Brief History in the Context of U.S. "Indian law", http://www.umass.edu/legal/derrico/sovereignty.html This article was written as the entry for "Sovereignty" in the The Encyclopedia of Minorities in American Politics, part of the American Political Landscape Series (Phoenix, AZ: Oryx Press, 2000, at pp. 691-693). Copyright is held by Jeffrey D. Schultz and Co., Colorado Springs, CO (USA), with all rights reserved. It is published here as part of a course at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, for educational purposes.~ Internal colonialism creates the state as the subject and erases indigenous sovereignty. 2 warrants.
Colonialism destroyed indigenous peoples’ agency.Byrd 2 An anti-colonial discursive framework is key to decolonizing debate and challenging institutionalized power. Wane, et al 9
Thus, the Alt is to engage in the politics of the impossible and imagine the world when we kick the U.S. off the planet. Prioritization is key. Ward Churchill ’96~Churchill ’96 Ward Churchill coordinator of American Indian Studies with the Center for Studies of Ethnicity and Race in America at the University of Colorado/Boulder From a Native Son: Selected Essays on Indigenism 1985-1995~ | 3/9/17 |
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