Tournament: TFA State | Round: 2 | Opponent:  | Judge:
I affirm resolved: The United States ought to guarantee the right of housing.

Part 1 is the framework
I value morality as ought implies a moral ideal. We determine whats good by if its moral or immoral. Thus the standard is to maximize societal wellbeing.
Life has intrinsic value. Living is the telos of organic life. Allowing death and suffering must be ethically rejected.
Schwartz and Wiggins, 10 (Michael A Schwartz and Osborne P Wiggins Department of Psychiatry, University of Hawaii and Department of Philosophy, University of Louisville, Philosophy, Ethics, and Humanities in Medicine, Psychosomatic medicine and the philosophy of life, http://www.peh-med.com/content/5/1/2)
As we have said, the metabolic activity of the organism is geared toward sustaining the existence of the organism. This being geared toward the sustaining of its own being shows that the metabolism of the organism is "for the sake of" its own continuation in being. The being that the activity is geared toward preserving is the organism's future being. The metabolic functioning is for the sake of bridging the temporal gap that separates the organism in the present from its own existence in the future. In slightly different terms, metabolic activity serves the temporal enduring of the organism. Hence it is temporal duration that poses the main threat to the organism's contingent existence: the question of whether the organism will endure from moment to moment always remains an unanswered question until the future becomes the present and the organism still lives. And the threat can be defeated only if the activity of metabolism is sustained. Life is thus teleological: the present activity of the living being aims at its own future being 8,9.  If we can speak of the metabolic activity of the organism as occurring "for the sake of" the organism's future being, this means that at some fundamental level the organism posits its own continuation in reality as a "good." In other words, the organism posits its own existence as having a positive value. Value is thus built into the reality of organic life: it is organic life itself that places value there. It is not human beings and certainly not human agency that introduces value into an otherwise value-free universe. Living beings themselves, by striving to preserve themselves, already signal that, at least for the being involved, its own life is a good 10-12.  We can see, then, that the values that motivate medical practice are grounded in organic life itself. While only human beings can develop and practice medical treatment, it is not human beings who introduce into the world the values that call for and justify that treatment. Living beings themselves posit the goodness of an activity that prevents death and alleviates suffering. If for the organism its own continuation is good, then its death would be bad. Hence the moral need to combat death issues from the organism's own internal striving. And therefore the need to treat and hopefully cure the ill organism so that it does not die - at least not before its naturally allotted time - is based on a value that the organism itself posits. The same would be true for suffering and pain, at least for those organism's that can feel. Felt suffering and pain are posited by the organism feeling them as bad. Hence the moral need to relieve and even eradicate pain through medical treatment arises at the most basic levels of life, even if only human beings can recognize this value as a moral requirement and develop the medical techniques to respond to it 11,13. 

We must protect our society and make sure that we maximize the life and quality for life.

Part 2 is the Plan

Resolved: The United States and all relevant municipalities will increase support structures for housing cooperatives and guarantee the right to housing modeled after the current system in Sweden. 

Part 3 is the Solvency
First we look at the success of Sweden
Ganapati ’10. Ganapati, Sukumar. “Enabling Housing Cooperatives: Policy Lessons from Swedan, India and the United States.” The International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. Vol. 34.2 June 2010.  LHP MK
Housing cooperatives became active in urban areas in Sweden, India and the United States during the interwar period. Yet, after the second world war, while housing cooperatives grew phenomenally nationwide in Sweden and India, they did not do so in the United States. This article makes a comparative institutional analysis of the evolution of housing cooperatives in these three countries. The analysis reveals that housing cooperatives’ relationship with the state and the consequent support structures explain the divergent evolution. Although the relationships between cooperatives and the state evolved over time, they can be characterized as embedded autonomy, overembeddedness and disembeddedness in Sweden, India and the United States respectively. Whereas the consequent support structures for housing cooperatives became well developed in Sweden and India, such structures have been weak in the United States. The article this highlights the need for embedded autonomy and the need for supportive structures to enable the growth of housing cooperatives.

The plan provides affordable housing from municipal companies, leads to growth because of stakeholder competition.
 SABO. Sveriges Allmännyttiga Bostadsföretag. “Public Housing in Sweden.”  LHP MK
More than 3 of 9.5 million Swedes live in rental housing. Over half live in public housing, that is to say municipally owned rental housing. This is an obvious choice for many. It provides freedom in everyday life, good service, predictable accommodation expenses and an opportunity to exert an influence on your own housing. However, there are also challenges. The Million Homes Programme is now facing the need of extensive improvement work. There is an urgent need to invest in energy efficiency improvements. Exclusion exists in many residential areas and needs to be combated. There is a shortage of housing and at the same time it is more difficult than ever to build at a cost that ordinary people can afford. Meanwhile, legislation means that the public housing companies have to combine their social responsibility with a business-like approach. This has promoted the emergence of strong companies with experience, knowledge and commitment ready to provide value for inhabitants, while serving their municipalities, and offering good housing for everyone, regardless of income, background, age and family situation. These companies are able to drive forward the development of areas and help to promote secure and sustainable residential areas, either independently or in collaboration with others. At the same time, they represent a long-term and competitive stakeholder in their local and regional market, promoting growth in their municipality and region. Public housing is as important for Sweden in the 21st century as it was when it was created. Swedish public housing companies Account for almost 20 of Sweden’s housing stock – half the rental sector. Over 300 companies, found in virtually all municipalities. Owned by the municipality. Managed as limited companies.
Plan solves --- states fund municipal distribution of housing --- solves internal violence.
Ganapati 2. Ganapati, Sukumar. “Enabling Housing Cooperatives: Policy Lessons from Swedan, India and the United States.” The International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. Vol. 34.2 June 2010.  LHP MK
The emergence of institutional structures supporting the functioning of housing cooperatives in Sweden and India provides the organizational level explanation for why cooperatives grew in these two countries. Such structures developed weakly in the United States. These structures help in overcoming the internal problems of the cooperatives with respect to collective action. In Sweden, Bengtsson (1999: 273) argues that housing cooperatives succeeded due to the ‘mutually reinforcing processes of internal organisational consolidation and external institutional integration’. While the embedded autonomy of housing cooperatives provided the scope for external institutional integration, the supportive institutional structures enabled internal organizational consolidation. Three structures — HSB, Riksbyggen and SBC — emerged endogenously within the cooperative system. HSB’s structure comprises three levels: the National Federation (Riksförbund), regional societies (föreningar) and primary TOCs. The National Federation provides administrative and technical support to the regional societies and TOCs and lobbies on their behalf. Regional societies oversee construction and allocation of housing to members in TOCs; they also undertake property management. HSB runs its own construction unit, savings bank and insurance. Members deposit money in the bank to join the queue for house allocation. Like HSB, Riksbyggen has affiliated TOCs and regional offices. However, unlike HSB, Riksbyggen is owned by trade unions (Byggfacken); these building guilds and unions undertake construction. It does not have a bank of its own — it has special agreements with other local savings banks for loans. SBC is a secondary cooperative, whose membership consists of independent TOCs (i.e. not affiliated to either HSB or Riksbyggen). SBC operates through its regional offices, and has its own home savings system. HSB and Riksbyggen thus undertake new construction, and all three provide administrative and financial support to primary TOCs. Whereas HSB played a key role in the growth of housing cooperatives during the interwar period, both HSB and Riksbyggen gained influence after the second world war. However, during the 1990s, they lost their lead role as they became less embedded (see Figure 1 above). With the downturn in the housing market in the early 1990s, HSB stopped its planned construction projects, and closed down its construction arm. Private builders such as Skanska, NCC, Peab and JM, which were HSB’s contractors until 1995, became HSB’s competitors. They began to construct apartments for ownership through TOCs. HSB has increased its housing production since the early 2000s, with the aim of producing 10 of the newly built housing in Sweden (Jan Hellman, Housing policy expert, HSB Riksförbund, personal communication, 22 November 2007). In India, the institutional support structures were established by the state in the context of cooperatives’ overembeddedness. The Cooperative Registrar gained much significance over the years, to the extent that the office is considered to be the god of ‘birth, life and death’ of cooperatives. State governments wield much power over the formation and functioning of housing cooperatives through the office. Nationwide diffusion of housing cooperatives was enabled through the recommendations of the 1964 Working Group on Housing Co-operatives. First, the Working Group formalized a two-tiered system of Apex and primary cooperatives for financial support. Apex cooperatives are state-level secondary cooperatives that borrow money from various sources (e.g. the Life Insurance Corporation and Housing and Urban Development Corporation) and on-lend the pooled money to primary cooperatives. Second, the National Cooperative Housing Federation (NCHF) was formed in 1969 for developing and coordinating housing cooperatives in the country. The NCHF helped in establishing Apex cooperatives across the states. In 1969, there were nine such Apex cooperatives; by 2005, there were 26. I argue elsewhere (Ganapati, 2007) that the two-tiered structure helped the nationwide growth of housing cooperatives, despite the reduction of state support during the 1990s. In contrast to Sweden and India, institutional support structures emerged weakly in the US context of disembeddedness. If all the sections on cooperatives had been passed in the 1949 Housing Act, the National Mortgage Corporation for Housing Cooperatives would have been established to provide financial support to primary cooperatives nationwide (Bailey, 1988). However, the corporation was not established due to opposition from private real estate lobbies. In its absence, nonprofits emerged to provide some support. Under Section 213, two technical assistance organizations were set up: the United Housing Foundation (UHF) and the Foundation for Cooperative Housing (later called the Cooperative Housing Foundation, CHF). The National Association of Housing Cooperatives (NAHC) was established in 1960 as a member-supported national federation of housing cooperatives. CHF and NAHC have undertaken some nationwide technical assistance activities. The UHF subsided in the 1970s after giving an initial boost to cooperative housing in New York. The Council of New York Cooperatives and Condominiums (CNYC) emerged in 1975 as a nonprofit membership organization to serve the primary cooperatives through lobbying, meetings, and workshops and seminars on aspects of cooperative living. Overall, however, the national institutional structures supporting housing cooperatives have been weak.
Empirics --- municipal rental housing guarantees the homeless a safe place to live by lowering rent.
Sida ’11. Ladda Ner Sida. “Homelessness in Sweden.” Socialstyrelsen. 2011.  LHP MK
The results of the estimation are presented in Table 5. The high R2 indicates that a considerable part of the differences in rents between the municipalities can be explained by the variables included in the equation. All the dummies had the expected sign and were statistically significant. In Appendix 1 it can be seen that using Tobin’s Q instead of the price level of owner occupied housing gives the same results. There is a strong correlation between the price level and Tobin’s Q (0.984). Evaluating the results from the perspective of the hypotheses formulated, it can be seen that there is support for one of the hypotheses: Rents are significantly higher in municipalities with a higher price level of owner 3 housing (H2). An increase in the price level by 10 per cent increases the rent by about 1.2 per cent for the average apartment. However, the data are inconsistent with the other two hypotheses. The share of the municipal housing company on the market for rental apartments has a significant effect on the rent level, but in the wrong direction compared to hypothesis 1. An increase in the market share of the municipal housing company is correlated with a lower rent level. However, the effect is small and the level of significance is just above the acceptable level. Hypothesis 3 was not supported, as no significant relation could be found between the rent level and the level of capital expenditure (measured by the book value per apartment). The results are consistent with the hypothesis in the third section of the paper that ‘external competition’ puts a higher pressure on rents than ‘internal competition’. It seems that the major firms on the rental housing market can co-ordinate their behaviour and act like a monopoly. The exact degree of concentration on the rental housing market does not appear to have any significant effect on the rent level. The fixed capital costs of a monopoly will not affect the price that the monopoly charges, but the elasticity of the demand curve will be important. This elasticity will to a large extent be determined by the availability of substitutes, for example in the form of inexpensive owner occupied housing. The municipalities with high rents and a high price level for owner occupied housing are predominantly larger cities and towns. Apart from external competition, there are some other factors that may explain the correlation between the price level on owner occupied housing and the rent level. SABO has statistics that show that municipal companies in smaller cities and towns usually have somewhat lower administrative costs. For an average apartment in the sample with roughly 80 m2 , this may explain a rent difference of 80 SEK per month or about 10 per cent of the impact from the price level in these regions. This difference in costs may be related to the argument about X-inefficiency above. Municipal companies in regions with high demand for housing do not have the same incentive to reduce their costs, since apartments are easily let out anyhow. The most surprising result was the negative correlation between the share of the municipal housing company and the rent level. The larger the share of the municipal housing company, the lower is the rent level in the company. A number of factors might explain this, e.g. economics of scale or that a smaller municipal housing company will have a higher share of households with social problems, which increases their costs. The effect was not strong quantitatively: an increase in the market share with 10 percentage points tended to lower the rent by only 39 SEK per month, which is less than 1 per cent of the average rent. Therefore it is not really meaningful to speculate about the explanation for this result.

And Vacant Houses Outnumber the Homeless 6 to 1 

Loha 11 ( Leader of Amnesty International “How Bad is The Homeless Problem?” 2011) Since 2007, banks have foreclosed around eight million homes. It is estimated that another eight to ten million homes will be foreclosed before the financial crisis is over. This approach to resolving one part of the financial crisis means many, many families are living without adequate and secure housing. In addition , approximately 3.5 million people in the U.S. are homeless, many of them veterans. It is worth noting that at the same time, there are 18.5 million vacant homes in the country. 

The affirmative solves – the right to housing prohibits policies that force people into homelessness, and mandates the progressive realization of adequate living spaces for all. Foscarinis 05.
Foscarinis, Maria. Executive Director at the National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty; A.B., Barnard College; M.A., J.D., Columbia University. “Advocating for the Human Right to Housing: Notes from the United States.” 30 N.Y.U. Rev. L. and Soc. Change 447 2005-2006.
Elaboration of the right to housing, particularly by the CESCR,88 is crucial to an understanding of how it can be integrated into U.S. advocacy. A common argument against the right is based on the false assumption that it simply and unequivocally requires government to provide a free house to everyone. 89 In fact, the right is more complex and the obligation more nuanced. The Committee has specifically stated that the right should not be interpreted narrowly: it is more than shelter or a "roof over one's head"; rather, it encompasses "the right to live somewhere in security, peace and dignity." 90 The Committee thus incorporates into the right the concept of adequacy, and defines the right to adequate housing to includes seven components: legal security of tenure; availability of services, materials, facilities, and infrastructure; affordability; habitability; accessibility; location; and cultural adequacy.9 1 The treaty obligates each state party "to take steps" "to the maximum of its available resources" to "progressively" achieve "the full realization" of the right, by "all appropriate means, including particularly the adoption of legislative measures." 92 As elaborated by the CESCR, the ICESCR includes both obligations of "conduct" and of "result." 93 Because implementation of some of the ICESCR's provisions requires the expenditure of limited resources, the treaty contemplates "progressive realization" of the right over time. 94  However, two obligations are effective immediately: the obligation of nondiscrimination 95 and the obligation to "take steps" toward full realization. 96 Moreover, the requirement of "progressive realization" is a serious one to which nations may be held accountable; some courts have held it to be a judicially enforceable standard.97 Deliberately retrogressive measures-measures that diminish existing housing rights-will constitute violations of the right to housing under international human rights law unless justified in terms of the "full use of the maximum available resources." 98 Elaborating on the nature of the obligation "to take steps... by all appropriate means," the CESCR has stated that, in addition to legislative measures, judicial remedies may also constitute "appropriate means" under the treaty.99 In the context of the right to housing, the Committee has noted that "appropriate means" will "almost invariably include adoption of a national housing strategy" which "should reflect extensive genuine consultation with, and participation by, all of those affected, including the homeless, the inadequately housed and their representatives."' 00 In addition, states must give "due priority" to disadvantaged groups, so that legislation and policies do not "benefit already advantaged groups at the expense of others." 10 1 Also essential and immediately effective are the obligations that states abstain from negative actions and commit to facilitating "self-help" by affected groups; 10 2 and that they undertake effective monitoring, including ascertaining "the full extent of homelessness and inadequate housing within their jurisdictions."' 10 3 Within these general parameters, however, it is up to the individual states to determine how to implement the right: "Measures designed to satisfy a State party's obligations in respect of the right to adequate housing may reflect whatever mix of public and private sector measures considered appropriate." 104 The Committee specifically states that the obligation to realize the rights protected by the ICESCR "neither requires nor precludes any particular form of government or economic system being used as the vehicle for the steps in question, provided only that it is democratic and that all human rights are thereby respected." 10 5 But whatever particular strategies a nation adopts, "the obligation is to demonstrate that, in aggregate, the measures being taken are sufficient to realize the right for every individual in the shortest possible time in accordance with the maximum of available resources." 10 6

Part 4 is the advantages
Advantage 1: IPV
Currently domestic violence is in many households.
Safe Horizon No Date. "Domestic Violence: Statistics and Facts." Safe Horizon. Safe Horizon, n.d. Web. 18 July 2016.
What is Domestic Violence? Domestic Violence is a pattern of behavior used to establish power and control over another person through fear and intimidation, often including the threat or use of violence. Other terms for domestic violence include intimate partner violence, battering, relationship abuse, spousal abuse, or family violence. Who is Most Likely to Suffer from Domestic Abuse or Become a Victim of Domestic Violence? Domestic violence and abuse can happen to anyone, regardless of gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, income, or other factors. Women and men can be victims of domestic violence. How Many Men are Domestic Violence Victims? Men are victims of nearly 3 million physical assaults in the USA. How Often Does Domestic Violence Occur? 1 in 4 women will experience domestic violence during her lifetime. Why Does Domestic Abuse Happen? No victim is to blame for any occurrence of domestic abuse or violence. While there is no direct cause or explanation why domestic violence happens, it is caused by the abuser or perpetrator. When and Where Does Domestic Violence Occur? Domestic violence is most likely to take place between 6 pm and 6 am. More than 60 of domestic violence incidents happen at home. What Happens to Victims of Domestic Violence? Domestic violence is the third leading cause of homelessness among families, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. At least 1/3 of the families using New York City’s family shelter system are homeless due to domestic violence. Domestic Violence in America: General Statistics and Facts. Women ages 18 to 34 are at greatest risk of becoming victims of domestic violence. More than 4 million women experience physical assault and rape by their partners. In 2 out of 3 female homicide cases, females are killed by a family member or intimate partner. What are the Effects of Domestic Violence on Children? More than 3 million children witness domestic violence in their homes every year. Children who live in homes where there is domestic violence also suffer abuse or neglect at high rates (30 to 60). Children exposed to domestic violence at home are more likely to have health problems, including becoming sick more often, having frequent headaches or stomachaches, and being more tired and lethargic. Children are more likely to intervene when they witness severe violence against a parent – which can place a child at great risk for injury or even death. What are the Effects of Domestic Violence on Mental Health? Domestic violence victims face high rates of depression, sleep disturbances, anxiety, flashbacks, and other emotional distress. Domestic violence contributes to poor health for many survivors including chronic conditions such as heart disease or gastrointestinal disorders. Most women brought to emergency rooms due to domestic violence were socially isolated and had few social and financial resources. What is the Economic Cost of Domestic Violence? Domestic violence costs more than $37 billion a year in law enforcement involvement, legal work, medical and mental health treatment, and lost productivity at companies. What Happens if Domestic Violence Victims Do Not Receive Help? Without help, girls who witness domestic violence are more vulnerable to abuse as teens and adults. Without help, boys who witness domestic violence are far more likely to become abusers of their partners and/or children as adults, thus continuing the cycle of violence in the next generation.

 Lack of public housing props up domestic violence by forcing women to remain in abusive relationships. Paglione 06.
Paglione, Giulia. “Domestic Violence and Housing Rights: A Reinterpretation of the Right to Housing.” Human Rights Quarterly, Vol. 28, No. 1 (Feb., 2006), pp. 120-147.
When battered women are prevented by laws, policies, customs or culture from attaining a legally secured tenure, the possibility of leaving an abusive husband is very limited. Shelters for battered women are not always available, and women who decide to abandon violent households often find no alternative to homelessness, ending up in urban slums.29 This implies that an abused woman without real access to a legally secured tenure is indirectly forced to stay in an abusive relationship and endure physical and psychological violence. She is forced by the state's laws, or by society's practice, to remain prisoner in her own home or, alternatively, to accept homelessness and its connected risks. The Special Rapporteur drew attention to this phenomenon in the same report, stating: In most countries, whether developed or developing, domestic violence is a key cause of women's homelessness and presents a real threat to women's security of person and security of tenure. Many women continue to live in violent situations because they face homelessness if they resist domestic violence.30 A state's failure to ensure women substantial access to property and  housing violates women's basic human right to adequate housing and  indirectly contributes to the persistence of domestic violence. States are therefore required to grant women the legal security of tenure as an integral part of their obligation to eradicate domestic violence.31 We should recall the CESCR Committee's recommendation: "States parties should . . . take immediate measures aimed at conferring legal security of tenure upon those persons and households currently lacking such protection, in genuine consultation with affected persons and groups."32
(Then the solvency is to look back at Ganapati 2)

Advantage 2 is disease. We are on the brink of an AIDS epidemic --- it’s soon resistant to current drug treatment and the death toll is increasing --- decreasing infection is the only way to solve.   

Quinn 16 8/2. Quinn, Rob. “We’re Losing Ground in War on AIDS: UN.” Newser. August 2, 2016.  LHP MK
AIDS isn't a wounded enemy on the brink of defeat, it "is still one of the biggest killers in the world" and the target of ending the epidemic by 2030 now looks completely unrealistic, warns the chief of the United Nations program on HIV and AIDS. UNAIDS director Peter Piot tells the Guardian that "it is as if we're rowing in a boat with a big hole and we are just trying to take the water out. We're in a big crisis with this continuing number of infections and that’s not a matter of just doing a few interventions." There are still almost 2 million new infections every year—60 of them among women and girls—and the HIV virus is becoming resistant to drugs currently used to keep infected people healthy, leaving expensive new drug combinations as the only alternative. "We will not end HIV as an epidemic just by medical means," warns Piot, who notes that many African girls are infected by much older men and that gay men still face severe discrimination in many countries. “People are not robots. Sex happens in a context. It is about power," he says. RFI reports that out of around 37 million people infected worldwide, only around 17 million are receiving any kind of treatment, meaning that the AIDS death toll, which has been holding steady at around 1.5 million a year, could start rising again. Piot and other experts say progress—and, someday, victory—is still possible, but the fight has been slowed down by a shortage of funding, which has been partly because donor countries no longer see the epidemic as a major or urgent problem. (In the US, there are "stark differences" between the infection rates of different groups.)
Status quo homelessness catalyzes HIV outbreak.
Badiaga ‘15. Badiaga, Sékéné et al. “Preventing and Controlling Emerging and Reemerging Transmissible Diseases in Homelessness.” Post 2015 since it cites evidence from then  LHP MK
Homelessness is an increasing social and public health problem worldwide. According to the United Nations, “absolute homelessness” describes the conditions of persons without physical shelter. “Relative homelessness” describes the condition of those who have a physical shelter but one that does not meet basic standards of health and safety, such as and access to safe water and sanitation, personal safety, and protection from the elements (1). An estimated 100 million persons worldwide experience either absolute or relative homelessness (2). Homelessness is associated with numerous behavioral, social, and environmental risks that expose persons to many communicable infections, which may spread among the homeless and lead to outbreaks that can become serious public health concerns (3–8). Epidemiologic studies of homeless populations have reported the following prevalence rates for infectious diseases: 6.2–35 for HIV infection (6,9–13), 17–30 for hepatitis B virus (HBV) infection (9,10), 12–30 for hepatitis C virus (HCV) infection (9,10), 1.2–6.8 for active tuberculosis (TB) (3,4), 3.8–56 for scabies (11,12), 7–22 for body louse infestation (5,11,13,14), and 2–30 for Bartonella quintanainfection (5,15), which is the most common louse-borne disease in urban homeless. The prevalence of these transmissible diseases among the homeless varies greatly according to living conditions. Homeless persons who sleep outdoors in vehicles, abandoned buildings, or other places not intended for human habitation are mainly street youth, female street sex workers, and persons with mental health problems (1). These persons are frequently injection drug users (IDUs), and they often engage in risky sexual behavior, which exposes them to both blood-borne and sexually transmitted infections such as HIV, HCV, and HBV (6,9,10). Homeless persons sleeping in shelters are mainly single men, but they also include single women, families with children, and mentally ill persons (1). The primary health concerns for this population are the overcrowded living conditions that expose them to airborne infections, especially TB (7), and the lack of personal hygiene and clothing changes that expose them to scabies, infestation with body lice, and louse-borne diseases (5). Homeless persons using single-room hotels or living with friends and family show a high prevalence of illicit drug use and risky sexual behavior that increases the risk for infections transmitted by blood and/or sex (6), and they also frequently live in overcrowded conditions that expose them to TB (7). Homeless people face many barriers to accessing healthcare systems; these factors contribute to increasing the spread of infections (1). Implementing efficient strategies to survey and prevent the spread of communicable infections among the homeless is a public health priority. Strategies reported to be efficient for controlling or preventing communicable infections in the homeless are targeted interventions that focus on areas where homeless people are more likely to reside and are conducted with a mobile team that includes outreach workers (8,16–19). In this review, which concentrates on the primary communicable infections commonly associated with homelessness, we summarize the main intervention measures reported to be efficient in controlling and preventing these infections.
Homeless people spread AIDs between population hubs.
Foucault ’01. Cedric Foucault, Didir Raoult, Phillippe Brouqi. “Infections in the Homeless.” Vol. 1 No. 2. The  Lancet. September 2001.  LHP MK  
Homeless people in developed countries have specific problems predisposing them to infectious diseases. Respiratory infections and outbreaks of tuberculosis and other aerosol transmitted infections have been reported. Homeless intravenous drug users are at an increased risk of contracting HIV, and hepatitis B and C infections. Skin problems are the main reason the homeless seek medical attention, and these commonly include scabies, pediculosis, tinea infections, and impetigo. Many foot disorders are more prevalent in the homeless including ulcers, cellulitis, erysipelas, and gas gangrene. The louse transmitted bacteria Bartonella quintana has recently been found to cause clinical conditions in the homeless such as urban trench fever, bacillary angiomatosis, endocarditis, and chronic afebrile bacteraemia. Treatment of homeless people is complicated by financial constraints, self-neglect, and lack of adherence. Patients with serious and contagious illnesses should be hospitalised. Physicians should be aware of these specific issues to enhance care. Homelessness is a major problem in both developing and wealthy countries. Today at least half a million Americans are homeless.1, 2 Comparable numbers of people were estimated to be homeless in England in 19883 and in France in 1996.4, 5 Homeless people are predisposed to infections because of their poor physical state and lack of hygiene, hence outbreaks of contagious diseases are more prevalent in the homeless. Furthermore, homelessness not only damages the health of the affected individuals but also promotes the spreads of diseases such as tuberculosis into the general population.6 The treatment of homeless people is a therapeutic challenge because they are often unable to pay for their treatment and adherence is often poor. In addition, access to health care may be limited by mental illness, transport problems, self-neglect, and fear of institutions.7 We have worked with the homeless population of Marseilles since 19938 in ongoing studies of louse-transmitted diseases.9 In this article we review the infectious diseases of the homeless since there are few reviews or books on this topic in what seems to be a neglected field of study.
Spread of AIDS causes pervasive mutations.
Ehrlich ’90. Paul Ehrlich and Anne Ehrlich, Professors of Population studies at Stanford University, THE POPULATION EXPLOSION, 1990, p. 147-8
Whether or not AIDS can be contained will depend primarily on how rapidly the spread of HIV can be slowed through public education and other measures, on when and if the medical community can find satisfactory preventatives or treatments, and to a large extent on luck. The virus has already shown itself to be highly mutable, and laboratory strains resistant to the one drug, AZT, that seems to slow its lethal course have already been reported."  A virus that infects many millions of novel hosts, in this case people, might evolve new transmission characteristics.  To do so, however, would almost certainly involve changes in its lethality. If, for instance, the virus became more common in the blood (permitting insects to transmit it readily), the very process would almost certainly make it more lethal.  Unlike the current version of AIDS, which can take ten years or more to kill its victims, the new strain might cause death in days or weeks. Infected individuals then would have less time to spread the virus to others, and there would be strong selection in favor of less lethal strains (as happened in the case of myxopatomis).  What this would mean epidemiologically is not clear, but it could temporarily increase the transmission rate and reduce life expectancy of infected persons until the system once again equilibrated.  If the ability of the AIDS virus to grow in the cells of the skin or the membranes of the mouth, the lungs, or the intestines were increased, the virus might be spread by casual contact or through eating contaminated food. But it is likely, as Temin points out, that acquiring those abilities would so change the virus that it no longer efficiently infected the kinds of cells it now does and so would no longer cause AIDS. In effect it would produce an entirely different disease.  We hope Temin is correct but another Nobel laureate, Joshua Lederberg, is worried that a relatively minor mutation could lead to the virus infecting a type of white blood cell commonly present in the lungs.  If so, it might be transmissible through coughs.
Extinction.
ACSA 2K. Mutation and spread of AIDS ensures extinction. American Computer Science Association: ("U.N.: HIV Epidemic continues to Spread" American Computer Science Association http://www.acsa2000.net/aids/global_aids_ap.htm#ross ) 
At a 12 annual compounded growth rate in the spread of infection , which netted 5 million new cases in 2005 and 3 million deaths from the disease, that means the growth of HIV/AIDS will exceed Humanity's Birthrate within 100 Years. At that point it will be too late. to do anything about: Humanity will cease to exist in less than 150 years. , by 2155. The increasing number of long term survivors is at a rate of 40 increase, per year, but at some point, once the Birth Rate is exceeded by the AIDS deaths per year, the number of human beings to catch the disease will decline to the point where the only survivors will all be under the age of sexual activity, and many will be in-vitro infected and die. within 5 years. At that point, only those capable of living with the disease and caring for the young, will live, a few million young persons at best . At the present rate Humanity will be Economically Bankrupt within 25 years (680 Million People will have AIDS, about 10 of humanity, 600 million People will have died of it by then:  with 68 million new deaths each year, roughly equivalent to 1/5th the population of America.) The "Extinction Point" may actually accelerate the impending extinction to less than 75 years, if birth rate declines. as a result.  It is the Economically Bankrupt Point , however, that will insure Extinction, since beyond that point, the population of non-infected persons will drop due to other factors, such as war, barbarianism, and the like .