Opponent: Collegiate DM | Judge: Paul Gravley, Bill Thompson, Srikar Pyda
This one was interesting to say the least
Glenbrooks
Octas
Opponent: Oakwood JW | Judge: Castillo, Eckert, Taylor
This round was rlly fun
Toc
1
Opponent: Emmie | Judge: Carlos
REEEEEEEEEEE
UH
Quarters
Opponent: Strake Jesuit RC | Judge: rip
I think this round could have gone the other way
To modify or delete round reports, edit the associated round.
Cites
Entry
Date
0-Disclosure Note
Tournament: any | Round: 9 | Opponent: a | Judge: b If theres something that I've read that I haven't disclosed por favor message me on facebook or email me @ lucasclarke8@gmail.com and I'll disclose it. sometimes i forget.
Tournament: TOC | Round: Semis | Opponent: NA | Judge: NA I've decided to be strange
I disclose as I go, just about anything read during the topic will be disclosed. Sometimes I get lazy. Just message me and you'll get anything not up yet prior to round.
At the end of every topic I'll delete all cites and just opensource it as one big file. It makes sense to me. At that point who cares what I read right?
Calling the movement “alt right” legitimizes the movement and concedes it’s authority Stop Calling Them the 'Alt-Right' Brendan O'Connor 11 21 16
It can be…all as antagonists.
The alternative is to tell it as it is: just call them white supremacists, racists, and white nationalists, and remove any significance to the movement Call the 'Alt-Right' Movement What It Is: Racist as Hell By Lincoln Blades August 26, 2016
Recently, Trump made…and intellectually fraudulent. Additionally: reject the aff on face for the rhetoric: we don’t defend this as a word pic but as a independent critique of the ac
Vincent Re-Conceptualizing our Performances: Accountability in Lincoln Douglas Debate Christopher J. Vincent 10/26/2013 Debaters must be…community could have.
PIC
Do the aff but restrict harassment speech that does not comply with the regulations set forth by Title IX and Title IV
DOJ U.S. Department of Justice Civil Rights Division Educational Opportunities Section April 22, 2016 Re: Title IX and Title IV Investigation of University of New Mexico https://www.justice.gov/opa/file/843901/download (CWLC) The United States…and Title IV
Title IX is constitutional: turns your constitution arguments Win for Title IX and the Constitution By Ariela Migdal, ACLU Women's Rights Project JANUARY 22, 2009 | 3:33 PM
Facebook Twitter Reddit…to fight discrimination
DA
Title IX has led to restrictions now: the aff entails that the colleges ignore that and accept consequences Richardson ’16: Title IX order on campus ‘harassment’ violates rights, free speech advocates say. Bradford Richardson May 1, 2016. Washington Times
Loss of funding kills quality of education too – turns case Mitchell et all 2: Funding Down, Tuition Up State Cuts to Higher Education Threaten Quality and Affordability at Public Colleges UPDATED AUGUST 15, 2016
Years of cuts…higher education funding.
Funding cuts make colleges neoliberal paradises and ruins lower class mobility: turns case Goldberg, Michelle. "This Is What Happens When You Slash Funding for Public Universities." The Nation. N.p., 09 July 2015. Web. 05 Jan. 2017. https://www.thenation.com/article/gentrification-higher-ed/ (CWLC)
Many of the…their futures blighted.
Funding cuts cause a closing down of black colleges and community builders: damages black empowerment Historically black colleges in financial fight for their future Institutions assert their relevance amid financial concerns, falling enrollment October 22, 2013 11:00AM ET by Dexter Mullins (CWLC)
In the last…Making It Happen." HBCUS are bastions of racial support: it’s the best way to uplift people of color The Power of HBCU Magic By Nyah Hardmon Published on August 23, 2016
When you grow…’till the end.
Its proven: HBCUS have large uplift rates Historically black colleges in financial fight for their future Institutions assert their relevance amid financial concerns, falling enrollment October 22, 2013 11:00AM ET by Dexter Mullins
Questions about the…relevant they are." Essentializing trump supporters turns case: it reifies domination Lerner
What Happened on Election Day and Donald Trump’s victory. Stop Shaming Trump Supporters By MICHAEL LERNER 1/4
It turns out…rage is legitimate.
1/12/17
HWRR3
Tournament: Harvard Westlake RR | Round: 3 | Opponent: La Canada AZ | Judge: WilliamsArthur Theory Interpretation: Merriam Webster (Merriam Webster, online reference, “any,” https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/any) Every —used to indicate one selected without restriction any child would know that Thus debaters may not specify a place that free speech ought not be limited in: to clarify: debaters may not read a parametrization of the topic that entails that certain areas are no longer restricted rather than the whole of a university space.
Standard is limits
Fairness is a voter Education is a voter Drop the debater Competing interps No rvi K
Reform is a lie: there is nothing the biopolitical state can’t overcome through vision Schulium
The Capitalist regime has co-opted the way we value things, and look at ethics. It has created a fantasy where nothing but capitalism matters. We must overcome and traverse this ideology. Everything we have come to know is just a fiction set up by this fantasy, framed by those in a position of privilege who force us to make distinct concepts and characteristics of the world to benefit them. Reject this notion of exploitation and join me in putting on the critic ideological lenses and traversing the fantasy.
Slavoj Zizek, researcher at the institute of sociology at the university of Ljubljana, The Plague of Fantasies, 1997. Preface xi-xiii EM In caring for…sight is ideological.
The claim that free speech leads to democratic debate and social progress is a neoliberal myth used to sustain the subjugation of the capitalist elite – the 1ACs faith in the free exchange of ideas displaces a focus on direct action and re-entrenches facets of oppression. Tillett-Saks 13 Andrew Tillett-Saks (Labor organizer and critical activist author for Truth-Out and Counterpunch), Neoliberal Myths, Counterpunch, 11/7/13, http://www.counterpunch.org/2013/11/07/neoliberal-myths/LADI In the wake…always proved necessary.
Discursive framing is backwards—ideology and consumption patterns are determined by material inequalities. Discourse theory cedes politics by reducing radical action to ‘transgressive’ speech acts Tumino ‘8 Stephen Tumino, professor of English at the University of Pittsburgh, "Materiality in Contemporary Cultural Theory," The Red Critique, Fall/Winter 2008, accessed 1/21/10 http://www.redcritique.org/FallWinter2008/materialityincontemporaryculturaltheory.htm
One of the…in the market.
The state isn’t the innocent hero they make it out to be, it’s the dangerous joker that waits in the dark preying on the innocent. As long as action is taken in the context of the state, it’s doomed to maintain the capitalist machine. This is especially true in the context of promoting rights. Even fiat can’t escape the blood thirsty mindset of maximizing economic growth. Evans Tony Evans Department of Politics, University of Southampton, Highfield Citizenship and Human Rights in the Age of Globalization. This interpretation of…materialism of interests."77
This is uniquely bad- affirming the resolution makes the state look like a best friend- the state is able to pull of the façade of caring for its citizenry when in reality its merely using them as a means to acquiring more capital- silences criticism because if the state looks perfect and reformatory then widespread coalitions have no focal points to rally around. This means that the 1AC forecloses the possibility of ever creating an authentic solution to capitalism because we
A) fail to recognize it still pervades our lives and
B) think that those conditions are a good thing. Actions taken within the capitalist system only reproduce and make the system stronger.
Tournament: Harvard Westlake RR | Round: 5 | Opponent: Peninsula JL | Judge: HusseinChapman Theory Interpretation: Merriam Webster (Merriam Webster, online reference, “any,” https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/any) Every —used to indicate one selected without restriction any child would know that Thus debaters may not specify a place that free speech ought not be limited in: to clarify: debaters may not read a parametrization of the topic that entails that certain areas are no longer restricted rather than the whole of a university space.
Standard is limits
Fairness is a voter Education is a voter Drop the debater Competing interps No rvi K
Reform is a lie: there is nothing the biopolitical state can’t overcome through vision Schulium
Interp: Debaters may not specify certain colleges and universities: to clarify: the aff may not fiat an action that only applies to a portion of colleges in the status quo, and does not apply to every college.
Tournament: Glenbrooks | Round: 1 | Opponent: Cy Bay EN | Judge: Bill Thompson Debaters must have a solvency advocate: to clarify: a solvency advocate is someone who is established as in the literature: and has verifiable credentials, who supports the aims of the plan and writes that support. I reserve the right to clarify
A. Interpretation- The aff/neg must have an explicit advocacy text denoting every part of their proposition to limit immunity. To clarify, their first constructive must include the phrase “I advocate that X” written down where X is the proposition for affiming/negating.
11/19/16
NC r3 emory
Tournament: Emory | Round: 3 | Opponent: Lassiter AO | Judge: Nails K
Reform is a lie: there is nothing the biopolitical state can’t overcome through vision Schulium
The standard is util. Prefer it You should default to util if I win defense —we naturally want to make the world better. Walter Sinnott-Armstrong 14 American philosopher. He specializes in ethics, epistemology, and more recently in neuroethics, the philosophy of law, and the philosophy of cognitive science, "Consequentialism", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2014 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed), BE Even if consequentialists…as consequentialists claim.w Non-utilitarian ethics fail within the realm of public policy. Deont doesn’t consider trade offs Woller Woller 1997 (Gary, Economics Professor at BYU, “Policy Currents,” June, http://apsapolicysection.org/vol7_2/72.pdf ) Moreover, virtually all…in a democracy. DA International law banned hate speech Matsuda ’89 : Mari J. Matsuda (Associate Professor of Law, University of Hawaii, the William S. Richardson School of Law), "Public Response to Racist Speech: Considering the Victim's Story," Michigan Law Review, 1989 AZ The international community…of eliminating discrimination.
US adherence to international law concerning hate speech is key to credibility in international human rights Cohen ‘15 :
Tanya Cohen, "It’s Time To Bring The Hammer Down On Hate Speech In The U.S." Thought Catalog, 5/1/2015 AZ Recent scandals involving right-wing hatemongers like Phil Robertson, Donald Sterling, Bill Maher, and the Sigma Alpha Epsilon fraternity have brought to light one of America’s biggest embarrassments: the fact that America remains the only country in the world without any legal protections against hate speech. In any other country, people like Phil Robertson and Donald Sterling would have been taken before a Human Rights Commission and subsequently fined and/or imprisoned and/or stripped of their right to public comment for making comments that incite hatred and violence against vulnerable minorities. But, in the US, such people are allowed to freely incite hatred and violence against vulnerable minorities with impunity, as the US lacks any legal protections against any forms of hate speech – even the most vile and extreme forms of hate speech remain completely legal in the so-called “land of the free”. Not only is this a violation of the most basic and fundamental human rights principles, but it’s also an explicit violation of legally-binding international human rights conventions. For many decades, human rights groups around the world – from Amnesty International to Human Rights First to the United Nations Human Rights Council – have told the United States that it needs to pass and enforce strong legal protections against hate speech in accordance with its international human rights obligations. As of 2015, the US is the only country in the world where hate speech remains completely legal. This is, in fact, a flagrant violation of international human rights law. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) both mandate that all countries outlaw hate speech, including “propaganda for war” and the dissemination of any “ideas based on racial superiority or hatred”. The ICCPR and ICERD are both legally-binding international human rights conventions, and all nations are required to uphold them in the fullest. By failing to prosecute hate speech, the US is explicitly and flippantly violating international human rights law. No other country would be allowed to get away with this, so why would the US? The United Nations has stated many times that international law has absolute authority. This is quite simply not optional. The US is required to outlaw hate speech. No other country would be able to get away with blatantly ignoring international human rights standards, so why should the US be able to? The US is every bit as required to follow international human rights law as the rest of the world is.
Soft power solves multiple scenarios for extinction. Nye and Armitage 07 Joseph Nye (Distinguished Service Professor at Harvard, and previous dean of Harvard’s John F. Kennedy School of Government) and Richard Armitage (13th United States Deputy Secretary of State, the second-in-command at the State Department, serving from 2001 to 2005), “CSIS Reports – A Smarter, More Secure America”, 11/6, 2007 http://www.csis.org/component/option,com_csis_pubs/task,view/id,4156/type,1/
Soft power is… will to fight.
DA Endowments are high now but dropping rapidly - protests are alienating alumni donors, who are of older generations Hartocollis 8/4 : Anemona Hartocollis, writer for NYT: August 4, 2016(“College Students Protest, Alumni’s Fondness Fades and Checks Shrink” New York Times Available at http://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/05/us/college-protests-alumni-donations.html?_r=0 Accessed on 12/15/16)IG Scott MacConnell cherishes…to campus protests.
Endowment funds are key to US college competitiveness – ensures college quality Leigh ‘14 Steven R. Leigh (dean of CU-Boulder’s College of Arts and Sciences), "Endowments and the future of higher education," UColorado Boulder, March 2014 AZ These broad trends…on how successfully
Loss of funding kills quality of education too – turns case Mitchell et all 2: Funding Down, Tuition Up State Cuts to Higher Education Threaten Quality and Affordability at Public Colleges UPDATED AUGUST 15, 2016
Years of cuts…education funding.
Funding cuts cause a closing down of black colleges and community builders: damages black empowerment Historically black colleges in financial fight for their future Institutions assert their relevance amid financial concerns, falling enrollment October 22, 2013 11:00AM ET by Dexter Mullins (CWLC)
In the last…Making It Happen."
1/28/17
NCR2
Tournament: Harvard | Round: 2 | Opponent: Syosset CM | Judge: Evnen CP: Do the affirmative, but restrict speech in 2 instances: the first being non-compliance with the Anti-Semitism Awareness Act post-passage, the second being non-compliance with Title IX and Title IV speech restrictions.
The ADL and DOJ are our solvency advocates
First is Anti-Sem ADL
"The Anti-Semitism Awareness Act of 2016." ADL. N.p., n.d. Web. 16 Dec. 2016. No date no specific author (CWLC)
WHAT IS THE…anti-Jewish animus.
Anti-semitism is the largest manifestation of your impacts: it comes first under any interpretation of your framework ADL 2 "The Anti-Semitism Awareness Act of 2016." ADL. N.p., n.d. Web. 16 Dec. 2016. No date no specific author (CWLC) Anti-Semitism is…all current manifestations. There is a unique strand of anti-Semitism present in student activist movements: social progression doesn’t mean that activists get a pass: the cp instills a reasonable check
Cravatts, Richard. "Not All the News That's Fit to Print." Frontpage Mag. N.p., 07 Dec. 2016. Web. 06 Jan. 2017. (CWLC) When Elmer Davis…movement, at all. 2nd is Title restrictions
DOJ U.S. Department of Justice Civil Rights Division Educational Opportunities Section April 22, 2016 Re: Title IX and Title IV Investigation of University of New Mexico https://www.justice.gov/opa/file/843901/download (CWLC) The United States…and Title IV
Loss of funding kills quality of education too – turns case Mitchell et all 2: Years of cuts…education funding.
Funding cuts make colleges neoliberal paradises and ruins lower class mobility: turns case Goldberg, Michelle. "This Is What Happens When You Slash Funding for Public Universities." The Nation. N.p., 09 July 2015. Web. 05 Jan. 2017. https://www.thenation.com/article/gentrification-higher-ed/ (CWLC)
Many of the…their futures blighted.
Funding cuts cause a closing down of black colleges and community builders: damages black empowerment Historically black colleges in financial fight for their future Institutions assert their relevance amid financial concerns, falling enrollment October 22, 2013 11:00AM ET by Dexter Mullins (CWLC)
In the last…Making It Happen."
2/18/17
NOV-DEC All
Tournament: GBXUT | Round: Finals | Opponent: I hate | Judge: Jan-Feb Open source
A. Interpretation- Both the aff and neg get access to theory as a reverse voting issue. Every offensive drop-the-debater theory argument for one debater must also be sufficient to win for the other when comparative offense is won to a counter-interpretation. B. Violation- the AC says only the aff gets RVIs. C. Standards- a. Reciprocity-. b. Strat skew- D. Theory’s a voter for fairness 1) Use competing interps,
Material Realities K
Your lofty parables of conflict directly recreate the conditions this bigotry speaks: shut up with your framing and think about the real world Lawrence Charles R. Lawrence III, If He Hollers Let Him Go: Regulating Racist Speech on Campus, 1990 Duke Law Journal 431-483 (1990) Available at: http://scholarship.law.duke.edu/dlj/vol39/iss3/2 (CWLC)
But I am in the debate.27
Racialized individuals face mountains of conflict: an approach not aware nor oriented toward their existence can A. never remove oppression and B. Recreates conditions Matsuda 88 (Mari, Associate Professor of Law, University of Hawaii, “When the First Quail Calls: Multiple Consciousness as Jurisprudential Method”, 11 Womxn's Rts. L. Rep. 7 1989 (CWLC) The multiple consciousness…law and theory
The alternative is a historicized ethic: one which understands specific injustice Boler
All Speech is Not Free: The Ethics of “Affirmative Action Pedagogy” Megan Boler Virginia Tech University 2000 (CWLC) If all speech…limiting dominant voices.
The Role of the Ballot is to Mitigate Structural Violence thought material conditions
Winter and Leighton 99: Deborah DuNann Winter and Dana C. Leighton. Winter|Psychologist that specializes in Social Psych, Counseling Psych, Historical and Contemporary Issues, Peace Psychology. Leighton: PhD graduate student in the Psychology Department at the University of Arkansas. Knowledgeable in the fields of social psychology, peace psychology, and justice and intergroup responses to transgressions of justice "Peace, conflict, and violence: Peace psychology in the 21st century." Pg 4-5 SA-IB Finally, to recognize…to reduce it.
DA
Bullying happens Susan H. Duncan, College Bullies - Precursors to Campus Violence: What Should Universities and College Administrators Know about the Law, 55 Vill. L. Rev. 269 (2010). Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.villanova.edu/vlr/vol55/iss2/1 (CWLC)
Although bullying is…by their coaches.3 2 The aff allows unfettered free speech: this includes bullying which is a violation “Bullying and Moral Responsibility” Dr. May A. Webber, Chair, Division of Humanities, Associate Professor of Philosophy St. John’s University Jamaica, New York no date Subsequent to critiquing…and expanded upon.
Bullying Bad: LGBT students Susan H. Duncan, College Bullies - Precursors to Campus Violence: What Should Universities and College Administrators Know about the Law, 55 Vill. L. Rev. 269 (2010). Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.villanova.edu/vlr/vol55/iss2/1 (CWLC)
Another rich source…and homophobic. Bullying is bad Susan H. Duncan, College Bullies - Precursors to Campus Violence: What Should Universities and College Administrators Know about the Law, 55 Vill. L. Rev. 269 (2010). Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.villanova.edu/vlr/vol55/iss2/1 (CWLC)
Although bullying may…even committing suicide. 4 4
Bullying bad violence Susan H. Duncan, College Bullies - Precursors to Campus Violence: What Should Universities and College Administrators Know about the Law, 55 Vill. L. Rev. 269 (2010). Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.villanova.edu/vlr/vol55/iss2/1 (CWLC)
Victims may also…at Virginia Tech.
Bullying bad leads to crime Susan H. Duncan, College Bullies - Precursors to Campus Violence: What Should Universities and College Administrators Know about the Law, 55 Vill. L. Rev. 269 (2010). Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.villanova.edu/vlr/vol55/iss2/1 (CWLC) The victim is…among bullying offenders.5 2
\ Case
1) The AFF allows for hate speech McGough: Sorry, kids, the 1st Amendment does protect 'hate speech' Oct 30 2015 Michael Mcgough As Eugene Volokh of…college students think. A system of equal and outer freedoms ought not tolerate hate speech Varden 1 : On the Kantian…of all citizens.
2) The aff allows for seditious speech since it is protected by the Brandenburg v Ohio Supreme Court decision but is incompatible with the system of equal and outer freedoms Varden 2: To understand Kant’s…a public crime (6: 331).
1/12/17
R4 TOC
Tournament: TOC | Round: 4 | Opponent: Rohith | Judge: Sunhee A is Interpretation The affirmative cannot end restrictions surrounding specific forms of speech on the toc 2017 Jan Feb Topic. Any’s usage in negative statements refers to even the small amount, Cambridge English Dictionary: "Any Definition in the Cambridge English Dictionary." Any Definition in the Cambridge English Dictionary. N.p., n.d. Web. 03 Jan. 2017. http://dictionary.cambridge.org/us/dictionary/english/any. (used in negative statements and questions) some, or even the smallest amount (of) B is Violation: C is Standards Limits – Fairness
Education.
Topical version of the aff
Competing Interpretations DTD
K
Genealogical interrogation of power that are within structures of norms is a precondition to ethical engagement. Lack of a genealogical interrogation lend itself to structures of power becoming structures of domination and societies of subjugation.
ERLENBUSCH, Verena. From Race War to Socialist Racism: Foucault’s Second Transcription. Foucault Studies, S.l., p. 134-152, jan. 2017. ISSN 18325203. Available at: https://rauli.cbs.dk/index.php/foucault-studies/article/view/5239. Date accessed: 27 apr. 2017. Clarke Neg Pp 122-123 Foucault does not simply want to see and think differently himself. Through his philosophy he also endeavors to foster widespread creation of and experimentation with new modes of thought and existence. In order to do this, he first illustrates the need for such articulation and experimentation by conducting genealogical analyses. Through inquiring into how prevailing norms, institutions, and practices have developed historically and taken hold, genealogies show that current conditions are not necessary conditions and, therefore, that they are open to critical analysis. Engaging critically with the present in turn facilitates identification and countering of norms, institutions, and practices that generate normalizing effects. Simply put, normalization as Foucault conceives of it refers to the modern Western phenomenon whereby human beings’ critical and creative capacities are merely channeled back into the rearticulation of prevailing modes of thought and existence. This curtailment of critique and creativity in turn reinforces existing power relations and is therefore counter to freedom. For Foucault, freedom entails navigating existing power relations in ways that do not reinforce them in their current form but rather keep them “open and fluid.”28 Power relations are kept open and fluid when capacities are directed toward innovation, the outcome of which cannot be anticipated in advance, such that alternative, multiple, and potentially conflicting ways of living proliferate. It is not difficult to see how the pressure toward obedience in the face of and conformity with prevailing modes of thought and existence that characterizes modern Western societies poses a major obstacle to the kind of ethico‐political engagement Foucault aims to practice and encourage. Normalizing societies hone persons’ ability to effectively, efficiently, and obediently reproduce what already exists. In doing so, they simultaneously (and just as effectively) inhibit thinking and perceiving differently; cultivation of critical and creative capacities; and identification and countering of, and development of alternatives to, normalizing norms, institutions, and practices. To the extent that they produce conformity and obedience, such societies risk deteriorating into states of domination—static conditions of inequality where the substance of persons’ lives (especially those who do not for whatever reason to adhere to prevailing norms) is simply dictated to them.
Strategies, such as the aff, that attempt to liberate that exist in a world of non-genealogical methods devolve into normative forms of disciplinary power that further perpetuate the cycle of oppression for those that sought liberation in the first place
KOOPMAN, Colin. Genealogy as Critique: Foucault and the Problems of Modernity. Indiana University Press. 2013. 96-97
Foucault never denounced discipline. Nor need we. You, like me, already endorse its strategies, including normalization and surveillance, in some parts of your life. Despite occasional irritations, you want everyone to drive on the right side of the road. And even if you are someone who does not like the police, you surely would not complain about some organization dedicated to surveilling drivers to ensure that nobody drove on the other side. Few think that mandatory examinations for driving licenses are a bad idea, including even those who are hateful of the bureaucratic apparatus entrained by these examinations. These are trivial examples, but they point to the positive effects of discipline that Foucault too acknowledged. And yet no one would deny that disciplines and their strategies bear enormous dangers within. Here is my point: discipline is not bad, though it can be put to bad uses. The problem is not discipline. The problem is that we disciplinarians know not what to do when discipline goes bad. This problem is not trivial for us today amidst the swarming of the disciplines. The dangers of the disciplines are daily manifest in our prisons, our hospitals, our schools, our courtrooms, our bedrooms, our shopping malls, and our workplaces—they even manifest right at the heart of who we are in our very conceptions of our body and mind. Our problem is that when we find discipline going wrong, we often oppose it with practices of freedom as liberation or emancipation. But, Foucault insisted, the ideals of freedom with which we tend to work are often complicit with, rather than effective against, discipline. Liberation, once effective against repressive power, is rarely able to out us from the grip of discipline. This complicity runs in both directions. When we find freedom too free, too out of control, we try to cage it with our fine-tuned disciplinary apparatus. But the too-frequent result is blowback, or freedom flaunting itself in the face of discipline. That liberation and discipline are ineffective against the abuses of each other is an effect of the rigorous division (which I call the purification) of freedom and power charted by Foucault’s histories of modernity. This purification goes to the heart of Foucault’s problematizations of modernity. I shall describe in detail this entwinement of discipline and liberation in Chapter 5, where I reinterpret Discipline and Punish along these lines—for now I can only issue a promissory note. But if I can redeem this promissory note later, then I am justified now in claiming that Foucaultian problematization does not rely on an implicit normative mechanism to do its work. There is nothing wrong with discipline itself. But we do have a problem. When discipline goes wrong, as it often does, we often respond in ways that only reinforce discipline. This problem speaks more to the conditions of possibility for being, acting, and thinking in the present than it does to any normative judgment of what we are, do, or think.
Alt- Embrace a methodology of genealogy that frames questions of structures and norms as an ontology of present
ERLENBUSCH, Verena. From Race War to Socialist Racism: Foucault’s Second Transcription. Foucault Studies, S.l., p. 134-152, jan. 2017. ISSN 18325203. Available at: https://rauli.cbs.dk/index.php/foucault-studies/article/view/5239. Date accessed: 27 apr. 2017. Clarke Neg Pp 124 Foucault refers to a mode of existence characterized by such critical questioning alternatively as an “ethos,” an “attitude,” an “ontology of ourselves,” and an “ontology of the present.” That the ontology of which Foucault conceives extends beyond a method of philosophical inquiry is apparent in his description of an attitude as a “mode of relating to contemporary reality … a way of thinking and feeling … of acting and behaving.”35 Foucault also makes clear that this attitude entails not simply engaging, but more specifically engaging critically, with the present. Insofar as an ontology of the present entails adopting a critical attitude toward contemporary reality, it is implicated in the practice of freedom. This implication is apparent in Foucault’s characterization of an ontology of the present in terms of a “critique of what we are that is at one and the same time the historical analysis of the limits that are imposed on us, and an experiment with the possibility of going beyond them.”36 An ontology of the present is a mode of conduct concerned with identifying, analyzing, and challenging the constraints persons face within normalizing societies relative to both their self‐relation and their broader relations within the world. It entails questioning prevailing norms and practices, critically engaging the present in ways that yield insight into the workings of existing power relations, and endeavoring to navigate those relations so that new ways of living can be created and explored. It is thus a way of living in the world that resists and in turn facilitates resistance against pressure toward normalization, while also facilitating alternatives to normalizing modes of existence.
Genealogy solves, uniquely key to mount resistance and affect change. Koopman:
KOOPMAN, Colin. Genealogy as Critique: Foucault and the Problems of Modernity. Indiana University Press. 2013. 141-142 For in my view, the point of Foucault’s genealogy is not only to demonstrate that our present practices are contingent, but also to show how these practices contingently emerged. Contingency was for Foucault not a point of conclusion but a point of commencement: we do not demonstrate contingency as the result of our inquiry, but we use inquiry to investigate the specific events that have constituted the contingent form into which we are inquiring. By focusing on the specific ways in which our practices are contingent, and not merely the general fact of their contingency, genealogy invites specific strategies for either developing alternative practices or improving existing practices. To see Foucault as otherwise insisting on contingency per se rather than on the specific shapes our contingencies have assumed might lead us to interpretations of his work that effectively undercut the connection between genealogical problematization and other forms of critical inquiry that aim at the reconstruction of problematic situations.
Simply recognizing contingency can’t work towards solvency. A genealogy has to be done to understand how the practices came to be and how to resist them. Koopman: KOOPMAN, Colin. Genealogy as Critique: Foucault and the Problems of Modernity. Indiana University Press. 2013. 130 Getting clear on the distinction between the fact that our practices are contingent and the history of how these same practices were contingently composed goes a long way toward recognizing the broader import of genealogy. For if genealogy helps us see how our present was made, it also thereby equips us with some of the tools we would need for beginning the labor of remaking our future differently. Merely knowing that some construction contingently came into being does not equip us with much if our goal is to remake that construction. It provides us, perhaps, with a little confidence, or at least a solace that the work we want to do is possible—that we will not be bumping our heads against cognitive, biological, or metaphysical necessity. But the comforts of possibility are not quite the tools of actuality. To make those constructions different, to make ourselves otherwise, we need to know, amongst other things, how it was that we made ourselves into who we are. To put this point in another idiom that I shall be eager to develop in this and later chapters: pragmatic reconstruction requires a genealogical problematization that would equip the work of reconstruction with a sense of how the problematization that is being reworked was itself constructed.
K
Reform is a lie: there is nothing the biopolitical state can’t overcome through vision Schulium
Meanwhile – in Oregon – demonstrators blocking traffic face sentences of twenty-five years imprisonment. In the field of urban pacification the Israeli army is becoming the most prominent consultant. Experts from all over the world rush to marvel at the latest, most formidable and subtle findings in anti-subversive technology. It would appear that the art of wounding – wounding one to scare a hundred – has reached untold summits. And then there is “terrorism”. That is to say, according to the European Commission: “any offence committed intentionally by an individual or a group against one or several countries, their institutions or their populations, and aiming at threatening them and seriously undermining or destroying the political, economic or social structures of a country.” In the United States there are more prisoners than farmers. As it is reorganised and progressively recaptured, public space is covered with cameras. Not only is any surveillance now possible, it has become acceptable. All sorts of lists of “suspects” circulate from department to department, and we can scarcely 14 Scholium guess their probable uses. The social space once traversed by flâneurs is now militarily marked and sealed, and its ties of chatter and gossip have been transformed into recriminate whispers, the substance of new micro-legal constraints. In the uk the Anti Social Behaviour Orders have turned the most petty disputes among neighbours into personally tailored edicts of exile, banishing a marked individual from a street corner or proscribing the wearing of hooded tops within a specific zone. Meanwhile the Metropolitan Police, working with members of the special forces, pursue their campaign against terror with a series of “mistaken” shootings. A former head of the cia, one of those people who, on the opposing side, get organised rather than get indignant, writes in Le Monde: “More than a war against terrorism, what is at stake is the extension of democracy to the parts of the Arab and Muslim world that threaten liberal civilisation. For the construction and the defence of which we have worked throughout the 20th century, during the First, and then the Second World War, followed by the Cold War – or Third World War.”
To try to be visible is to lose: independent link into the kritik and terminal defense Invisible Committee
The Coming Insurrection is an anonymous book published in 2009 online. “Invisible Committee” is the name the anonymous authors gave themselves https://tarnac9.wordpress.com/texts/the-coming-insurrection/ In a demonstration, a union member tears the mask off of an anonymous person who has just broken a window. “Take responsibility for what you’re doing instead of hiding yourself.” To be visible is to be exposed, that is to say above all, vulnerable. When leftists everywhere continually make their cause more “visible” – whether that of the homeless, of women, or of undocumented immigrants – in hopes that it will get dealt with, they’re doing exactly the contrary of what must be done. Not making ourselves visible, but instead turning the anonymity to which we’ve been relegated to our advantage, and through conspiracy, nocturnal or faceless actions, creating an invulnerable position of attack. The fires of November 2005 offer a model for this. No leader, no demands, no organization, but words, gestures, complicities. To be socially nothing is not a humiliating condition, the source of some tragic lack of recognition – from whom do we seek recognition? – but is on the contrary the condition for maximum freedom of action. Not claiming your illegal actions, only attaching to them some fictional acronym – we still remember the ephemeral BAFT (Brigade Anti-Flic des Tarterêts)– is a way to preserve that freedom. Quite obviously, one of the regime’s first defensive maneuvers was the creation of a “banlieue” subject to treat as the author of the “riots of November 2005.” Just looking at the faces on some of this society’s somebodies illustrates why there’s such joy in being nobody. Visibility must be avoided. But a force that gathers in the shadows can’t avoid it forever. Our appearance as a force must be pushed back until the opportune moment. The longer we avoid visibility, the stronger we’ll be when it catches up with us. And once we become visible our days will be numbered. Either we will be in a position to pulverize its reign in short order, or we’ll be crushed in no time.
The Alternative is a politics of invisibilty
The only way to revolt is to not exist Invisible Committee The Invisible Committee. The Cybernetic Hypothesis. 2001, Section XI http://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/tiqqun-the-cybernetic-hypothesis.html From the cybernetic perspective, threats cannot be welcomed and transcended a fortiori. They must be absorbed, eliminated. I’ve already said that the infinitely renewed impossibility of this annihilation of events is the final certainty that practices of opposition to the device-governed world can be founded on. Threat, and its generalization in the form of panic, poses an unsolvable energetic problem for the holders of the cybernetic hypothesis. Simondon thus explains that machines with a high information outflow and control their environment with precision have a weak energetic output. Conversely, machines that require little energy to carry out their cybernetic mission produce a poor rendering of reality. The transformation of forms into information basically contains two opposing imperatives: “information is in one sense that which brings a series of unpredictable, new states, following no predefined course at all; it is thus that which requires absolute availability from an information channel with respect to all the aspects of modulation that it routes along; the information channel should in itself have no predetermined form and should not be selective... On the opposite hand, information is distinct from noise because information can be assigned a certain code and given a relative uniformization; in all cases where noise cannot be immediately/directly brought down to below a certain level, a reduction of the margin of indetermination and unpredictability in information signals is made.” In other words, for a physical, biological, or social system to have enough energy to ensure its reproduction, its control devices must carve into the mass of the unknown, and slice into the ensemble of possibilities between what is characterized by pure chance, and has nothing to do with control, and what can enter into control as hazard risks,immediately susceptible to a probability calculation. It follows that for any device, as in the specific case of sound recording devices, “a compromise should be made that preserves a sufficient information output to meet practical needs, and an energy output high enough to keep the background noise at a level that does not disturb the signal levels.” Or take the case of the police as another example; for it, this would just be a matter of finding the balance point between repression — the function of which is to decrease social background noise — and reconnaissance/intelligence — which inform them about the state of and movements in society by looking at the signals it gives off. To provoke panic first of all means extending the background interference that imposes itself when the feedback loops are triggered, and which makes the recording of behavioral discrepancies by the ensemble of cybernetic apparatuses costly. Strategic thinking grasped the offensive scope of such interference early on. When Clausewitz was so bold as to say, for example, that “popular resistance is obviously not fit to strike large-scale blows” but that “like somethingvaporous and fluid, it should not condense anywhere.” Or when Lawrence counterposed traditional armies, which “resemble immobile plants,” and guerrilla groups, comparable to “an influence, an idea, a kind of intangible, invulnerable entity, with no front or back, which spreads everywhere like a gas.” Interference is the prime vector of revolt. Transplanted into the cybernetic world, the metaphor also makes reference to the resistance to the tyranny of transparency which control imposes. Haze disrupts all the typical coordinates of perception. It makes it indiscernible what is visible and what is invisible, what is information and what is an event. This is why it represents one of the conditions for the possibility of events taking place. Fog makes revolt possible
4/30/17
R5NC
Tournament: TFA | Round: 5 | Opponent: tee hee | Judge: Vincent Interpretation debaters may not specify a group of people who is guaranteed the right to housing
Standard is limits:
K a. Link. International law was founded by, and continues to maintain, colonialism – Treaties don’t check state power, they secure it in by universalizing law and sovereign relationships. Gardner writes, Gardner 10 David, Graduate student at San Diego State University, “The Colonial Nature of International Law”, E-International Relations Students, 6/8/2014, http://www.e-ir.info/2010/06/08/the-colonial-nature-of-international-law/, 7/28/2014 B.S “International law was … law is colonial.
B. is the Impact and Alt Vote negative – Continued reliance on international law will only result in war, inequality, environmental destruction, and racism. Instead, our alternative is to suspend our faith in the neutrality of international law and to speak the narrative of colonialism. Schmidt ’10 (Patrick, Department of Political Science, Macalester College, “MEETING THE ENEMY: AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM AND INTERNATIONAL LAW, by Natsu Taylor Saito.” http://www.lawcourts.org/LPBR/reviews/saito0910.htm)
I do not…a century ago.
K Statist mechanisms for housing only reinscribe capital: the directive is to include people into the proletariat Clarke THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF HOUSING Simon Clarke and Norman Ginsburg University of Warwick https://homepages.warwick.ac.uk/~syrbe/pubs/ClarkeGinsburg.pdf 1975 (CWLC) In the course…working class landlord.
Right to housing is a ruse of solvency: it’s enveloped in structure and reinscribes capitalism: no escaping the link Noonan Against Housing: Homes as a Human Life Requirement Jeff Noonan1 and Josephine Watson2 2017 http://www.alternateroutes.ca/index.php/ar/article/view/22421/18208 ( CWLC)
In February 2016…live within it. Your reps recreate the social conditions you critique: this comes prior Rosenman Engels in the Crescent City: Revisiting the Housing Question in post-Katrina New Orleans Chris Herring* University of California Berkeley Department of Sociology christoph.herring@berkeley.edu Emily Rosenman* University of British Columbia Department of Geography emily.rosenman@geog.ubc.ca 2016 (CWLC) According to Engels…in New Orleans.
Cap root cause of your harms: creates housing bubbles which ruin housing and turn case Wolff Housing Crisis a Symptom of Capitalism's Failure Saturday, 21 August 2010 08:49By Rick Wolff, MRzine | Op-Ed | name. This capitalist crisis…changing the system. Cap comes first cause irreversible harm: extinction Farbod 15 ( Faramarz Farbod , PhD Candidate @ Rutgers, Prof @ Moravian College, Monthly Review, http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2015/farbod020615.html, 6-2) (Recut CWLC shouts to HW) Global capitalism is…of no return.
Cap removes lower class from political spectrum: kills any chance of resolving oppression Zizek 08 - senior researcher at the Institute of Sociology University of Ljubljana (Slavoj, Violence, 2008, p. 44-46, CH)
Harris violates his…machine lacking depth?
The alt is alternative housing routes out of capital: the method is squatting Lopez artínez López, M. and Cattaneo, C. (2014). Squatting as an Alternative to Capitalism: An Introduction. In Cattaneo, C. and Martínez López, M. (Eds.), The Squatters’ Movement in Europe. Commons and Autonomy as Alternatives to Capitalism. London, United Kingdom: Pluto Press, p.1-25 Hodkinson suggests that…the squatters' movement.
3/10/17
R6 NC
Tournament: TOC | Round: 6 | Opponent: Brianna | Judge: Rodrigo First is T
A is Interpretation The affirmative cannot end restrictions surrounding specific forms of speech on the NSDA 2017 Jan Feb Topic. Any’s usage in negative statements refers to even the small amount, Cambridge English Dictionary: "Any Definition in the Cambridge English Dictionary." Any Definition in the Cambridge English Dictionary. N.p., n.d. Web. 03 Jan. 2017. http://dictionary.cambridge.org/us/dictionary/english/any. (used in negative statements and questions) some, or even the smallest amount (of) B is Violation: The plan ends restrictions surrounding professor speech C is Standards Limits –Education is a voter, it’s the end goal of debate. Topical version of the aff Competing Interpretations DTD No rvi Second is theory
Interpretation: at the Jan/Feb 2017 TOC tournament, debaters must disclose all broken positions with taglines, title of article, and the full wording of the evidence: to clarify, debaters must full text disclose evidence when they disclose: this does not entail that all analytics must be disclosed in their entirety, just that evidence must.
Violation you didn’t
First is Research Burdens: Disclosure also helps with quality of research Nails A Defense of Disclosure (Including Third-Party Disclosure) by Jacob Nails NSD_Update October 10, 2013 In theory, the increased quality of information could trade off with quantity. If debaters could just look to the wiki for evidence, it might remove the competitive incentive to do one’s own research. Empirically, however, the opposite has been true. In fact, a second advantage of disclosure is that it motivates research. Debaters cannot expect to make it a whole topic with the same stock AC – that is, unless they are continually updating and frontlining it. Likewise, debaters with access to their opponents’ cases can do more targeted and specific research. Students can go to a new level of depth, researching not just the pros and cons of the topic but the specific authors, arguments, and adovcacies employed by other debaters. The incentive to cut author-specific indicts is low if there’s little guarantee that the author will ever be cited in a round but high if one knows that specific schools are using that author in rounds. In this way, disclosure increases incentive to research by altering a student’s cost-benefit analysis so that the time spent researching is more valuable, i.e. more likely to produce useful evidence because it is more directed. In any case, if publicly accessible evidence jeopardized research, backfiles and briefs would have done LD in a long time ago. Research burdens int link to edu
2 is accessibility
Interested academics can’t access masses of information: word sourcing ameliorates and allows for new education Pinto Pirates in our public library: Why Indian scholars are closely watching a court case in Quebec Jan 21, 2016. Rochelle Pinto
In 2005, Sean Dockray did what any sensible government should have done for its students. The American artist set up a sharing-enabled platform for a website then called aaaaarg.org, and uploaded digital copies of largely theoretical and philosophical texts that could be freely downloaded by readers. Before long, many of the researchers, students, teachers, and scholars who used the site began to upload scans of texts in their possession – exactly as Dockray hoped they would. To readers based in places like India, a collection with this breadth is simply unavailable and, on first sight, unimaginable, as these books often sell at more than three or four times the price of a bestselling novel. Outside of the highly professionalised, and increasingly corporatised atmosphere of the better-funded US, European and East Asian university libraries, scholars have to settle for producing critical research without access to (or sometimes knowledge of) essential material.With aaaaarg.org, anyone with an internet connection could access mutually contributed material, reminding us that research relies on a common pool of ideas.
Voters
Edu Fairness
Comp interps Drop debater No rvi 3rd is K
Critical education papers over true focus and creates the conditions for professional education Moten and Harney Harney, Stefano, and Fred Moten. The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study. , 2013. Print.(CWLC) http://www.minorcompositions.info/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/undercommons-web.pdf But in fact, critical education only attempts to perfect professional education. Te professions constitute themselves in an opposition to the unregulated and the ignorant without acknowledging the unregulated, ignorant, unprofessional labor that goes on not opposite them but within them. But if professional education ever slips in its labor, ever reveals its condition of possibility to the professions it supports and reconstitutes, critical education is there to pick it up, and to tell it, never mind – it was just a bad dream, the ravings, the drawings of the mad. Because critical education is precisely there to tell professional education to rethink its relationship to its opposite – by which critical education means both itself and the unregulated, against which professional education is deployed. In other words, critical education arrives to support any faltering negligence, to be vigilant in its negligence, to be critically engaged in its negligence. It is more than an ally of professional education, it is its attempted completion. A professional education has become a critical education. But one should not applaud this fact. It should be taken for what it is, not progress in the professional schools, not cohabitation with the Universitas, but counterinsurgency, the refounding terrorism of law, coming for the discredited, coming for those who refuse to write of or write up the undercommons. Te Universitas is always a state/State strategy. Perhaps it’s surprising to say professionalization – that which reproduces the professions – is a state strategy. Certainly, critical academic professionals tend to be regarded today as harmless intellectuals, malleable, perhaps capable of some modest intervention in the so-called public sphere. But to see how this underestimates the presence of the state we can turn to a bad reading of Derrida’s consideration of Hegel’s 1822 report to the Prussian Minister of Education. Derrida notices the way that Hegel rivals the state in his ambition for education, wanting to put into THE UNIVERSITY AND THE UNDERCOMMONS 33 place a progressive pedagogy of philosophy designed to support Hegel’s worldview, to unfold as encyclopedic. Tis ambition both mirrors the state’s ambition, because it, too, wants to control education and to impose a worldview, and threatens it, because Hegel’s State exceeds and thus localises the Prussian state, exposing its pretense to the encyclopedic. Derrida draws the following lesson from his reading: the Universitas, as he generalizes the university (but specifes it, too, as properly intellectual and not professional), always has the impulse of State, or enlightenment, and the impulse of state, or its specifc conditions of production and reproduction. Both have the ambition to be, as Derrida says, onto- and auto-encyclopedic. It follows that to be either for the Universitas or against it presents problems. To be for the Universitas is to support this onto- and auto-encyclopedic project of the State as enlightenment, or enlightenment as totality, to use an old-fashioned word. To be too much against the Universitas, however, creates the danger of specifc elements in the state taking steps to rid itself of the contradiction of the onto- and auto-encyclopedic project of the Universitas and replacing it with some other form of social reproduction, the anti-enlightenment – the position, for instance, of New Labour in Britain and of the states of New York and California with their “teaching institutions.” But a bad reading of Derrida will also yield our question again: what is lost in this undecidability? What is the price of refusing to be either for the Universitas or for professionalization, to be critical of both, and who pays that price? Who makes it possible to reach the aporia of this reading? Who works in the premature excess of totality, in the not not-ready of negligence? Te mode of professionalization that is the American university is precisely dedicated to promoting this consensual choice: an antifoundational critique of the University or a foundational critique of the university. Taken as choices, or hedged as bets, one tempered with the other, they are nonetheless always negligent. Professionalization is built on this choice. It rolls out into ethics and efciency, responsibility and science, and numerous other choices, all built upon the theft, the conquest, the negligence of the outcast mass intellectuality of the undercommons. 34 THE UNDERCOMMONS It is therefore unwise to think of professionalization as a narrowing and better to think of it as a circling, an encircling of war wagons around the last camp of indigenous women and children. Tink about the way the American doctor or lawyer regard themselves as educated, enclosed in the circle of the state’s encyclopedia, though they may know nothing of philosophy or history. What would be outside this act of the conquest circle, what kind of ghostly labored world escapes in the circling act, an act like a kind of broken phenomenology where the brackets never come back of and what is experienced as knowledge is the absolute horizon of knowledge whose name is banned by the banishment of the absolute. It is simply a horizon that does not bother to make itself possible. No wonder that whatever their origins or possibilities, it is theories of pragmatism in the United States and critical realism in Britain that command the loyalty of critical intellectuals. Never having to confront the foundation, never having to confront antifoundation out of faith in the unconfrontable foundation, critical intellectuals can float in the middle range. Tese loyalties banish dialectics with its inconvenient interest in pushing the material and abstract, the table and its brain, as far as it can, unprofessional behavior at its most obvious The alt is to escape the ruse of solvency and embrace the undercommons: small scale resistance is critical Moten and Harney 2 Harney, Stefano, and Fred Moten. The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study. , 2013. Print.(CWLC) http://www.minorcompositions.info/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/undercommons-web.pdf Meanwhile, that critical academic in the university, in the circle of the American state, questions the university. He claims to be critical of the negligence of the university. But is he not the most accomplished professional in his studied negligence? If the labor upon labor, the labor among labor of the unprofessionals in the university sparks revolt, retreat, release, does the labor of the critical academic not involve a mockery of this frst labor, a performance that is fnally in its lack of concern for what it parodies, negligent? Does the questioning of the critical academic not become a pacifcation? Or, to put it plainly, does the critical academic not teach how to deny precisely what one produces with others, and is this not the lesson the professions return to the university to learn again and again? Is the critical academic then not isdedicated to what Michael E. Brown termed the impoverishment, the immiseration, of society’s cooperative prospects? Tis is the professional course of action. This enlightenment-type charade is utterly negligent in its critique, a negligence that disavows the possibility of a thought of an outside, a nonplace called the undercommons – the nonplace that must be thought outside to be sensed inside, from which the enlightenment-type charade has stolen everything for its game. But if the critical academic is merely a professional, why spend so much time on him? Why not just steal his books one morning and give them to deregistered students in a closed-down and beery student bar, where the seminar on burrowing and borrowing takes place. Yet we must speak of these critical academics because negligence it turns out is a major crime of state.
This is a meta level criticism: the distortion of your authors is the criticism: and your focus on professionalism is the danger: it is not protecting tenure in and of itself that we critique, but how you orient yourself to it. Next is CP
Counterplan Text: Public Colleges and Universities in the United States ought not restrict any constitutionally protected free speech for professors and faculty members except for the University of North Carolina Wilmington’s Professor of Criminology Mike Adams
Jenn Hoffman is the solvency advocate and tells the story of Nada Merghani “Hate 101:UNC Professor Allowed to Harass LGBTQ Students” Jenn Hoffman, 2016 http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2016/11/28/unc-professor-gets-away-with-harassing-lgbtq-students.html Jenn Hoffman is an author and social reporter for The Daily Beast and she also writes for The Daily Beast, Esquire, LA Weekly, New York Post, Jezebel, Vice, People Magazine and Marie Claire. The first time Nada Merghani discovered Professor Mike Adams, it was because she was reading his Facebook post about her. “The only thing more disgusting than a jihadist Muslim is a pro-choice Muslim,” Adams, a criminology professor at the University of North Carolina at Wilmington, wrote in April 2015. * Merghani was just a 17-year-old freshman, and said she had never spoken to Adams before. The self-described “black Queer Muslim” and Sudanese refugee said the post was just the began beginning of what she says became a relentless period of harassment from Adams and his followers for the next year until she left the school in November. Adams’s social media accounts and blog posts are littered with hate speech against gay, lesbian, transgender, and queer people. He condemned “the gay lifestyle” and likened same-sex marriage rights to “rape.” He called trans people mentally ill and asserted that any doctor willing to help with gender-reassignment surgery should be charged with to mutilation mutilating a mentally ill person. Adams won’t speak to the media about Merghani or another student who accuses him of harassment (he didn’t return requests for comment from The Daily Beast), but he frequently criticizes them on Twitter and Facebook. Adams continues to attack and mock Merghani and other students, staff, and faculty in blog posts on Daily Wire, a website that according to its official Facebook page exists to “unmask leftists in the media for who they are, destroy their credibility with the American public, and devastate their funding bases.” Last August, Adams published an article about Merghani, using her full name, stating she is bringing a “Queer Muslim Jihad” upon campus. Merghani said she feels personally threatened and unsafe on campus after the professor published the blatantly anti-Muslim, anti-LGBT rant “suggesting I’m a terrorist without a hint of truth or any regard for my personal safety.” Adams does refer to Merghani as a jihadist in the title of his post for Daily Wire. Adams clarifies that he does not see Merghani as a real terrorist threat in the content of his blog post, but by then damage is already done. Google “Nada Merghani” and her name appears besides the words “jihad” and “terrorist”—two words that could be a highly damaging association for a Muslim person. This is far from the first time Adams has been fixated on a UNCW student. In July 2009 UNCW student Chaz Housand and friend Chet Saunders were beaten unconscious after leaving a bar in downtown Wilmington. According to the Wilmington Star News, the police investigated the attack as a hate crime because Housand and Sanders are both openly gay. When Adams heard about what happened to Housand and Saunders he expressed outrage about the beatings being investigated as a hate crimes. In an August 2009 he wrote a scathing piece for conservative website Town Hall about the attack. “There will never be a shortage of people who choose lifestyles that make them more susceptible to violence than others,” Adams wrote. “It isn’t the job of the government to protect these people.” According to a friend of Housand who wished to speak anonymously, “Chaz was still in the hospital with broken bones when he heard the professor was blaming him and attacking him. It made him feel worse. Chaz is not really online or on social media anymore. What Adams did to him was disgusting.” Adams calls students who accused him of harassing them “weak pansies” and makes fun of the LGBTQ community for being too dramatic. “Sometime I wonder whether LGBT stands for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Thespian. So much drama, so few letters in the alphabet,” he wrote on the Daily Wire. He even compared gay rights to rape in an open letter entitled, “Rape Wins.” “You should be ashamed of yourself for committing spiritual rape in the name of tolerance and inclusion,” Adams wrote to a man who sued a wedding photographer for refusing to shoot his same-sex nuptials. Despite all of this, the school said Adams has done nothing wrong by its own standards. “Dr. Adams’s online column and social media presence represent his personal expressions and opinions on a variety of topics,” UNCW said in a statement. “These expressions and opinions are neither within the requested scope of Dr. Adams’s duties with the university, nor do they represent the views of this institution. However, they are expressions protected by the First Amendment to the United States Constitution.” The school also said that speech didn’t cross the line when it came to Merghani. “At this point, the university has not found evidence that Dr. Adams has improperly released any private or confidential information related to the student, or violated the Family Education Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA). There is no evidence of unlawful discrimination by Dr. Adams toward this student in UNCW’s working, living, or learning environment, per the university’s harassment prevention policy. Finally, Dr. Adams’s conduct and written material do not contain any evidence of a true threat toward this or any other student.” If the school were to fire or discipline Adams, he might sue—again. In 2007, Adams sued UNCW for religious and speech-based discrimination after he was not promoted to full professor in 2006. A federal district court ruled in favor of UNCW in 2010, but then a federal appeals court overturned that ruling in 2011. In 2014 a jury upheld Adams’s appeal of the initial ruling and awarded him $50,000 in back pay and ordered the school to pay more than $600,000 in legal fees. In the settlement the school also agreed to promote Adams to full professor, and administrators “agreed to adopt procedures protecting Adams from renewed retaliation.” Since winning the lawsuit, Adams has ramped up his efforts, churning out more posts for Town Hall and the Daily Wire. He calls himself a “vocal critic of the diversity movement in academia” and brags about receiving ‘countless hate mails sic.” UNCW student Sydney Burton said she was hoping the school’s code of conduct would offer more clearly worded rules against hate speech, because the current wording doesn’t protect students from Mike Adams. The Seahawk Respect Compact is the UNCW code of conduct document addressing “University Diversity and Inclusion.” This November the administration took measures to update the Compact, but the final draft is still in progress. “Right now, this university has done more to protect those that spread hate speech than the students that are victims of it,” Burton said. If the Compact doesn’t protect students from hate speech, some UNCW students and faculty like Professor Wendy Brenner are wondering if Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act does. Brenner, an associate professor in the Department of Creative Writing, said “teachers are supposed to protect and challenge students, not harass or attack them. As a Professor, what am I going to tell students past, present and future? That they aren’t safe here? That they can expect to be harassed? You’d think if the school won’t protect them Title VI would. How is this not an example of a protected class?” According to the U.S. Dept. of Education Office of Civil Rights website the responsibilities of school districts, colleges, and universities under Title VI require the school to address racial and national origin harassment. “Title VI requires an educational institution to respond to racial or national origin harassment that is sufficiently serious to deny or limit a student’s ability to participate in or benefit from the recipient’s education programs and activities (i.e., creates a hostile environment).” Some students and faculty are hoping the opportunity to finally relieve the school of Adams lies within the language of Title VI. More than 2,000 students and community members have signed an online petition asking for Adams to be removed from UNCW. Even if the UNCW administration and a federal appeals court grants Adams the right to free speech, Title VI states that his right to free speech stops when he starts to create a hostile environment. Merghani says she was initially planning a lawsuit against UNCW, but now she is focused on continuing her education elsewhere. She says it’s important to keep going. “Strength is not an option for black women. I don’t have time to fall apart. I still have an education to pursue. There are people who want to see me fail but they aren’t going to keep it away from me.”
Net Benefit 1: Queer Pride
Things like abusive professors are damning for activists who try to create comfortable environments for queer people excluded from society- allowing staff members to berate them makes exclusion worse; fostering an environment that encourages queer people to comfortably celebrate their identities can cause change Renn and Bilodeau 05’ “Queer Student Leaders: An Exploratory Case Study of Identity Development and LGBT Student Involvement at a Midwestern Research University” (2005) Kristen A. Renn; Brent Bilodeau Kristen A. Renn, PhD, is Assistant Professor of Higher, Adult, and Lifelong Education at Michigan State University and Brent Bilodeau is a PhD candidate in Higher, Adult, and Lifelong Education and the Coordinator of the Office of LGBT Concerns at Michigan State University. Before, during, and after MBLGTACC, the students interviewed were learning “how to be gay, lesbian, or bisexual, with these constructs defined by their proximal community of lesbians, gay men, or bisexual people” (D’Augelli, 1994, p. 325). Planning and attending the conference provided specific opportunities. Jo found the leadership experience empowering: I didn’t realize the lasting impact that the conference would have on this campus and on the individuals who planned it, and the participants. I didn’t realize I guess because that was the first conference like that that I’d ever attended. I didn’t realize how empowering it would be, to be involved with it. So I think the whole experience surpassed my expectations of what I thought I’d get out of it. I kind of thought it would be something that I planned and helped out with, and just one more job on the list of things that I do, but I really think that I got a lot out of it personally. Jo’s sexual identity status is inextricably linked to her identity as a queer activist: I don’t think I would be as out as I am if it wasn’t for activism. Because when you’re an activist, you’re forced out of the closet by the fact that your face is on the front page of a newspaper. There’s no one on this campus who reads the campus paper who doesn’t know who I am and about my involvement with the Alliance of LGBT Students. Not out as broadly as Jo, Denise and Christopher also described the ways in which the conference transformed their identities. Messages Denise received at the conference about identity, community, and pride percolated over the summer: When I was there it was like, you’re totally out because everybody there is feeling the same. They’re on the same wavelength in a certain respect. It was like with the rainbow colors everywhere . . . After the conference, I think, I really felt like carrying on after the conference ended into how I acted. With me, my personal situation, it didn’t carry on directly after, but I kept those kinds of things in mind and it just kind of sat there through the summer. I’m out. I’ve got this rainbow flag on my bag and I’m just out fully. Everybody knows. It’s a great feeling, and I believe the conference was doing that . . . Seeing all those people is like a glimmer of hope. Oh, my gosh! There’s so many of us out there and you just don’t know. I think indirectly and directly it helped me to get to the point where I am today. Christopher’s involvement in the conference leadership meant that he had to interact with staff members on campus whom he did not know and who did not know anything about his sexual identity. One meeting was a watershed moment. Christopher had been involved in planning concerts on campus and brought his production experience to the entertainment subcommittee. The subcommittee met with administrators to discuss details of contracts, technical needs, and so forth. We were trying to come up with all the information. And they invited him me and name and a couple of other people were there. It was like a really big step because I kind of got to see how everything worked inside. Obviously I was there because Ihe was gay, so it was like, well it was a big step. And that was for the conference . . . That was a pretty big step. I wasn’t really nervous before going there, but I think it’s been a bunch of small little steps that have led to being more comfortable. As a result of being in a meeting where “obviously” he was there because he was gay, Christopher became more comfortable with his gay identity. Through his involvement with other student leaders, he also found role models for being an out gay black man: “I mean really when you’re around people and you associate with people who are where you want to be it changes you.” Though Christopher, Denise, and Jo were at very different places in their personal sexual identities, participation in the conference influenced their identity development process. As in each illustration, the interaction between Process 2 (individual identity) and Process 3 (social identity) was evident.
4/30/17
Round 1
Tournament: Toc | Round: 1 | Opponent: Emmie | Judge: Carlos Interpretation: on the Jan feb 2017 toc topic: affs must defend that public colleges and universities ought not restrict any constitutionally protected speech
Violation: you defend a kweer overthrow of the current order
You have removed entirely from the preset confines of the topic: so long as that is true that means we have no initial point of preparation to have expected
Thus the net benefits
Debate requires a specific point of difference in order to promote effective exchange—stasis in the topic is key to engagement. Steinberg and Freeley 13, * David, Lecturer in Communicatio22n studies and rhetoric. Advisor to Miami Urban Debate League. Director of Debate at U Miami, Former President of CEDA. And Austin, attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, JD, Suffolk University, Argumentation and Debate, Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making, 121-4 Debate is a means of settling differences, so there must be a controversy, a difference of opinion or a conflict of interest before there can be a debate. If everyone is in agreement on a feet or value or policy, there is no need or opportunity for debate; the matter can be settled by unanimous consent. Thus, for example, it would be pointless to attempt to debate "Resolved: That two plus two equals four,” because there is simply no controversy about this state¬ment. Controversy is an essential prerequisite of debate. Where there is no clash of ideas, proposals, interests, or expressed positions of issues, there is no debate. Controversy invites decisive choice between competing positions. Debate cannot produce effective decisions without clear identification of a question or questions to be answered. For example, general argument may occur about the broad topic of illegal immigration. How many illegal immigrants live in the United States? What is the impact of illegal immigration and immigrants on our economy? What is their impact on our communities? Do they commit crimes? Do they take jobs from American workers? Do they pay taxes? Do they require social services? Is it a problem that some do not speak English? Is it the responsibility of employers to discourage illegal immigration by not hiring undocumented workers? Should they have the opportunity to gain citizenship? Does illegal immigration pose a security threat to our country? Do illegal immigrants do work that American workers are unwilling to do? Are their rights as workers and as human beings at risk due to their status? Are they abused by employers, law enforcement, housing, and businesses? How are their families impacted by their status? What is the moral and philosophical obligation of a nation state to maintain its borders? Should we build a wall on the Mexican border, establish a national identification card, or enforce existing laws against employers? Should we invite immigrants to become U.S. citizens? Surely you can think of many more concerns to be addressed by a conversation about the topic area of illegal immigration. Participation in this “debate” is likely to be emotional and intense. However, it is not likely to be productive or useful without focus on a particular question and identification of a line demarcating sides in the controversy. To be discussed and resolved effectively, controversies are best understood when seated clearly such that all parties to the debate share an understanding about the objec¬tive of the debate. This enables focus on substantive and objectively identifiable issues facilitating comparison of competing argumentation leading to effective decisions. Vague understanding results in unfocused deliberation and poor deci-sions, general feelings of tension without opportunity for resolution, frustration, and emotional distress, as evidenced by the failure of the U.S. Congress to make substantial progress on the immigration debate. Of course, arguments may be presented without disagreement. For exam¬ple, claims are presented and supported within speeches, editorials, and advertise¬ments even without opposing or refutational response. Argumentation occurs in a range of settings from informal to formal, and may not call upon an audi¬ence or judge to make a forced choice among competing claims. Informal dis¬course occurs as conversation or panel discussion without demanding a decision about a dichotomous or yes/no question. However, by definition, debate requires "reasoned judgment on a proposition. The proposition is a statement about which competing advocates will offer alternative (pro or con) argumenta¬tion calling upon their audience or adjudicator to decide. The proposition pro¬vides focus for the discourse and guides the decision process. Even when a decision will be made through a process of compromise, it is important to iden¬tify the beginning positions of competing advocates to begin negotiation and movement toward a center, or consensus position. It is frustrating and usually unproductive to attempt to make a decision when deciders are unclear as to what the decision is about. The proposition may be implicit in some applied debates (“Vote for me!”); however, when a vote or consequential decision is called for (as in the courtroom or in applied parliamentary debate) it is essential that the proposition be explicitly expressed (“the defendant is guilty!”). In aca¬demic debate, the proposition provides essential guidance for the preparation of the debaters prior to the debate, the case building and discourse presented during the debate, and the decision to be made by the debate judge after the debate. Someone disturbed by the problem of a growing underclass of poorly educated, socially disenfranchised youths might observe, “Public schools are doing a terri¬ble job! They' are overcrowded, and many teachers are poorly qualified in their subject areas. Even the best teachers can do little more than struggle to maintain order in their classrooms." That same concerned citizen, facing a complex range of issues, might arrive at an unhelpful decision, such as "We ought to do some¬thing about this” or, worse, “It’s too complicated a problem to deal with." Groups of concerned citizens worried about the state of public education could join together to express their frustrations, anger, disillusionment, and emotions regarding the schools, but without a focus for their discussions, they could easily agree about the sorry state of education without finding points of clarity or potential solutions. A gripe session would follow. But if a precise question is posed—such as “What can be done to improve public education?”—then a more profitable area of discussion is opened up simply by placing a focus on the search for a concrete solution step. One or more judgments can be phrased in the form of debate propositions, motions for parliamentary debate, or bills for legislative assemblies, The statements "Resolved: That the federal government should implement a program of charter schools in at-risk communities” and “Resolved; That the state of Florida should adopt a school voucher program" more clearly identify specific ways of dealing with educational problems in a manageable form, suitable for debate. They provide specific policies to be investigated and aid discussants in identifying points of difference. This focus contributes to better and more informed decision making with the potential for better results. In aca¬demic debate, it provides better depth of argumentation and enhanced opportu¬nity for reaping the educational benefits of participation. In the next section, we will consider the challenge of framing the proposition for debate, and its role in the debate. To have a productive debate, which facilitates effective decision making by directing and placing limits on the decision to be made, the basis for argument should be clearly defined. If we merely talk about a topic, such as ‘"homeless¬ness,” or “abortion,” Or “crime,” or “global warming,” we are likely to have an interesting discussion but not to establish a profitable basis for argument. For example, the statement “Resolved: That the pen is mightier than the sword” is debatable, yet by itself fails to provide much basis for dear argumen¬tation. If we take this statement to mean Iliad the written word is more effec¬tive than physical force for some purposes, we can identify a problem area: the comparative effectiveness of writing or physical force for a specific purpose, perhaps promoting positive social change. (Note that “loose” propositions, such as the example above, may be defined by their advocates in such a way as to facilitate a clear contrast of competing sides; through definitions and debate they “become” clearly understood statements even though they may not begin as such. There are formats for debate that often begin with this sort of proposition. However, in any debate, at some point, effective and meaningful discussion relies on identification of a clearly stated or understood proposition.) Back to the example of the written word versus physical force. Although we now have a general subject, we have not yet stated a problem. It is still too broad, too loosely worded to promote well-organized argument. What sort of writing are we concerned with—poems, novels, government documents, web-site development, advertising, cyber-warfare, disinformation, or what? What does it mean to be “mightier" in this context? What kind of physical force is being compared—fists, dueling swords, bazookas, nuclear weapons, or what? A more specific question might be, “Would a mutual defense treaty or a visit by our fleet be more effective in assuring Laurania of our support in a certain crisis?” The basis for argument could be phrased in a debate proposition such as “Resolved: That the United States should enter into a mutual defense treaty with Laurania.” Negative advocates might oppose this proposition by arguing that fleet maneuvers would be a better solution. This is not to say that debates should completely avoid creative interpretation of the controversy by advo¬cates, or that good debates cannot occur over competing interpretations of the controversy; in fact, these sorts of debates may be very engaging. The point is that debate is best facilitated by the guidance provided by focus on a Engaging the law is key to combat heteronormativity Duggan 94 Kweering the State, Lisa Duggan, associate professor of American studies and history at New York University, Social Text, No. 39 (Summer, 1994), pp. 1-14, http://www.jstor.org/stable/466361 When we turn our attention to this project, we run into difficulty the moment we step outside our classrooms, books, journals, and conferences. How do we represent our political concerns in public discourse? In trying to do this, in trying to hold the ground of the fundamental criticism of the very language of current public discourse that kweer theory has enabled, in trying to translate our constructionist languages into terms that have the power to transform political practices, we are faced with several difficulties. First, the discussion of the construction of categories of sexual identity resists translation into terms that are culturally legible and thus usable in consequential public debates. To illustrate this difficulty, let's imagine that you are asked to appear on the Oprah Winfrey show to talk about public school curriculums. Guest A says material on gays will influence children to think gay is okay and thus to become disgusting perverts themselves. Guest B, from Parents and Friends of Lesbians and Gays, says that this will not happen because sexual identity is fixed by the age of three, if not in utero. You are Guest C-what do you say? That "the production of kweer sexualities is historically and culturally conditioned," that if gay materials in class are conducive to the production of kweer sexualities, you are squarely in favor of their use? The difficulties here on the level of legibility and on the level of political palatability are readily apparent. Second, the use of constructionist language to discuss homosexuality tends to leave heterosexuality in its naturalized place-it can be taken up by homophobes to feed the fantasy of a world without homosexual bodies and desires. "If history can make them, history can also UNmake them" seems to be the logic here. At a conference in Toronto a decade ago, Dorothy Allison and Esther Newton suggested responding to this danger in constructionist arguments by producing buttons demanding "Deconstruct Heterosexuality First." Of course, we can respond as the button suggests and work to denaturalize heterosexuality (which kweer studies is, in fact, doing), but this is unlikely to be received in current public debates without guffaws and disbelief. The usual response to these difficulties is to resort to what is called "strategic essentialism": the use of essentialist categories and identity politics in public debates because that is all anyone can understand, and we need to be effective in the political arena. I take the concerns that lead to the embrace of strategic essentialism seriously, but I think that it is ultimately an unproductive solution.8 It allows sexual difference and kweer desires to continue to be localized in homosexualized bodies. It consigns us, in the public imagination, to the realms of the particular and the parochial, the defense team for a fixed minority, that most "special" of special interest groups-again, letting everyone else off the hook. I would argue that we need to find a way to close the language gap in kweer studies and kweer politics. We need to do this especially with reference to the operations of the state. Though kweer politics is presently claiming public and cultural space in imaginative new ways (kiss-ins, for example), the politics of the state are generally being left to lesbian and gay civil rights strategies. These strategies are greatly embattled at present, and there are still many gains to be made through their deployment. But they are increasingly ineffective in the face of new homophobic initiatives; they appear unable to generate new rhetorics and tactics against attacks designed specifically to disable identity-based antidiscrimination policies.9 We cannot afford to fall back on strategic essentialism (it will not get us out of the trouble we are now in), and we cannot afford to abandon the field. We do have some precedents. Scholars and activists working on the issues surrounding the AIDS crisis have managed to transport the work of theory into the arena of politics and public policy with astonishing speed and commitment.10 In the arts the films of Isaac Julien and the Sankofa collective and those of Marlon Riggs (Tongues Untied and Color Adjustment, both shown on public television) have brought into public discourse very complex ideas about the construction of racial and sexual identities and their intersections.
Unbridled affirmation outside the game space makes research impossible and destroys dialogue in debate Hanghoj 8 http://static.sdu.dk/mediafiles/Files/Information_til/Studerende_ved_SDU/Din_uddannelse/phd_hum/afhandlinger/2009/ThorkilHanghoej.pdf Thorkild Hanghøj, Copenhagen, 2008 Since this PhD project began in 2004, the present author has been affiliated with DREAM (Danish Research Centre on Education and Advanced Media Materials), which is located at the Institute of Literature, Media and Cultural Studies at the University of Southern Denmark. Research visits have taken place at the Centre for Learning, Knowledge, and Interactive Technologies (L-KIT), the Institute of Education at the University of Bristol and the institute formerly known as Learning Lab Denmark at the School of Education, University of Aarhus, where I currently work as an assistant professor. Debate games are often based on pre-designed scenarios that include descriptions of issues to be debated, educational goals, game goals, roles, rules, time frames etc. In this way, debate games differ from textbooks and everyday classroom instruction as debate scenarios allow teachers and students to actively imagine, interact and communicate within a domain-specific game space. However, instead of mystifying debate games as a “magic circle” (Huizinga, 1950), I will try to overcome the epistemological dichotomy between “gaming” and “teaching” that tends to dominate discussions of educational games. In short, educational gaming is a form of teaching. As mentioned, education and games represent two different semiotic domains that both embody the three faces of knowledge: assertions, modes of representation and social forms of organisation (Gee, 2003; Barth, 2002; cf. chapter 2). In order to understand the interplay between these different domains and their interrelated knowledge forms, I will draw attention to a central assumption in Bakhtin’s dialogical philosophy. According to Bakhtin, all forms of communication and culture are subject to centripetal and centrifugal forces (Bakhtin, 1981). A centripetal force is the drive to impose one version of the truth, while a centrifugal force involves a range of possible truths and interpretations. This means that any form of expression involves a duality of centripetal and centrifugal forces: “Every concrete utterance of a speaking subject serves as a point where centrifugal as well as centripetal forces are brought to bear” (Bakhtin, 1981: 272). If we take teaching as an example, it is always affected by centripetal and centrifugal forces in the on-going negotiation of “truths” between teachers and students. In the words of Bakhtin: “Truth is not born nor is it to be found inside the head of an individual person, it is born between people collectively searching for truth, in the process of their dialogic interaction” (Bakhtin, 1984a: 110). Similarly, the dialogical space of debate games also embodies centrifugal and centripetal forces. Thus, the election scenario of The Power Game involves centripetal elements that are mainly determined by the rules and outcomes of the game, i.e. the election is based on a limited time frame and a fixed voting procedure. Similarly, the open-ended goals, roles and resources represent centrifugal elements and create virtually endless possibilities for researching, preparing, presenting, debating and evaluating a variety of key political issues. Consequently, the actual process of enacting a game scenario involves a complex negotiation between these centrifugal/centripetal forces that are inextricably linked with the teachers and students’ game activities. In this way, the enactment of The Power Game is a form of teaching that combines different pedagogical practices (i.e. group work, web quests, student presentations) and learning resources (i.e. websites, handouts, spoken language) within the interpretive frame of the election scenario. Obviously, tensions may arise if there is too much divergence between educational goals and game goals. This means that game facilitation requires a balance between focusing too narrowly on the rules or “facts” of a game (centripetal orientation) and a focusing too broadly on the contingent possibilities and interpretations of the game scenario (centrifugal orientation). For Bakhtin, the duality of centripetal/centrifugal forces often manifests itself as a dynamic between “monological” and “dialogical” forms of discourse. Bakhtin illustrates this point with the monological discourse of the Socrates/Plato dialogues in which the teacher never learns anything new from the students, despite Socrates’ ideological claims to the contrary (Bakhtin, 1984a). Thus, discourse becomes monologised when “someone who knows and possesses the truth instructs someone who is ignorant of it and in error”, where “a thought is either affirmed or repudiated” by the authority of the teacher (Bakhtin, 1984a: 81). In contrast to this, dialogical pedagogy fosters inclusive learning environments that are able to expand upon students’ existing knowledge and collaborative construction of “truths” (Dysthe, 1996). At this point, I should clarify that Bakhtin’s term “dialogic” is both a descriptive term (all utterances are per definition dialogic as they address other utterances as parts of a chain of communication) and a normative term as dialogue is an ideal to be worked for against the forces of “monologism” (Lillis, 2003: 197-8). In this project, I am mainly interested in describing the dialogical space of debate games. At the same time, I agree with Wegerif that “one of the goals of education, perhaps the most important goal, should be dialogue as an end in itself” (Wegerif, 2006: 61).
Independently standard is limits
Topical version of the aff resolves all your offense: Voter is advocacy skills: Competing interps Dtd No rvi Chilling effect Non sequitur
And t comes first
Next off is K
Reform is a lie: there is nothing the biopolitical state can’t overcome through vision Schulium
Meanwhile – in Oregon – demonstrators blocking traffic face sentences of twenty-five years imprisonment. In the field of urban pacification the Israeli army is becoming the most prominent consultant. Experts from all over the world rush to marvel at the latest, most formidable and subtle findings in anti-subversive technology. It would appear that the art of wounding – wounding one to scare a hundred – has reached untold summits. And then there is “terrorism”. That is to say, according to the European Commission: “any offence committed intentionally by an individual or a group against one or several countries, their institutions or their populations, and aiming at threatening them and seriously undermining or destroying the political, economic or social structures of a country.” In the United States there are more prisoners than farmers. As it is reorganised and progressively recaptured, public space is covered with cameras. Not only is any surveillance now possible, it has become acceptable. All sorts of lists of “suspects” circulate from department to department, and we can scarcely 14 Scholium guess their probable uses. The social space once traversed by flâneurs is now militarily marked and sealed, and its ties of chatter and gossip have been transformed into recriminate whispers, the substance of new micro-legal constraints. In the uk the Anti Social Behaviour Orders have turned the most petty disputes among neighbours into personally tailored edicts of exile, banishing a marked individual from a street corner or proscribing the wearing of hooded tops within a specific zone. Meanwhile the Metropolitan Police, working with members of the special forces, pursue their campaign against terror with a series of “mistaken” shootings. A former head of the cia, one of those people who, on the opposing side, get organised rather than get indignant, writes in Le Monde: “More than a war against terrorism, what is at stake is the extension of democracy to the parts of the Arab and Muslim world that threaten liberal civilisation. For the construction and the defence of which we have worked throughout the 20th century, during the First, and then the Second World War, followed by the Cold War – or Third World War.”
To try to be visible is to lose: independent link into the kritik and terminal defense Invisible Committee
The Coming Insurrection is an anonymous book published in 2009 online. “Invisible Committee” is the name the anonymous authors gave themselves https://tarnac9.wordpress.com/texts/the-coming-insurrection/ In a demonstration, a union member tears the mask off of an anonymous person who has just broken a window. “Take responsibility for what you’re doing instead of hiding yourself.” To be visible is to be exposed, that is to say above all, vulnerable. When leftists everywhere continually make their cause more “visible” – whether that of the homeless, of women, or of undocumented immigrants – in hopes that it will get dealt with, they’re doing exactly the contrary of what must be done. Not making ourselves visible, but instead turning the anonymity to which we’ve been relegated to our advantage, and through conspiracy, nocturnal or faceless actions, creating an invulnerable position of attack. The fires of November 2005 offer a model for this. No leader, no demands, no organization, but words, gestures, complicities. To be socially nothing is not a humiliating condition, the source of some tragic lack of recognition – from whom do we seek recognition? – but is on the contrary the condition for maximum freedom of action. Not claiming your illegal actions, only attaching to them some fictional acronym – we still remember the ephemeral BAFT (Brigade Anti-Flic des Tarterêts)– is a way to preserve that freedom. Quite obviously, one of the regime’s first defensive maneuvers was the creation of a “banlieue” subject to treat as the author of the “riots of November 2005.” Just looking at the faces on some of this society’s somebodies illustrates why there’s such joy in being nobody. Visibility must be avoided. But a force that gathers in the shadows can’t avoid it forever. Our appearance as a force must be pushed back until the opportune moment. The longer we avoid visibility, the stronger we’ll be when it catches up with us. And once we become visible our days will be numbered. Either we will be in a position to pulverize its reign in short order, or we’ll be crushed in no time.
The Alternative is a politics of invisibilty
The only way to revolt is to not exist Invisible Committee The Invisible Committee. The Cybernetic Hypothesis. 2001, Section XI http://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/tiqqun-the-cybernetic-hypothesis.html From the cybernetic perspective, threats cannot be welcomed and transcended a fortiori. They must be absorbed, eliminated. I’ve already said that the infinitely renewed impossibility of this annihilation of events is the final certainty that practices of opposition to the device-governed world can be founded on. Threat, and its generalization in the form of panic, poses an unsolvable energetic problem for the holders of the cybernetic hypothesis. Simondon thus explains that machines with a high information outflow and control their environment with precision have a weak energetic output. Conversely, machines that require little energy to carry out their cybernetic mission produce a poor rendering of reality. The transformation of forms into information basically contains two opposing imperatives: “information is in one sense that which brings a series of unpredictable, new states, following no predefined course at all; it is thus that which requires absolute availability from an information channel with respect to all the aspects of modulation that it routes along; the information channel should in itself have no predetermined form and should not be selective... On the opposite hand, information is distinct from noise because information can be assigned a certain code and given a relative uniformization; in all cases where noise cannot be immediately/directly brought down to below a certain level, a reduction of the margin of indetermination and unpredictability in information signals is made.” In other words, for a physical, biological, or social system to have enough energy to ensure its reproduction, its control devices must carve into the mass of the unknown, and slice into the ensemble of possibilities between what is characterized by pure chance, and has nothing to do with control, and what can enter into control as hazard risks,immediately susceptible to a probability calculation. It follows that for any device, as in the specific case of sound recording devices, “a compromise should be made that preserves a sufficient information output to meet practical needs, and an energy output high enough to keep the background noise at a level that does not disturb the signal levels.” Or take the case of the police as another example; for it, this would just be a matter of finding the balance point between repression — the function of which is to decrease social background noise — and reconnaissance/intelligence — which inform them about the state of and movements in society by looking at the signals it gives off. To provoke panic first of all means extending the background interference that imposes itself when the feedback loops are triggered, and which makes the recording of behavioral discrepancies by the ensemble of cybernetic apparatuses costly. Strategic thinking grasped the offensive scope of such interference early on. When Clausewitz was so bold as to say, for example, that “popular resistance is obviously not fit to strike large-scale blows” but that “like somethingvaporous and fluid, it should not condense anywhere.” Or when Lawrence counterposed traditional armies, which “resemble immobile plants,” and guerrilla groups, comparable to “an influence, an idea, a kind of intangible, invulnerable entity, with no front or back, which spreads everywhere like a gas.” Interference is the prime vector of revolt. Transplanted into the cybernetic world, the metaphor also makes reference to the resistance to the tyranny of transparency which control imposes. Haze disrupts all the typical coordinates of perception. It makes it indiscernible what is visible and what is invisible, what is information and what is an event. This is why it represents one of the conditions for the possibility of events taking place. Fog makes revolt possible
Next off is the DA
No speech codes causes violent protests- controversial speakers come in and cause massive rioting as response. Fatzick 17. Joshua Fatzick. Voa News. April 26,2017. American College Campuses Increasingly Hostile to Free Speech. Will Creeley, senior vice president of legal and public advocacy at the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE), told VOA the incidents have become a growing concern for free speech advocates because he thinks schools could do more to protect invited speakers. "Capitulating to threats of violence only goes to further embolden that illiberal response," he said. "Violence at these events will beget more violence and we are seriously concerned that someone is going to get hurt." Last month, a student group at Vermont's Middlebury College invited Charles Murray, a political scientist and fellow at the conservative American Enterprise Institute, to speak on campus. Murray's controversial research has linked race and intelligence, leading groups such as the Southern Poverty Law Center to label him a white nationalist. Murray was greeted by hundreds of protesters who shouted over him when he tried to speak. As the crowd refused to let up, college administrators escorted Murray to another building where his talk with Middlebury professor Allison Stanger was broadcast online. As Stanger and Murray left the building, they were "physically and violently confronted by a group of protesters," college spokesman Bill Burger said in a statement. Protesters "set upon their car, rocking it, pounding on it, jumping on and trying to prevent it from leaving campus," Burger said.Stanger was treated at a hospital emergency room and left wearing a neck brace following the confrontation with protesters, one of whom grabbed her by the hair and yanked her backward. "I feared for my life," Stanger later wrote in a post on Facebook. Earlier this month, students at Claremont McKenna College in California targeted Heather MacDonald, a Manhattan Institute scholar and prominent critic of the Black Lives Matter movement. Students at Claremont took issue with a book MacDonald published last year called The War on Cops, which puts forth the idea that police officers are afraid to perform their jobs because of increased media scrutiny following the 2014 police shooting death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. MacDonald, who was also invited to speak on campus by a student group, saw protesters block the doors to the building where she was scheduled to speak. She was forced to deliver the speech via livestream to a largely empty room, as the protesters refused to allow anyone to pass. The protesters banged on windows and shouted from outside the building until "the cops decided that things were getting too chaotic and I should stop speaking," MacDonald later said of the incident. Police officers then had to sneak MacDonald out the building's back door so she could safely escape the protesters.
Violent protests turn case- more right wing politics and Trump politicians. Soave 17http:www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2017/02/02/milo-yiannopoulos-feeds-on-your-violent-protests-so-does-donald-trump Milo Yiannopoulos Feeds on Your Violent Protests. So Does Donald Trump. 2/2/17. Robby Soave. If the Nixon anecdote doesn’t persuade them, violent protesters should read Omar Waslow, an assistant professor of politics at Princeton University. Waslow’s study found that violent protest movement in the 1960s and 1970s provoked a backlash among conservative voters (PDF). Violent tactics drove voters into the arms of the more right-wing, law-and-order candidate, according to Waslow. Nonviolent protests, however, did not correlate with any statistically observable backlash. Other studies have reached similar conclusions about the likelihood of violent protests to fail, or even backfire, relative to nonviolent protests (PDF). And of course, when protesters prevented Trump himself from speaking at an event during the campaign, a poll of likely Republican voters found that they were more likely to vote for Trump because of the behavior of the censors.
My evidence is causal- movement identification means non violence is always better. Willer and Feinberg 17. Robb Willer is a professor of sociology, psychology, and organizational behavior at Stanford University.Matthew Feinberg is a professor of organizational behavior at the Rotman School of Management at the University of Toronto. The Washington Post. Feb 18.2017. The Big mistake some anti-Trump protesters could be making.
For example, last summer, we recruited a diverse sample of Americans to participate in a study. They first gave their level of support for (then-presidential candidate) Donald Trump, viewed one of three videos and then again indicated how much they supported Trump. One video was of a news report about a recent anti-Trump protest. It showed protesters gathering in the middle of a busy street, causing a traffic jam and physically blocking carloads of Trump supporters from reaching a campaign event. The reporter covering the event describes the protesters as creating “a potentially dangerous situation” because their “actions are causing motorists to drive into oncoming traffic.” A second video was of a news report about a more moderate protest at a Trump rally, in which the protesters held signs and chanted loudly at Trump supporters. Finally, a third video that contained instructions for a home improvement project served as a control. As shown in the graph below, participants who viewed the video of the extreme protest action showed a significant increase in their support for Trump’s presidential candidacy. The video of moderate protests led to no such increase in support, nor did views of Trump change in the control condition. We found evidence for this same backlash effect in studies of reactions to animal rights and Black Lives Matter protests. In both cases, extreme protest tactics — inciting or engaging in violence, damaging property — led to less support than moderate protests — such as nonviolent marches and gatherings. To understand why extreme protest tactics tend to backfire, it helps to understand that one of the most important factors influencing whether someone will join a collective action is the extent to which they identify with the movement, both its supporters and the cause. This is reflected in our studies, where we found that the backlash against extreme protests was driven by decreased identification with the movement. Given that people are typically averse to violence and significant disruption of social order, it makes sense that extreme protests would make bystanders feel less similarity to, and solidarity with, protesters.
Moderate tactics get just as much attention – violence isn’t necessary for attention. Willer and Feinberg 17. Robb Willer is a professor of sociology, psychology, and organizational behavior at Stanford University.Matthew Feinberg is a professor of organizational behavior at the Rotman School of Management at the University of Toronto. The Washington Post. Feb 18.2017. The Big mistake some anti-Trump protesters could be making. One might reasonably wonder whether these backlash effects are observed only “on average.” Maybe those with views closer to those of the protesters are less turned off by extreme tactics? We found, however, that extreme protest tactics led to less support than moderate tactics across the political spectrum. For example, even ardent liberals showed less support for the anti-Trump movement after observing an extremist anti-Trump protest.Of course, extreme tactics are not the only way to earn coverage. If enough people attend a protest, it can maintain moderate tactics and still grab headlines, as seen with the recent women’s marches and the airport protests. But for many, smaller causes, it is a real dilemma, one that helps clarify why some movements pick tactics likely to be unpersuasive in the eyes of mass public.
Multiple impacts:
A- Violence- multiple innocent individuals are hurt in the process and sent to the hospital. People have nearly died- it’s a matter of time which outweighs death is irreversible. B- Makes your movements impossible- no support for them means they fizzle out and die which recreates the conditions you criticize
C- Prison industrial complex: Two warrants
People get locked up for violating the law- protestors get sent to jail, lose voting rights, and are forced into the system
2. More repressive policies come into action- Nixonian law proves that backlash to violence creates things like mandatory minimums. NYMag 15. NYMag. New Study Shows Riots Make America Conservative. May 21,2015. Jonathan Chait.
The Nixonian law and order backlash drove a wave of repressive criminal-justice policies that carried through for decades with such force that even Democrats like Bill Clinton felt the need to endorse them in order to win elections. That wave has finally receded and created space for sentencing reforms, demilitarization, an emphasis on community policing, and other initiatives that even have bipartisan support. If the violent protests in Ferguson and Baltimore supercede nonviolent protest, Wasow’s research implies that the liberal moment might give way to another reactionary era.
The criminal justice system serves as a gateway into the larger system of institutionalized racism and mass incarceration that permanently marks people of color as members of America’s under caste. Michelle Alexander 10, Associate Professor of Law at Ohio State University, 2010, “The new Jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness.”, http://www.kropfpolisci.com/racial.justice.alexander.pdf It may be helpful, in attempting to understand the basic nature of the new caste system, to think of the criminal justice system—the entire collection of institutions and practices that comprise it—not as an independent system but rather as a gateway into a much larger system of racial stigmatization and permanent marginalization. This larger system, referred to here as mass incarceration, is a system that locks people not only behind actual bars in actual prisons, but also behind virtual bars and virtual walls—walls that are invisible to the naked eye but function nearly as effectively as Jim Crow laws once did at locking people of color into a permanent second-class citizenship. The term mass incarceration refers not only to the criminal justice system but also to the larger web of laws, rules, policies, and customs that control those labeled criminals both in and out of prison. Once released, former prisoners enter a hidden underworld of legalized discrimination and permanent social exclusion. They are members of America's new undercaste.
4/29/17
Round 2
Tournament: UofH | Round: 2 | Opponent: idk | Judge: koshak Kant NC analytics Offense: 1) The AFF allows for hate speech McGough: Sorry, kids, the 1st Amendment does protect 'hate speech Michael McGough October 30n 2015 As Eugene Volokh…college students think. A system of equal and outer freedoms ought not tolerate hate speech Varden 1 : "A Kantian Conception of Free Speech" by Helga Varden Chapter from: "Freedom of Expression in a Diverse World" edited by Deirdre Golash 2010
On the Kantian…of all citizens.
2) The aff allows for seditious speech since it is protected by the Brandenburg v Ohio Supreme Court decision but is incompatible with the system of equal and outer freedoms Varden 2: To understand Kant’s…a public crime (6: 331).
PIC
Do the aff but restrict harassment speech that does not comply with the regulations set forth by Title IX and Title IV
DOJ U.S. Department of Justice Civil Rights Division Educational Opportunities Section April 22, 2016 Re: Title IX and Title IV Investigation of University of New Mexico https://www.justice.gov/opa/file/843901/download (CWLC) The United States…and Title IV
Title IX is constitutional: turns your constitution arguments Win for Title IX and the Constitution By Ariela Migdal, ACLU Women's Rights Project JANUARY 22, 2009 | 3:33 PM
Facebook Twitter Reddit…to fight discrimination
1/6/17
SEP-OCT All
Tournament: GrapevineGreenhillHoly Cross | Round: Finals | Opponent: NA | Judge: NA Open source
10/14/16
TFA R4
Tournament: TFA R4 | Round: 4 | Opponent: idk | Judge: Holland Theory
Interpretation debaters may not specify a mechanism in which the right to housing is guaranteed: mechanism in this case includes form of housing or process to which housing is guaranteed
Violation you did
Standards limits:
k a. Link. International law was founded by, and continues to maintain, colonialism – Treaties don’t check state power, they secure it in by universalizing law and sovereign relationships. Gardner writes, Gardner 10 David, Graduate student at San Diego State University, “The Colonial Nature of International Law”, E-International Relations Students, 6/8/2014, http://www.e-ir.info/2010/06/08/the-colonial-nature-of-international-law/, 7/28/2014 B.S “International law was…law is colonial.
B. is the Impact and Alt Vote negative – Continued reliance on international law will only result in war, inequality, environmental destruction, and racism. Instead, our alternative is to suspend our faith in the neutrality of international law and to speak the narrative of colonialism. Schmidt ’10 (Patrick, Department of Political Science, Macalester College, “MEETING THE ENEMY: AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM AND INTERNATIONAL LAW, by Natsu Taylor Saito.” http://www.lawcourts.org/LPBR/reviews/saito0910.htm)
I do not…a century ago.
C. is the role of the judge, there is a moral obligation to reject colonialism, Dei explains,
G. J. Dei Anti-Colonialism and Education 2006
The anti-colonial…and learning processes.
K Statist mechanisms for housing only reinscribe capital: the directive is to include people into the proletariat Clarke THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF HOUSING Simon Clarke and Norman Ginsburg University of Warwick https://homepages.warwick.ac.uk/~syrbe/pubs/ClarkeGinsburg.pdf 1975 (CWLC) In the course…working class landlord.
Right to housing is a ruse of solvency: it’s enveloped in structure and reinscribes capitalism: no escaping the link Noonan Against Housing: Homes as a Human Life Requirement Jeff Noonan1 and Josephine Watson2 2017 http://www.alternateroutes.ca/index.php/ar/article/view/22421/18208 ( CWLC)
In February 2016…live within it. Your reps recreate the social conditions you critique: this comes prior Rosenman Engels in the Crescent City: Revisiting the Housing Question in post-Katrina New Orleans Chris Herring* University of California Berkeley Department of Sociology christoph.herring@berkeley.edu Emily Rosenman* University of British Columbia Department of Geography emily.rosenman@geog.ubc.ca 2016 (CWLC) According to Engels…in New Orleans.
Cap comes first cause irreversible harm: extinction Farbod 15 ( Faramarz Farbod , PhD Candidate @ Rutgers, Prof @ Moravian College, Monthly Review, http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2015/farbod020615.html, 6-2) (Recut CWLC shouts to HW) Global capitalism is…of no return.
Cap removes lower class from political spectrum: kills any chance of resolving oppression Zizek 08 - senior researcher at the Institute of Sociology University of Ljubljana (Slavoj, Violence, 2008, p. 44-46, CH)
Harris violates his…machine lacking depth?
The alt is alternative housing routes out of capital: the method is squatting Lopez artínez López, M. and Cattaneo, C. (2014). Squatting as an Alternative to Capitalism: An Introduction. In Cattaneo, C. and Martínez López, M. (Eds.), The Squatters’ Movement in Europe. Commons and Autonomy as Alternatives to Capitalism. London, United Kingdom: Pluto Press, p.1-25 Hodkinson suggests that…the squatters' movement.
Squatting key social site: beginnings of change Lopez 2
Furthermore, as the…or passive resistance.
3/10/17
TFAR1
Tournament: TFA | Round: 1 | Opponent: Grapevine RP | Judge: tee hee “Word”
Reject the victim’s right to housing and embrace the survivor’s right to housing: this requires voting against the aff on face under their own standard First, discourse shapes reality and actually creates policy thus making it more important than the policies themselves. Doty 93 (Roxanne Doty, Professor at Arizona State University. “Foreign Policy as Social Construction: A Post-Positivist Analysis of US Counterinsurgency Policy in the Philippines” International Studies Quarterly) This kind of…society more generally Second, framing the abused as “victim” denies their humanity. Jennifer L. Dunn Professor of Sociology at Southern Illinois University, "“Victims” and “Survivors”: Emerging Vocabularies of Motive for “Battered Women Who Stay”" Sociological Inquiry Vol. 75, Issue 1, p. 1-30(Dec 2004) FD formatted for gendered language “Barry discusses what…things “are done” (1979:38).” Third, the rhetoric of “victim” causes a loss of agency, instructing others to perceive the abused as a helpless, passive, individual. Jennifer L. Dunn Professor of Sociology at Southern Illinois University, "“Victims” and “Survivors”: Emerging Vocabularies of Motive for “Battered Women Who Stay”" Sociological Inquiry Vol. 75, Issue 1, p. 1-30(Dec 2004) FD In sum, the…competent efficacious actor (1997:43)”. Fourth, “victim” denotes entrapment while “survivor” implies decision making and agency. Jennifer L. Dunn Professor of Sociology at Southern Illinois University, "“Victims” and “Survivors”: Emerging Vocabularies of Motive for “Battered Women Who Stay”" Sociological Inquiry Vol. 75, Issue 1, p. 1-30(Dec 2004) FD “Early images of…of a “victim”?”
Ilaw a. Link. International law was founded by, and continues to maintain, colonialism – Treaties don’t check state power, they secure it in by universalizing law and sovereign relationships. Gardner writes, Gardner 10 David, Graduate student at San Diego State University, “The Colonial Nature of International Law”, E-International Relations Students, 6/8/2014, http://www.e-ir.info/2010/06/08/the-colonial-nature-of-international-law/, 7/28/2014 B.S “International law was…law is colonial.
B. is the Impact and Alt Vote negative – Continued reliance on international law will only result in war, inequality, environmental destruction, and racism. Instead, our alternative is to suspend our faith in the neutrality of international law and to speak the narrative of colonialism. Schmidt ’10 (Patrick, Department of Political Science, Macalester College, “MEETING THE ENEMY: AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM AND INTERNATIONAL LAW, by Natsu Taylor Saito.” http://www.lawcourts.org/LPBR/reviews/saito0910.htm)
I do not…a century ago.
3/9/17
TFAdubsNC
Tournament: TFA | Round: Doubles | Opponent: Law Magnet MG | Judge: KoshakTimmonsCastillo Interpretation debaters must defend the topic
The Aff makes the problem worse by just being merely a discussion, which ruins material change. This becomes A. a solvency takeout and B. a DA to the Aff’s method Jarrett ’06 (Gene Andrew New Negro Politics pdf, pgs. -839-843) What does it…direct political action.
Policies are good: it’s the only way to conceptualize repairing structural inequalities Fred Moten and Stefano Harney 13 (Professor of modern poetry @ Duke University, Professor of strategic management @ Singapore Management University: The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study) pg 81 Governance should not…rule of policy.
Debate requires a specific point of difference in order to promote effective exchange—stasis in the topic is key to engagement. Steinberg and Freeley 13, * David, Lecturer in Communicatio22n studies and rhetoric. Advisor to Miami Urban Debate League. Director of Debate at U Miami, Former President of CEDA. And Austin, attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, JD, Suffolk University, Argumentation and Debate, Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making, 121-4 Debate is a…the following discussion. The impact outweighs—deliberative debate models impart skills vital to respond to social problems Christian O. Lundberg 10 Professor of Communications @ University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, “Tradition of Debate in North Carolina” in Navigating Opportunity: Policy Debate in the 21st Century By Allan D. Louden, p. 311 The second major…of a new information
Internal link to advocacy skills
Interpretation the affirmative may read a plan critiquing a norm in LD if they specify the norm in LD in their plan text
Standard is limits
K
Reform is a lie: there is nothing the biopolitical state can’t overcome through vision Schulium
Interpretation: the aff must implement a removal of all current speech codes
Violation you don’t
Standard is stable ground Voter is education: it’s the only reason schools fund debate and is the only thing we get from this activity.
CI: DtD: No Rvi Theory Interp debaters may not grant aff rvis and deny neg rvis
Standard is d PIC
Do the aff but restrict harassment speech that does not comply with the regulations set forth by Title IX and Title IV
DOJ U.S. Department of Justice Civil Rights Division Educational Opportunities Section April 22, 2016 Re: Title IX and Title IV Investigation of University of New Mexico https://www.justice.gov/opa/file/843901/download (CWLC) The United States…and Title IV
DA
Title IX has led to restrictions now: the aff entails that the colleges ignore that and accept consequences Richardson ’16: Title IX order on campus ‘harassment’ violates rights, free speech advocates say. Bradford Richardson May 1, 2016. Washington Times
Loss of funding kills quality of education too – turns case Mitchell et all 2: Mitchell et al 16. Mitchell, MichaelMichael Mitchell is a Senior Policy Analyst with the Center’s State Fiscal Policy division. Prior to joining the Center, Mitchell worked as a State Policy Fellow for the Washington State Budget and Policy Center, where he conducted research on state taxes and borrowing, the effects of budget cuts on communities of color, and the impacts of the recession on young adults. Mitchell holds a B.A. in Economics and Political Science from the University of Connecticut and an MPA from the Maxwell School at Syracuse University , Michael LeachmanMichael Leachman is Director of State Fiscal Research with the State Fiscal Policy division of the Center, which analyzes state tax and budget policy decisions and promotes sustainable policies that take into account the needs of families of all income levels. Since joining the Center in 2009, Leachman has researched a range of state fiscal policy issues including the impact of federal aid, the debt states owe in their Unemployment Insurance trust funds, and the wisdom of state spending limits. Prior to joining the Center, he was a policy analyst for nine years at the Oregon Center for Public Policy (OCPP), a member of the State Priorities Partnership. His work at OCPP included research on corporate income taxes, reserve funds, spending limits, the Earned Income Tax Credit, food stamps, and TANF. Earlier in his career, Leachman worked as a community organizer in Chicago and, during graduate school, conducted a range of research projects in collaboration with community organizations. Leachman holds a Ph.D. in sociology from Loyola University Chicago, and Kathleen MastersonKathleen Masterson joined the Center as a Research Assistant for the State Fiscal Project in April 2015. Prior to joining SFP, she interned at the Center with the Food Assistance team, primarily tracking the implementation of the
Years of cuts...higher education funding.
Funding cuts make colleges neoliberal paradises and ruins lower class mobility: turns case Goldberg, Michelle. "This Is What Happens When You Slash Funding for Public Universities." The Nation. N.p., 09 July 2015. Web. 05 Jan. 2017. https://www.thenation.com/article/gentrification-higher-ed/ (CWLC)
Many of the…their futures blighted.
Funding cuts cause a closing down of black colleges and community builders: damages black empowerment Historically black colleges in financial fight for their future Institutions assert their relevance amid financial concerns, falling enrollment October 22, 2013 11:00AM ET by Dexter Mullins (CWLC)
In the last…Making It Happen." HBCUS are bastions of racial support: it’s the best way to uplift people of color The Power of HBCU Magic By Nyah Hardmon Published on August 23, 2016
When you grow…till the end.
Its proven: HBCUS have large uplift rates Historically black colleges in financial fight for their future Institutions assert their relevance amid financial concerns, falling enrollment October 22, 2013 11:00AM ET by Dexter Mullins
