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1a k
Tournament: TOC | Round: 3 | Opponent: Rishabh | Judge: Chapman First, discourse shapes reality and actually creates policy thus making it more important than the policies themselves. Doty 93 (Roxanne Doty, Professor at Arizona State University. “Foreign Policy as Social Construction: A Post-Positivist Analysis of US Counterinsurgency Policy in the Philippines” International Studies Quarterly) This kind of approach addresses the how-question discussed earlier because it does not presuppose that particular subjects are already in place. It thus does not look to individual or collective subjects as the loci of meaning. Regarding language practices themselves as relatively autonomous admits the question of a kind of power that constitutes subjects, modes of subjectivity, and “reality.” In contrast to the Social Performance Approach in which signifiers (words, images) ultimately refer back to signifieds (shared templates), in the Discursive Practices Approach signifiers refer only to other signifiers, hence the notion of intertextuality, i.e., a complex and infinitely expanding web of possible meanings. That meaning does often appear to be fixed and decideable rather than an infinite play of signifiers is indicative of the workings of power. This presents us with a radically new conception of power which is inherent in the linguistic practices by which agents are constructed and become articulated within particular discourses. This approach, like any approach, has its analytic form. The form of this approach is a “discursive practice.” A discursive practice is not traceable to a fixed and stable center, e.g., individual consciousness or a social collective. Discursive practices that constitute subjects and modes of subjectivity are dispersed, scattered throughout various locales. This is why the notion of intertextuality is important. Texts always refer back to other texts which themselves refer to still other texts. The power that is inherent in language is thus not something that is centralized, emanating from a pre-given subject. Rather, like the discursive practices in which it inheres, power is dispersed and, most important, is productive of subjects and their worlds. A discourse, i.e., a system of statements in which each individual statement makes sense, produces interpretive possibilities by making it virtually impossible to think outside of itand. A discourse provides discursive spaces, i.e., concepts, categories, metaphors, models, and analogies by which meanings are created. The production of discourses and of subjectivity and sociality is indissoluble (Henriques et al., 1984:106). This is because discourses create various kinds of subjects and simultaneously position these subjects vis-a-vis one another. For example, a traditional discourse on the family would contain spaces for a subject with traits conventionally defined as “male” and another kind of subject with traits conventionally defined as “female.” These subjects would be positioned vis-à-vis one another in a particular way, e.g., female subservient to male. Within the traditional discourse on the family it is impossible to think outside of these categories except in terms of deviance or abnormality. Within this discourse, there is no discursive space for the single mother by choice or the gay or lesbian couple with children except as departures from the “normal” family or as deviants. Subjects, then, can be thought of as positions within particular discourses, intelligible only with reference to a specific set of categories, concepts, and practices. Policy makers also function within a discursive space that imposes meanings on their world and thus creates reality (Shapiro, 1988:100, 116). An approach that focuses on discursive practices as a unit of analysis can get at how this “reality” is produced and maintained and how it makes various practices possible. The analytic question addressed is not why particular decisions are made; the policy decision in itself becomes a secondary concern. What is central is the discourse(s) which construct a particular “reality.” An analysis of discourses can reveal the necessary but not sufficient conditions of various practices. Applying this approach to the study of foreign policy, not only do we broaden our conception of what foreign policy is, the sites of foreign policy, i.e., where foreign policy takes place, also become much more extensive. This approach suggests that what foreign policy is need not be limited to the actual making of specific decisions nor the analysis of temporally and spatially hounded “events.” Similarly, “foreign policy makers” need not be limited to prominent decision makers, but could also include those rather anonymous members of the various bureaucracies who write the numerous memorandums, intelligence reports, and research papers that circulate within policy circles. The discourse(s) instantiated in these various documents produce meanings and in doing so actively construct the “reality” upon which foreign policy is based. Moreover, foreign policy making can also extend beyond the realm of official government institutions. The reception as meaningful of statements revolving around policy situations depends on how well they fit into the general system of representation in a given society. Even speeches and press conference statements produced for specific purposes, in order to be taken seriously, must make sense and fit with what the general public takes as “reality." Thus, the analysis of statements can entail the examination of what was said and written within broad policy-making contexts as well as statements made in society more generally 8
Your link chain into environmental collapse bites directly into the K- through both your rhetoric and your impact Correia David Correia , Capitalism Nature Socialism (2013): Fk Jared Diamond, Capitalism Nature Socialism, DOI: 10.1080/10455752.2013.846490 This is a troubling development. Environmental determinism is not critical environmental politics; it is a bourgeois social theory. It cannot be the wellspring for a radical movement to address the social and environmental injustices of climate change. It serves only to sustain capitalist social relations. We should consider, therefore, what kind of contemporary climate politics this rhetoric of collapse promises to engender. There is, no doubt, a real urgency to the problem posed by climate change. The climate is indeed changing and transforming in ways not conducive to human or nonhuman life. The idea of a climate catastrophism, however, so prevalent in the rhetoric (disguised as science) of historical climate change research, displaces and defers this urgency. If our fate is apocalypse, after all, what good is grassroots organizing? Moreover, the false panic of an apocalyptic rhetoric provides the rationale for ignoring the suffering of the marginalized and the disenfranchised. When we strip away the apocalyptic rhetoric, we can see that we are not all in this together. But the apocalyptic rhetoric forecloses the possibility of radical democratic politics because it makes any politics at all impossible. It is because it is bourgeois social theory that it offers solutions only to the problems that come with the work of sustaining capitalist social relations. So the solutions proposed are not surprising: we should entrust our futures to a nondemocratic techno–managerial elite, to the apparatuses of the bureaucracies of the capitalist state, to the military, and even to the corporations who profit from climate catastrophism
4/29/17
Aff
Tournament: Grapevine | Round: 2 | Opponent: Omar Lopera | Judge: James Braden Framework The standard is util. Prefer it You should default to util if I win defense —we naturally want to make the world better. Walter Sinnott-Armstrong 14 American philosopher. He specializes in ethics, epistemology, and more recently in neuroethics, the philosophy of law, and the philosophy of cognitive science, "Consequentialism", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2014 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed), BE Even if consequentialists…consequentialists claim.w Non-utilitarian ethics fail within the realm of public policy. Deont doesn’t consider trade offs Woller Woller 1997 (Gary, Economics Professor at BYU, “Policy Currents,” June, http://apsapolicysection.org/vol7_2/72.pdf ) Moreover, virtually all…in a democracy.
Inherency
Floating nuclear power is being pushed by world powers Stover 16 1 JUNE 2016 Floating nuclear power plants: China is far from first Dawn Stover
On April 22… is “pretty strong”
Plan: Prohibit the production of floating nuclear power
They would be floating chernobyls Grossman 10 JULY 27, 2010 Floating Chernobyls by KARL GROSSMAN
They would be …Raise Spectre of
Advantage 1 China uses nuclear to control the south china sea Johnston july 5 China to build nuclear power stations on disputed islands in South China Sea Ian Johnston Friday 15 July 2016 China plans to…to the dispute.” Nuclear power is k2 China military hegemony Follett july 27 Chinese Government Media: We can put Nuclear reactors in disputed waters by 2019 Andrew Follett 7/27/2016 A Chinese state… according to the US China tensions are at the brink Thompson July 12 Showdown Now Looming Over the South China Sea Mark Thompson @MarkThompson_DC July 12, 2016
The showdown over…on the table.”
US China war close and nuclear Kulacki May The Risk of Nuclear War with China: A Troubling Lack of Urgency Gregory Kulacki May 2016 Twenty-four hours…take to heart
Extinction
Helfand, International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War co-president, ‘13 Nov 4, Arms Control Association, The Humanitarian Consequences Of Nuclear War, https://www.armscontrol.org/print/6021, accessed 7/3/16, ge In March, 130…of climate disruption.
Any effort to stop china is good: the military conflict pulls in the US otherwise Khong 14
Yuen Foong Khong 14, Professor of International Relations and Professorial Fellow at Nuffield College, Oxford University, "Primacy or World Order?," International Security 39(3), Winter 2013-14, www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/ISEC_a_00147 (recut LC) Friedberg, White, and Yan agree that “uneven growth” is redistributing power in China’s favor, even though it will be some time before China approximates the United States in the 9main dimensions of power. The “undermining of the statu squo,” however, can already…Air-Sea Battle concept.
Advantage 2
floating power is key to Russia’s arctic expansion Galpin Nuclear power at heart of Russia's Arctic ambition By Richard GalpinBBC News, Moscow 22 September 2010 In a grimy shipyard…large gas rigs.
Two Impacts
First is warming
Floating plants damage arctic with high accident probability NTI 2010 Iolated Criticality: Russia's Floating Nuclear Power Plants, Concepts and Concerns NTI 2010
Although there are…be taken seriously.
Arctic drilling destroys arctic Kroh Adding Fuel to the Fire: The Climate Consequences of Arctic Ocean Drilling By Kiley Kroh and Howard Marano | Thursday, March 21, 2013 The prospect of…fossil-fuel production. Spreads to the globe Kroh 2 Adding Fuel to the Fire: The Climate Consequences of Arctic Ocean Drilling By Kiley Kroh and Howard Marano | Thursday, March 21, 2013 The ramifications of…America and Europe.”
Extinction Sharp and Kennedy 14 – (Associate Professor Robert (Bob) A. Sharp is the UAE National Defense College Associate Dean for Academic Programs and College Quality Assurance Advisor. He previously served as Assistant Professor of Strategic Security Studies at the College of International Security Affairs (CISA) in the U.S. National Defense University (NDU), Washington D.C. and then as Associate Professor at the Near East South Asia (NESA) Center for Strategic Studies, collocated with NDU. Most recently at NESA, he focused on security sector reform in Yemen and Lebanon, and also supported regional security engagement events into Afghanistan, Turkey, Egypt, Palestine and Qatar; Edward Kennedy is a renewable energy and climate change specialist who has worked for the World Bank and the Spanish Electric Utility ENDESA on carbon policy and markets; 8/22/14, “Climate Change and Implications for National Security,” International Policy Digest, http://intpolicydigest.org/2014/08/22/climate-change-implications-national-security/) Our planet is…hard to fix!
Existential impacts come first. Bostrom 02. Nick Bostrom, Department of Philosophy, Yale University, 2002, “Existential Risks: Analyzing Human Extinction Scenarios and Related Hazards,” http://www.nickbostrom.com/existential/risks.html Our approach to…discount future benefits 15,16.d
Second is Russia
Russia wants arctic control Kyle Mizokami, 16, Founder and editor for the blogs Japan Security Watch and Asia Security Watch, “How Russia is fortifying the Arctic”, http://theweek.com/articles/614075/how-russia-fortifying-arctic The Arctic has…into contested territory. US mobilizing in response Russia and America prep forces for Arctic war By David Axe October 5, 2015 President Barack Obama’s…thawing polar region.
Resource push causes Russia conflict Backus Principal member of technical staff at Sandia National Laboratories and uses behavioral and physical simulation methods to access security risks associated with climate change George Backus (Director of environmental and energy research at Cambridge Econometrics), “Arctic 2030: What are the consequences of climate change? The US response,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists July/August 2012 vol. 68 no. 4 9-16
Because no entity…manage the situation.
Nuke War Staples Michael Wallace and Steven Staples. *Professor Emeritus at the University of British Columbia and President of the Rideau Institute in Ottawa “Ridding the Arctic of Nuclear Weapons: A Task Long Overdue,”http:www.arcticsecurity.org/docs/arctic-nuclear-report-web.pdf The fact is…of climate change.” 62
9/10/16
Aff
Tournament: Glenbrooks round 2 | Round: 2 | Opponent: Brentwood KR | Judge: Dan Allessandro The Role of the Ballot is to Mitigate Structural Violence thought material conditions
Winter and Leighton 99: Deborah DuNann Winter and Dana C. Leighton. Winter|Psychologist that specializes in Social Psych, Counseling Psych, Historical and Contemporary Issues, Peace Psychology. Leighton: PhD graduate student in the Psychology Department at the University of Arkansas. Knowledgeable in the fields of social psychology, peace psychology, and justice and intergroup responses to transgressions of justice "Peace, conflict, and violence: Peace psychology in the 21st century." Pg 4-5 SA-IB Finally, to recognize to reduce it. Material conditions come first Matsuda The multiple consciousness law and theory
The state is inevitable- speaking the language of power through policymaking is the only way to create social change in debate. Coverstone 5 Alan Coverstone (masters in communication from Wake Forest, longtime debate coach) “Acting on Activism: Realizing the Vision of Debate with Pro-social Impact” Paper presented at the National Communication Association Annual Conference November 17th 2005 An important concern…in America today.
Harms
Police have decided they truly are above the law: holding them accountable with a smartphone is met with violence and retaliation: they don’t want us to see a thing Hotchkin Chico Police Filmed Brutalizing Young Woman As Retaliation for Filming Them AUGUST 29, 2016 BY JOSHUA SCOTT HOTCHKIN
On Saturday afternoon… fact fully operational. Police will do anything to incarcerate the people who see them: wiretapping laws are used to stop vision Police And Courts Regularly Abusing Wiretapping Laws To Arrest People For Filming Cops Misbehaving In Public Places by Mike Masnick Fri, Jun 4th 2010
Back in April…out these cases.
The police state is very real: we can’t hold cops accountable for anything Madar Why It’s Impossible to Indict a Cop It’s not just Ferguson—here’s how the system protects police. By Chase MadarTwitter NOVEMBER 25, 2014
Proven to cause value orientation and state change: the hegemon is forced to react to Sousveillance and the people come out ahead Zuckerman Why We Must Continue to Turn the Camera on Police Ethan Zuckerman July 11, 2016
When MIT grad…a deadly way. The idea of focusing on QI in a vacuum stops reform: it’s the internal link to every state bad claim and we solve Hassel Diana Hassel, Living a Lie: The Cost of QI, 64 Mo. L. Rev. (1999) Available at: http://scholarship.law.missouri.edu/mlr/vol64/iss1/9 (CWLC) The problem with…debate is unlikely
Underview Topicality/theory Interpretation: debaters may defend only 2 types of affs: affs that fiat a clear establishment of rights and whole res: and they may only defend the former if:
There is a solvency advocate 2. There is specific inherency about the rights conflict with immunity 3. It comports to the model in the Hamilton Evidence effects topicality is inevitable and we provide a good model: ends the theory debate Hamilton What is a 'limit' on qualified immunity? Chase Hamilton November 2016As a competitor for 4 years, I qualified for TFA State 4 times, UIL State 3 times, NSDA Nationals twice, and the TOC with 3 bids and 8 bid rounds. I won 10 tournaments, finishing with over 15 top speaker awards. I placed in the top 5 at TFA State and top 25 at NSDA Nationals. I attended a cumulative 13 weeks of debate camp at UNT in Denton and VBI in Los Angeles. As a coach, I've personally taught over 30 kids to great success, including qualification to every national tournament and multiple state championships. I have taught a cumulative 12 weeks of debate camp at UTNIF in Austin, always receiving unanimously high reviews.
Limit (ends) vs…core aff ground. Standard is clash
11/19/16
Aff
Tournament: Glenbrooks | Round: 3 | Opponent: Applevalley TE | Judge: Rodrigo Paramo The Role of the Ballot is to Mitigate Structural Violence thought material conditions
Winter and Leighton 99: Deborah DuNann Winter and Dana C. Leighton. Winter|Psychologist that specializes in Social Psych, Counseling Psych, Historical and Contemporary Issues, Peace Psychology. Leighton: PhD graduate student in the Psychology Department at the University of Arkansas. Knowledgeable in the fields of social psychology, peace psychology, and justice and intergroup responses to transgressions of justice "Peace, conflict, and violence: Peace psychology in the 21st century." Pg 4-5 SA-IB Finally, to recognize to reduce it. Material conditions come first Matsuda The multiple consciousness law and theory
Politic of Hope are good: it’s the only way to conceptualize repairing structural inequalities Fred Moten and Stefano Harney 13 (Professor of modern poetry @ Duke University, Professor of strategic management @ Singapore Management University: The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study) pg 81 Governance should not…rule of policy.
Solutions to critical issues must be discussed through pragmatic approaches within hegemonic power structures. Kapoor ‘08 : Kapoor, 2008 (Ilan, Associate Professor at the Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University, “The Postcolonial Politics of Development,” p. 138-139)
There are perhaps…deflect their claims.
The state is inevitable- speaking the language of power through policymaking is the only way to create social change in debate. Coverstone 5 Alan Coverstone (masters in communication from Wake Forest, longtime debate coach) “Acting on Activism: Realizing the Vision of Debate with Pro-social Impact” Paper presented at the National Communication Association Annual Conference November 17th 2005 An important concern…in America today.
Harms
Police have decided they truly are above the law: holding them accountable with a smartphone is met with violence and retaliation: they don’t want us to see a thing Hotchkin Chico Police Filmed Brutalizing Young Woman As Retaliation for Filming Them AUGUST 29, 2016 BY JOSHUA SCOTT HOTCHKIN
On Saturday afternoon… fact fully operational. Police will do anything to incarcerate the people who see them: wiretapping laws are used to stop vision Police And Courts Regularly Abusing Wiretapping Laws To Arrest People For Filming Cops Misbehaving In Public Places by Mike Masnick Fri, Jun 4th 2010
Back in April…out these cases.
The police state is very real: we can’t hold cops accountable for anything Madar Why It’s Impossible to Indict a Cop It’s not just Ferguson—here’s how the system protects police. By Chase MadarTwitter NOVEMBER 25, 2014
Empirics prove: filming drastically reduces police abuse Ly Can cell phones stop police brutality? Laura Ly, CNN Updated 5:31 PM ET, Wed November 19, 2014 This is the first step in anti statist movements: your state critiques require sousveillance Fitzpatrick Critical Theory, Information Society and Surveillance Technologies Tony Fitzpatrick Information, Communication and SocietyVol. 5 , Iss. 3,2002
Proven to cause value orientation and state change: the hegemon is forced to react to Sousveillance and the people come out ahead Zuckerman Why We Must Continue to Turn the Camera on Police Ethan Zuckerman July 11, 2016
When MIT grad…a deadly way. The idea of focusing on QI in a vacuum stops reform: it’s the internal link to every state bad claim and we solve Hassel Diana Hassel, Living a Lie: The Cost of QI, 64 Mo. L. Rev. (1999) Available at: http://scholarship.law.missouri.edu/mlr/vol64/iss1/9 (CWLC) The problem with…debate is unlikely
Underview Topicality/theory Interpretation: debaters may defend only 2 types of affs: affs that fiat a clear establishment of rights and whole res: and they may only defend the former if:
There is a solvency advocate 2. There is specific inherency about the rights conflict with immunity 3. It comports to the model in the Hamilton Evidence effects topicality is inevitable and we provide a good model: ends the theory debate Hamilton What is a 'limit' on qualified immunity? Chase Hamilton November 2016As a competitor for 4 years, I qualified for TFA State 4 times, UIL State 3 times, NSDA Nationals twice, and the TOC with 3 bids and 8 bid rounds. I won 10 tournaments, finishing with over 15 top speaker awards. I placed in the top 5 at TFA State and top 25 at NSDA Nationals. I attended a cumulative 13 weeks of debate camp at UNT in Denton and VBI in Los Angeles. As a coach, I've personally taught over 30 kids to great success, including qualification to every national tournament and multiple state championships. I have taught a cumulative 12 weeks of debate camp at UTNIF in Austin, always receiving unanimously high reviews.
EVIDENCE in this aff has been doctored in a few ways
The term “domestic violence” has been replaced with “IPV” for Inter personal violence 2. The word “Victim” “has been replaced with “survivor” 3. Any rhetoric that denotes a gender binary has been modified to be more inclusive. We believe however, that the usage of the word “she” or “he” as a standalone rather than a statement such as “he or she” does not necessarily imply a binary, and if any person would like to challenge that statement, please message me with the contact provided. 4. “Women/Woman” has been changed to “womxn”
The Role of the Ballot is to Mitigate oppression through material conditions
Winter and Leighton 99: Deborah DuNann Winter and Dana C. Leighton. Winter|Psychologist that specializes in Social Psych, Counseling Psych, Historical and Contemporary Issues, Peace Psychology. Leighton: PhD graduate student in the Psychology Department at the University of Arkansas. Knowledgeable in the fields of social psychology, peace psychology, and justice and intergroup responses to transgressions of justice "Peace, conflict, and violence: Peace psychology in the 21st century." Pg 4-5 SA-IB Finally, to recognize…to reduce it.
Material conditions come first Matsuda The multiple consciousness…law and theory
The state is inevitable- speaking the language of power through policymaking is the only way to create social change in debate. Coverstone 5 Alan Coverstone (masters in communication from Wake Forest, longtime debate coach) “Acting on Activism: Realizing the Vision of Debate with Pro-social Impact” Paper presented at the National Communication Association Annual Conference November 17th 2005 An important concern…in America today.
Politic of Hope are good: it’s the only way to conceptualize repairing structural inequalities Fred Moten and Stefano Harney 13 (Professor of modern poetry @ Duke University, Professor of strategic management @ Singapore Management University: The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study) pg 81 Governance should not…rule of policy.
Inherency QI is available for IPV cases: Shtelmakher Milena Shtelmakher, Police Misconduct and Liability: Applying the State-Created Danger Doctrine to Hold Police Officers Accountable for Responding Inadequately to Domestic-Violence Situations, 43 Loy. L.A. L. Rev. 1533 (2010). Available at: http://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/llr/vol43/iss4/10 (CWLC) Where a police…domestic-violence situations.
QI creates a precedent that severely narrows redress and creates a terrible precedent for liability Bishop Gary M. Bishop, Section 1983 and IPV: A Solution to the Problem of Police Officers' Inaction, 30 B.C.L. Rev. 1357 (1989), http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr/vol30/iss5/3 (CWLC) In Turner, a…her in its care.' 59
Qualified immunities overuse in IPV is based on lack of action: limiting it requires setting the precedent of when it’s not probable: and that requires litigation Harper Laura S. Harper, Battered Womxn Suing Police for Failure to Intervene: Viable Legal Avenues After Deshaney v. Winnibago County Department of Social Services , 75 Cornell L. Rev. 1392 (1990) Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol75/iss6/4 (CWLC) If this is extra topical all are extra topical: there is no conception of limiting QI as x, because it doesn’t exist as a static individual concept, but instead as a byproduct of law
Should a battered…their constitutional rights
Harms Police do the minimum for survivors of IPV: Litchman Litchman, Kathryn E. "Punishing the protectors: The Illinois IPV act remedy for survivors of IPV against police misconduct." Loy. U. Chi. LJ 38 (2006): 765. J.D., Loyola University Chicago School of Law edited for marginalizing language
Despite the… violence is present.125
The culture of violence exists in policing: the effort for IPV cases is marked by structural exclusion, making police responses passive and minimal Litsky 8 N.Y.L. Sch. J. Hum. Rts. 149 (1990-1991) Explaining the Legal System's Inadequate Response to the Abuse of Womxn: A Lack of Coordination Matthew Litsky (CWLC) As society's peacekeepers…calls for help."'
Thus the Plan: The United States Government will enact the Illinois Domestic Violence Act nationally to limit Qualified Immunity.
Note: official stature doesn’t denote an affirmation of the rhetoric: it’s still IPV in all respects for us who run the aff, we can’t change its name Litchman 2 IPV13 continues to…other states provide.27
Solves: this has created clearly established law that opens the courts Litchman 3
The clear language…jury.228 While the
It's incredibly inclusive and forward thinking: the IDVA applies to all Family Ministries Domestic Violence Laws and the Illinois Domestic Violence Act Marriage and Family Ministries works to strengthen marriage and families by coordinating programs and ministries of the Catholic Archdiocese of Chicago, while serving as a resource to families, ministers, and parish staffs, responding to the needs of today's families. Staff can work with parishes to help build effective ministry for families. Where we are Office of Lifelong Formation Archdiocese of Chicago 3525 South Lake Park Avenue | Chicago IL 60653-1402 Phone: 312.534.8351Fax: 312.534.3858 Staff Clarissa Aljentera NO DATE
What is the…neglect and exploitation police are the only institution that can create relief on a large scale: reform creates the changes required to end cultural norms Litsky 2 8 N.Y.L. Sch. J. Hum. Rts. 149 (1990-1991) Explaining the Legal System's Inadequate Response to the Abuse of Womxn: A Lack of Coordination Matthew Litsky (CWLC) The justifications for…from further abuse.'
Litigation in the case of breaking the clearly established law independently creates reform: IPV response proves Litsky
8 N.Y.L. Sch. J. Hum. Rts. 149 (1990-1991) Explaining the Legal System's Inadequate Response to the Abuse of Womxn: A Lack of Coordination Matthew Litsky (CWLC)
The police response…effective police response The idea of focusing on qualified immunity in a vacuum stops reform: it’s the internal link to every state bad claim and we solve Hassel Diana Hassel, Living a Lie: The Cost of Qualified Immunity, 64 Mo. L. Rev. (1999) Available at: http://scholarship.law.missouri.edu/mlr/vol64/iss1/9 (CWLC) The problem with…debate is unlikely
Underview
Interpretation: debaters may defend only 2 types of affs: affs that fiat a clear establishment of rights and whole res: and they may only defend the former if:
There is a solvency advocate 2. There is specific inherency about the rights conflict with immunity 3. It comports to the model in the Hamilton Evidence I meet effects topicality is inevitable and we provide a good model: ends the theory debate Hamilton What is a 'limit' on qualified immunity? Chase Hamilton November 2016As a competitor for 4 years, I qualified for TFA State 4 times, UIL State 3 times, NSDA Nationals twice, and the TOC with 3 bids and 8 bid rounds. I won 10 tournaments, finishing with over 15 top speaker awards. I placed in the top 5 at TFA State and top 25 at NSDA Nationals. I attended a cumulative 13 weeks of debate camp at UNT in Denton and VBI in Los Angeles. As a coach, I've personally taught over 30 kids to great success, including qualification to every national tournament and multiple state championships. I have taught a cumulative 12 weeks of debate camp at UTNIF in Austin, always receiving unanimously high reviews.
Limit (ends) vs core aff ground. Standard is clash
11/20/16
Aff
Tournament: UH | Round: 1 | Opponent: Dulles AD | Judge: Aimun Khan I value Morality because ought implies a moral obligation.
A- ANALYTICS
This kind of consensus requires a contractarian system of self restraint. Only this system can reconcile subjective ethics. Gauthier
Moral principles are…in their affairs. Therefore the value criterion is consistency with a contractarian system of self restraint. To clarify, under contractarianism moral prohibitions are formed when an individual voluntarily agrees to refrain from taking certain actions in exchange for similar commitments from other individuals. Williams explains the argument : Gareth Williams. “The Problems of David Gauthier’s Attempt to Derive Morality From Rationality.” Libertarian Alliance. 1998.
Gauthier’s objective…can be based.
ANALYTICS Contractarianism requires you to affirm: principles of equal worth can only exist with unfettered speech David A. Richards Free Speech and Obscenity Law: Toward a Moral Theory of the First Amendment , 123 U. Pa. L. Rev. 45 (1974). Available at: http://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/penn_law_review/vol123/iss1/2 (CWLC) Attempts by the…and constitutional grounds." 6 Underview
analytics
Dissent good: minority rights INSIDE VOICES: PROTECTING THE STUDENT-CRITIC IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS Brown, Josie Foehrenbach. American University Law Review 62.2 (2012): 253-331. http://www.aulawreview.org/pdfs/62/Brown.pdf (CWLC)
The protection of its collaborative construction.28 Material forms of rebellion are a prerequisite to any method that wants to access the path to change
Critical Theory, Information Society and Surveillance Technologies Tony Fitzpatrick Information, Communication and SocietyVol. 5 , Iss. 3,2002
Organised acts by…state and capital
2. Lack of clear demarcations of what constitutes hate speech creates a spillover: destroys discourse David F. McGowan and Ragesh K. Tangri, A Libertarian Critique of University Restrictions of Offensive Speech, 79 Cal. L. Rev. 825 (1991). Available at: http://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/californialawreview/vol79/iss3/8 (CWLC) The most obvious…of minority groups.216
And that’s proven: The right is pushing to stop progressive views on campus ranging from advocating gay rights to criticizing trump Rampell Rampell, Catherine. "The Right Shuts down Free Speech, Too." The Washington Post. WP Company, 15 Dec. 2016. Web. 04 Jan. 2017. (CWLC) The good news:...indoctrination of students. 3. PC thought made trump president: outweighs all of your impacts Trump Won Because Leftist Political Correctness Inspired a Terrifying Backlash What every liberal who didn't see this coming needs to understand Robby Soave|Nov. 9, 2016 8:01 a http://reason.com/blog/2016/11/09/trump-won-because-leftist-political-corr
Many will say…to speak his. 4. restricting radicalism openly creates the conditions for radical success: turns case McCormack Academic Freedom in an Age of Terror? Tara McCormack found in Why Academic Freedom Matters: A response to current challenges Cheryl Hudson and Joanna Williams (Eds.), September 2016 Tara McCormack is Lecturer in International Politics at the Department of Politics and International relations, University of Leicester. (CWLC)
The problem for…regime they are. 5. Turn restrictions atomize liberals: conservatives could care less Nat Hentoff “Speech Codes” On The Campus And Problems Of Free Speech Originally appeared in Dissent v. 38 (Fall 1991) p. 546-9 (CWLC) One of the…conservative Federalist Society. 6. Focus on trauma and safety obfuscate large scale reform and recreate social norms Kelley Kelley, Robin D.G. "Black Study, Black Struggle." Boston Review. N.p., 24 Oct. 2016. Web. 12 Dec. 2016. https://bostonreview.net/forum/robin-d-g-kelley-black-study-black-struggle (CWLC) And resistance ismisunderstanding and psychology? 7. Focus on campus attitude creates a ruse of solvency: takes away from movements Burleigh Nina Burleigh "How Colleges Fail Students in the Age of Trump."Newsweek. N.p., 15 June 2016. Web. 12 Dec. 2016. (CWLC) http://www.newsweek.com/2016/06/03/college-campus-free-speech-thought-police-463536.html Ironically, young people…women and girls.
1/6/17
BDS
Tournament: HWRR | Round: 4 | Opponent: Harvard Westlake IP | Judge: RandallSmith The Role of the Ballot is to Mitigate Structural Violence thought material conditions
Winter and Leighton 99: Deborah DuNann Winter and Dana C. Leighton. Winter|Psychologist that specializes in Social Psych, Counseling Psych, Historical and Contemporary Issues, Peace Psychology. Leighton: PhD graduate student in the Psychology Department at the University of Arkansas. Knowledgeable in the fields of social psychology, peace psychology, and justice and intergroup responses to transgressions of justice "Peace, conflict, and violence: Peace psychology in the 21st century." Pg 4-5 SA-IB Finally, to recognize…to reduce it. Material conditions come first Matsuda The multiple consciousness…law and theory
The state is inevitable- speaking the language of power through policymaking is the only way to create social change in debate. Coverstone 5 Alan Coverstone (masters in communication from Wake Forest, longtime debate coach) “Acting on Activism: Realizing the Vision of Debate with Pro-social Impact” Paper presented at the National Communication Association Annual Conference November 17th 2005 An important concern…in America today.
\ Material forms of rebellion are a prerequisite to any method that wants to access the path to change Fitzpatrick
Critical Theory, Information Society and Surveillance Technologies Tony Fitzpatrick Information, Communication and SocietyVol. 5 , Iss. 3,2002
Organised acts by…state and capital
Inherency
2017 has the Anti-Semitism Awareness Act: this is a direct speech restriction on anti-Israel sentiments. Stern Stern, Kenneth S. "Will Campus Criticism of Israel Violate Federal Law?" The New York Times. The New York Times, 12 Dec. 2016. Web. 12 Dec. 2016. (CWLC) http://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/12/opinion/will-campus-criticism-of-israel-violate-federal-law.html More than 25…will students learn? The bill makes it impossible to critique Israel: people are automatically considered anti semites Times Times editorial board dec 6 2016 Undermining free speech on campus http://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-senate-antisemitism-20161202-story.html (CWLC) U.S. Senate last…policing the latter. And Boycott Divestment Sanctions is massive: large scale coalition like this is most likely to create change: additionally: BDS spurs independent movements to create change Ibrahim Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions: A New Path to Peace Video and Edited Transcript Lena Ibrahim and Andrew Kadi Transcript No. 410 (24 July 2014) Lena Ibrahim is a first generation Palestinian American undergraduate student studying Global Affairs. She organizes with various Students for Justice in Palestine groups in Washington DC, Maryland, and Virginia with the DMV SJP coalition. Lena Ibrahim is a member of the US Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel, and the American Studies Association Activism and Community Caucus which passed an Israeli academic boycott at the 2013 American Studies Association Conference. She has been a BDS community and student organizer for three years and is actively organizing for social justice and solidarity building. (CWLC) The role of…human rights violations. F ). BDS good: it’s a critical method for awareness Butler Butler, Judith. "Judith Butler’s Remarks to Brooklyn College on BDS." The Nation. N.p., 29 June 2015. Web. 18 Dec. 2016. https://www.thenation.com/article/judith-butlers-remarks-brooklyn-college-bds/ (CWLC) The point of…its very aim).
The plan: the US Congressional House of Representatives ought not restrict constitutionally protected speech by refusing to pass the Anti-Semitism Awareness Act
Stern is our solvency advocate
Solvency
BDS works: the government is forced to react and defend itself Barghoutijan Why Israel Fears the Boycott By OMAR BARGHOUTIJAN. 31, 2014
JERUSALEM — IF Secretary…divestment and sanctions.
BDS is working: it creates social pressure Eid DS: Decolonizing Palestine FROM: THE ACADEMIC BOYCOTT MOVEMENT By Haidar EidNovember 15, 2016
Because I am…other fig leaves.
Global critiques of the US are required to create change at home: State violence is justified and connected to out of state violence: the aff defends the avenue to create change Butts 15 Authors and Contributors of this Policy Overview Marbre Stahly-Butts, Center for Popular Democracy Daryl Atkinson, Southern Coalition For Social Justice DOWNLOAD PDF https://policy.m4bl.org/invest-divest/ (CWLC) no explicit date The interlinked systems…war-making globally.
Underview
Counterinterpretation any is defined as part of not all Cambridge Dictionary (Cambridge Dictionary, online dictionary, “Definition of ‘any’,” http://dictionary.cambridge.org/us/dictionary/english/any///LADI ) no date (used in negative statements and questions) some, or even the smallest amount (of) Thus, debaters may specify a type of speech if they have a solvency advocate, if the aff is about a congressional bill, and if the aff is about a form of speech that can be considered harassment. Definition outweighs the resolution is a negative statement.
Tournament: Harvard Westlake R3 | Round: 3 | Opponent: idk | Judge: idk I value Morality because ought implies a moral obligation.
Analytics
. This kind of consensus requires a contractarian system of self restraint. Only this system can reconcile subjective ethics. Gauthier Gauthier, David P. Morals by Agreement. Oxford: Clarendon, 1986. Print.
Moral principles are…in their affairs. Therefore the value criterion is consistency with a contractarian system of self restraint. To clarify, under contractarianism moral prohibitions are formed when an individual voluntarily agrees to refrain from taking certain actions in exchange for similar commitments from other individuals. Williams explains the argument : Gareth Williams. “The Problems of David Gauthier’s Attempt to Derive Morality From Rationality.” Libertarian Alliance. 1998.
Gauthier’s objective is…can be based.
And my standard comes first: analytics The advocacy text: the USFG ought not restrict any constitutionally protected speech in public universities and colleges
analytics Contractarianism requires you affirm: principles of equal worth can only exist with unfettered speech David A. Richards Free Speech and Obscenity Law: Toward a Moral Theory of the First Amendment , 123 U. Pa. L. Rev. 45 (1974). Available at: http://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/penn_law_review/vol123/iss1/2 (CWLC) Attempts by the…and constitutional grounds." 6 Underview
Dissent good: minority rights INSIDE VOICES: PROTECTING THE STUDENT-CRITIC IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS Brown, Josie Foehrenbach. American University Law Review 62.2 (2012): 253-331. http://www.aulawreview.org/pdfs/62/Brown.pdf (CWLC)
The protection of…its collaborative construction.28 Material forms of rebellion are a prerequisite to any method that wants to access the path to change
Critical Theory, Information Society and Surveillance Technologies Tony Fitzpatrick Information, Communication and SocietyVol. 5 , Iss. 3,2002
Organised acts by…state and capital
2. Lack of clear demarcations of what constitutes hate speech creates a spillover: destroys discourse David F. McGowan and Ragesh K. Tangri, A Libertarian Critique of University Restrictions of Offensive Speech, 79 Cal. L. Rev. 825 (1991). Available at: http://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/californialawreview/vol79/iss3/8 (CWLC) The most obvious…of minority groups.216
And that’s proven: The right is pushing to stop progressive views on campus ranging from advocating gay rights to criticizing trump Rampell Rampell, Catherine. "The Right Shuts down Free Speech, Too." The Washington Post. WP Company, 15 Dec. 2016. Web. 04 Jan. 2017. (CWLC) The good news:...indoctrination of students. 3. PC thought made trump president: outweighs all of your impacts Trump Won Because Leftist Political Correctness Inspired a Terrifying Backlash What every liberal who didn't see this coming needs to understand Robby Soave|Nov. 9, 2016 8:01 a http://reason.com/blog/2016/11/09/trump-won-because-leftist-political-corr
Many will say…to speak his. 4. restricting radicalism openly creates the conditions for radical success: turns case McCormack Academic Freedom in an Age of Terror? Tara McCormack found in Why Academic Freedom Matters: A response to current challenges Cheryl Hudson and Joanna Williams (Eds.), September 2016 Tara McCormack is Lecturer in International Politics at the Department of Politics and International relations, University of Leicester. (CWLC)
The problem for…regime they are. 5. Turn restrictions atomize liberals: conservatives could care less Nat Hentoff “Speech Codes” On The Campus And Problems Of Free Speech Originally appeared in Dissent v. 38 (Fall 1991) p. 546-9 (CWLC) One of the…conservative Federalist Society. 6. Focus on trauma and safety obfuscate large scale reform and recreate social norms Kelley Kelley, Robin D.G. "Black Study, Black Struggle." Boston Review. N.p., 24 Oct. 2016. Web. 12 Dec. 2016. https://bostonreview.net/forum/robin-d-g-kelley-black-study-black-struggle (CWLC) And resistance is…into the fold 7. Restrictions are not the end all be all approach to change: other methods check back your offense Katharine T. Bartlett and O'Barr Jean, The Chilly Climate on College Campuses: An Expansion of the “Hate Speech” Debate, 1990 Duke Law Journal 574-586 (1990) Available at: http://scholarship.law.duke.edu/dlj/vol39/iss3/4 (CWLC) How might colleges…privileged, to respect.
1/15/17
Ilaw K
Tournament: UH | Round: 4 | Opponent: Strake WH | Judge: Parker Kelly a. Link. International law was founded by, and continues to maintain, colonialism – Treaties don’t check state power, they secure it in by universalizing law and sovereign relationships. Gardner writes, Gardner 10 David, Graduate student at San Diego State University, “The Colonial Nature of International Law”, E-International Relations Students, 6/8/2014, http://www.e-ir.info/2010/06/08/the-colonial-nature-of-international-law/, 7/28/2014 B.S “International law was…law is colonial.
B. is the Impact and Alt Vote negative – Continued reliance on international law will only result in war, inequality, environmental destruction, and racism. Instead, our alternative is to suspend our faith in the neutrality of international law and to speak the narrative of colonialism. Schmidt ’10 (Patrick, Department of Political Science, Macalester College, “MEETING THE ENEMY: AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM AND INTERNATIONAL LAW, by Natsu Taylor Saito.” http://www.lawcourts.org/LPBR/reviews/saito0910.htm)
I do notbehind international law
C. is the role of the judge, there is a pre fiat obligation to reject colonialism, Dei explains,
G. J. Dei Anti-Colonialism and Education 2006
The anti-colonial…and learning processes.
1/7/17
Interps
Tournament: Emory | Round: 1 | Opponent: Stuyvesant KL | Judge: Kukreja Interp: if the neg is asked which of two offs comes first: they must specify how each layers in the context of the round
Debaters may not read conflicting conditional advocacies
4/29/17
K Underview for IMPX AC
Tournament: Ghill RR | Round: 2 | Opponent: Ishan Bhatt | Judge: WrightArthur Solutions to critical issues must be discussed through pragmatic approaches within hegemonic power structures. Kapoor ‘08 : There are perhaps… deflect their claims. Even if our representations aren’t completely accurate- Our framing drives action Schatz 12 (Jul. 2012. Dr. JL Schatz is the director of speech and debate at Binghamton University. He has written several pieces focusing on environmental issues. “The Importance of Apocalypse: The Value of End-of-the-World Politics While Advancing Ecocriticism” The Journal of Ecocriticism. A peer reviewed journal. http://ojs.unbc.ca/index.php/joe/article/viewFile/394/382HS) It is no…of the picture.`
The state is inevitable- speaking the language of power through policymaking is the only way to create social change in debate. Coverstone 5 Alan Coverstone (masters in communication from Wake Forest, longtime debate coach) “Acting on Activism: Realizing the Vision of Debate with Pro-social Impact” Paper presented at the National Communication Association Annual Conference November 17th 2005 An important concern…in America today.
Climate change disproportionately affects people of color and women worldwide and causes extinction—they cede the opportunity to make informed policies that can reverse historical irresponsibility. Pellow 12 David Naguib Pellow, Ph.D. Professor, Don Martindale Endowed Chair – University of Minnesota, “Climate Disruption in the Global South and in African American Communities: Key Issues, Frameworks, and Possibilities for Climate Justice,” February 2012,http://www.jointcenter.org/sites/default/files/upload/research/files/White_Paper_Climate_Disruption_final.pdf
It is now…the global North.
UTILITARIANISM DENOUNCES ATROCITIES AND DOESN’T CONDONE FUTURE ATROCITIES Smart 1973 (J.J.C prof. of philosophy, Australian riatibual university. Utilitarianism: For and Against uwwej) In the second…to say this.
9/15/16
New tinfoil version
Tournament: TOC | Round: 5 | Opponent: Lex KB | Judge: Isis The Role of the Ballot is to Mitigate oppression through material conditions
Winter and Leighton 99: Deborah DuNann Winter and Dana C. Leighton. Winter|Psychologist that specializes in Social Psych, Counseling Psych, Historical and Contemporary Issues, Peace Psychology. Leighton: PhD graduate student in the Psychology Department at the University of Arkansas. Knowledgeable in the fields of social psychology, peace psychology, and justice and intergroup responses to transgressions of justice "Peace, conflict, and violence: Peace psychology in the 21st century." Pg 4-5 SA-IB Finally, to recognize the operation of structural violence forces us to ask questions about how and why we tolerate it, questions which often have painful answers for the privileged elite who unconsciously support it. A final question of this section is how and why we allow ourselves to be are so oblivious to it structural violence. Susan Opotow offers an intriguing set of answers, in her article Social Injustice. She argues that our normal perceptual/cognitive processes we divide people into in-groups and out-groups. Those outside our group lie outside our scope of justice. Injustice that would be instantaneously confronted if it occurred to someone we love or know is barely noticed if it occurs to strangers or those who are invisible or irrelevant. We are do not seem to be able to open our minds and our hearts to everyone, so we draw conceptual lines between those who are in and out of our moral circle. Those who fall o0utside are morally excluded, and become either invisible, or demeaned in some way so that we do not have to acknowledge the injustice they suffer. Moral exclusion is a human failing, but Opotow argues convincingly that it is an outcome of everyday social cognition. To reduce its nefarious effects, we must be vigilant in noticing and listening to oppressed, invisible, outsiders. Inclusionary thinking can be fostered by relationships, communication, and appreciation of diversity. Like Opotow, all the authors in this section point out that structural violence is not inevitable if we become aware of its operation, and build systematic ways to mitigate its effects. Learning about structural violence may be discouraging, overwhelming, or maddening, but these papers encourage us to step beyond guilt and anger, and begin to think about how to reduce structural violence. All the authors in this section note that the same structures (such as global communication and normal social cognition) which feed structural violence, can also be used to empower citizens to reduce it.
Material conditions come first Matsuda The multiple consciousness I urge lawyers to attain is not a random ability to see all points of view, but a deliberate choice to see the world from the standpoint of the oppressed. That world is accessible to all of us. We should know it in its concrete particulars. We should know of our sister carrying buckets of water up five flights of stairs in a welfare hotel, our sister trembling at 3 a.m. in a shelter for battered womxn, our sisters holding bloodied children in their arms in Cape Town, on the West Bank, and in Nicaragua. The jurisprudence of outsiders teaches that these details and the emotions they evoke are relevant and impor- tant as we set out on the road to justice. These details are accessible to all of us, of all genders and colors. We can choose to know the lives of others by reading, studying, listening, and venturing into different places. For lawyers, our pro bono work may be the most effective means of ac- quiring a broader consciousness of oppression. ¶ Abstraction is a and detachment are ways out of the discomfort of direct confrontation with the ugliness of oppression. Abstraction, criticized by both feminists and scholars of color, is the, method that allows theorists to discuss liberty, property, and rights in the aspirational mode of liberalism with no connection to what those concepts mean in real people's lives. Much in our mainstream intellectual training values abstraction and denigrates nitty-gritty detail. Holding on to a multiple consciousness will allow us to operate both within the abstractions of standard ju- risprudential discourse, and within the details of our own special knowledge.¶ Whisperings at Yale and elsewhere about how deconstructionist heroes were closet fascists remind me of how important it is to stay close to oppressed communities. High talk about language, meaning, sign, process, and law can mask racist and sexist ugliness if we never stop to ask: "Exactly what are you talking about and what is the implication of what you are saying for my sister who is carrying buckets of water up five flights of stairs in a welfare hotel? What do you propose to do for her today, not in some abstract future you are creating in your mind?" If you have been made to feel, as I have, that such inquiry is theoretically unsophisticated, and quaintly naive, resist! Read what Professor Williams, Professor Scales-Trent, and other feminists and people of color are writing.' The reality and detail of oppression are a starting point for these writers as they enter into mainstream debates about law and theory
The state is inevitable- speaking the language of power through policymaking is the only way to create social change in debate. Coverstone 5 Alan Coverstone (masters in communication from Wake Forest, longtime debate coach) “Acting on Activism: Realizing the Vision of Debate with Pro-social Impact” Paper presented at the National Communication Association Annual Conference November 17th 2005 An important concern emerges when Mitchell describes reflexive fiat as a contest strategy capable of “eschewing the power to directly control external actors” (1998b, p. 20). Describing debates about what our government should do as attempts to control outside actors is debilitating and disempowering. Control of the US government is exactly what an active, participatory citizenry is supposed to be all about. After all, if democracy means anything, it means that citizens not only have the right, they also bear the obligation to discuss and debate what the government should be doing. Absent that discussion and debate, much of the motivation for personal political activism is also lost. Those who have co-opted Mitchell’s argument for individual advocacy often quickly respond that nothing we do in a debate round can actually change government policy, and unfortunately, an entire generation of debaters has now swallowed this assertion as an article of faith. The best most will muster is, “Of course not, but you don’t either!” The assertion that nothing we do in debate has any impact on government policy is one that carries the potential to undermine Mitchell’s entire project. If there is nothing we can do in a debate round to change government policy, then we are left with precious little in the way of pro-social options for addressing problems we face. At best, we can pursue some Pilot-like hand washing that can purify us as individuals through quixotic activism but offer little to society as a whole. It is very important to note that Mitchell (1998b) tries carefully to limit and bound his notion of reflexive fiat by maintaining that because it “views fiat as a concrete course of action, it is bounded by the limits of pragmatism” (p. 20). Pursued properly, the debates that Mitchell would like to see are those in which the relative efficacy of concrete political strategies for pro-social change is debated. In a few noteworthy examples, this approach has been employed successfully, and I must say that I have thoroughly enjoyed judging and coaching those debates. The students in my program have learned to stretch their understanding of their role in the political process because of the experience. Therefore, those who say I am opposed to Mitchell’s goals here should take care at such a blanket assertion. However, contest debate teaches students to combine personal experience with the language of political power. Powerful personal narratives unconnected to political power are regularly co-opted by those who do learn the language of power. One need look no further than the annual state of the Union Address where personal story after personal story is used to support the political agenda of those in power. The so-called role-playing that public policy contest debates encourage promotes active learning of the vocabulary and levers of power in America. Imagining the ability to use our own arguments to influence government action is one of the great virtues of academic debate. Gerald Graff (2003) analyzed the decline of argumentation in academic discourse and found a source of student antipathy to public argument in an interesting place. I’m up against…their aversion to the role of public spokesperson that formal writing presupposes. It’s as if such students can’t imagine any rewards for being a public actor or even imagining themselves in such a role. This lack of interest in the public sphere may in turn reflect a loss of confidence in the possibility that the arguments we make in public will have an effect on the world. Today’s students’ lack of faith in the power of persuasion reflects the waning of the ideal of civic participation that led educators for centuries to place rhetorical and argumentative training at the center of the school and college curriculum. (Graff, 2003, p. 57) The power to imagine public advocacy that actually makes a difference is one of the great virtues of the traditional notion of fiat that critics deride as mere simulation. Simulation of success in the public realm is far more empowering to students than completely abandoning all notions of personal power in the face of governmental hegemony by teaching students that “nothing they can do in a contest debate can ever make any difference in public policy.” Contest debating is well suited to rewarding public activism if it stops accepting as an article of faith that personal agency is somehow undermined by the so-called role playing in debate. Debate is role-playing whether we imagine government action or imagine individual action. Imagining myself starting a socialist revolution in America is no less of a fantasy than imagining myself making a difference on Capitol Hill. Furthermore, both fantasies influenced my personal and political development virtually ensuring a life of active, pro-social, political participation. Neither fantasy reduced the likelihood that I would spend my life trying to make the difference I imagined. e political cynicism that is a fundamental cause of voter and participatory abstention in America today.
\ Material forms of rebellion are a prerequisite to any method that wants to access the path to change Fitzpatrick
Critical Theory, Information Society and Surveillance Technologies Tony Fitzpatrick Information, Communication and SocietyVol. 5 , Iss. 3,2002
Organised acts by individuals are here termed ‘subversive’. Hacking is a good example of information subversion (Thomas 2000; Taylor 2000) to which we might add those such as crackers, phreakers and cyberpunks, all of whom use technology to carve out spaces of freedom and autonomy that the same technology can foreclose in the hands of corporations (Starr 2000: 73-80). The downloading of music from the Internet using MP3 technology, for instance, is popularly subversive, not only because it is widespread but because it seems to engender no more popular disapproval than the use of blank cassettes for taping music off the radio. Another example of subversion can be found in the kind of counter-surveillance that some individuals pursue against the surveillance apparatus; this can mean filming the police who film demonstrations or it can mean using data protection legislation to expose corporate misdemeanours. At its best, then, subversion can constitute a counter-cultural movement which, like their predecessors in the 1960s, is not anti-capitalist per se but does represent a form of resistance against powerful corporations and state agencies. To be subversive, then, hacking et al must not be done for its own sake (still less for personal gain) but in order to undermine the information systems of economic and political power. Subversion can occur both outside the law but also within it, by exploiting ambivalences within the law and/or by encouraging the legal apparatus to catch up with developments in ICT, a time lag that governments and corporations are often able to exploit for undesirable ends. Organised acts by groups can be termed ‘rebellious’. For instance, many businesses have found there websites subjected to ‘denial of service’ attacks, effectively putting much of that company out of operation for significant periods of time – of course such attacks can also be the result of individual grudges against the company in question, or even of random and capricious malevolence. However, the most famous example of rebellion remains the Zapatista movement’s successful and continued mobilisation of world opinion against the attempt by the Mexican government to deprive them of their land rights (Castells 1997: 72-83). In addition, we might also consider the kind of opposition, mentioned in the above discussion of RIPA, to legislation that threatens civil liberties. The USA has been an important source of opposition to other attempts at over-regulating cyberspace (Jordan, 1999). Acts of resistance therefore consist of material and/or discursive actions that disclose social alternatives by attempting to open what economic and political powers attempt to close: the heterotopic spaces of autonomy which are the source of alternative visions of individuality and society (Foucault, 1986) but which risk being silenced by informatic capitalism in its attempt to reduce human diversity to digital bytes and data streams. Resistance is always a strategy that positions itself against the hegemony of the dominant nodes of money and power that are embedded in sites of work and consumption (see above). An act of resistance therefore requires sites of resistance: the sites are the sine qua non of the acts which simultaneously confirm and destabilise the condition of their existence. A site of resistance is both materially and culturally transformed by the acts of resistance to which it gives rise. A site makes an act possible and an act is the means by which we become aware of a site’s transformative potential. Therefore, a site must facilitate an ideological orientation, i.e. a critique of existing power and its alternatives. These observations are hardly new, deriving from the critical theoretical tradition, e.g. Marx’s observation that capitalism makes possible the conditions of its own demise. Without wanting to replicate that kind of messianic faith we can point, on the basis of the above analysis, to two sites that characterise informatic capitalism: the office and the body. The office rather than the factory floor is now the archetypal workplace due to the shift towards a post-industrial economy. Yet these offices are not fixed, they are mobile and dispersed informational systems. An office is no longer about shelves and paper files but about being connected to a server, whether at work or from home; and it is the malleability of the office which makes it both possible and desirable for employers to survey their employees. The body is no longer a simple appendage to the machine but what some like to call a terminal plugged into the informatic circuitry. The cyborg is neither just a metaphor (Haraway 1991) nor a physical assemblage of machine and organism, but a risk processor that increasingly simulates an informational system by relating to its environment as a series of dichotomous zeroes and ones: threatening/non-threatening, insider/outsider, same/other (Fitzpatrick 1999). Yet the body and the office are not merely sites of domination but sites, pace Foucault, of creative becoming. Workplace surveillance reminds us that capital not only wants our labour it wants our souls, our ever-demonstrable commitment to the corporate ethic; bodily surveillance at the level of consumption, or in what formally remain public spaces, reminds us that there are consequences (of social exclusion and stigma) for those who do not conform to the persona of the law-abiding shopper. These reminders are also ways of retrieving the desire for social alternatives: even as we are reduced to information we can desire to become something more. If information systems reduce us to database files and categories then information is also a means of mobilisation. Agency has not vanished into a destructured residue of the modern self, and to be human is to be more than a feedback loop of information, but if information undoubtedly constitutes the formation of identity as never before (Lyon 1998: 100) then the information that constitutes the self can be used by the self, through interaction with others in potential sites of resistance, to carve out the spaces of hope that allow us to imagine social alternatives. The self in any capitalist society is a struggle for self-determination in conflict with the nautonomous forces of state and capital Inherency
Legislators in some states including Illinois and Tennessee have introduced bills in 2017 that explicitly mention sanctions on student protesters. Illinois’ bill, proposed by two Republicans, lifts this language, and additional passages, nearly verbatim from the Goldwater model. Also sponsored by Republicans, the bill in Tennessee—nicknamed the “Milo Bill” after an event at the University of California at Berkeley featuring the racist “alt-right” icon Milo Yiannopolous was canceled due to protests—directs universities to enact free speech policies that include “sanctions for anyone under the jurisdiction of the institution who interferes with the free expression of others,” and it gives faculty “the right to regulate class speech.” In North Carolina, Republican Lt. Gov. Dan Forest intends to work with legislators on a Restore Campus Free Speech Act, which would create “a discipline policy that would punish students who shout down visiting speakers or deprive others of their right to free expression, a tactic commonly known as the ‘hecklers’ veto.'" Last year, Forest floated a measure calling on the University of North Carolina’s board of governors to create a system-wide policy that would impose harsh penalties, including expulsion, on students, staff and faculty members who disrupt classes, public meetings or events. The Koch-funded Generation Opportunity lauded the effort at the time. Forest has said that yelling at a guest speaker “has never been free speech,” and he’s called campus protest methods “terrorist tactics.” No one introduced a free speech bill that year. Other proposed laws, like North Dakota’s, which was introduced by six Republicans, omit sanctions provisions but state that a university may restrict student speech if it blocks entrances to buildings, obstructs traffic or interferes with events. Much of the North Dakota bill comes directly from the text of the Goldwater model legislation. A large group of most Republican legislators in Virginia has a new bill in play that includes much of the Goldwater language but stays away from restrictions on students. Additional campus free speech bills have been introduced this year in Colorado (sponsored by two Republicans and one Democrat) and Utah (sponsored by 14 Republican state representatives). Florida could be next. Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin has a "free speech" provision in his proposed budget.
It’s nationwide in a short timeframe: soon it’ll appear everywhere Wilson in March New Student Protest Bans disguised as “Campus Free Speech" are Backed by the Koch Network mar 6 Ralph Wilson http://www.dailykos.com/story/2017/3/6/1640698/-New-Student-Protest-Bans-disguised-as-Campus-Free-Speech-are-Backed-by-the-Koch-Network (CWLC) In the past month, state lawmakers across the country coordinated an effort to file “campus free speech” bills. These bills make it illegal for students to protest in a way that “disrupts” the speech of anyone who has been invited onto campus. In a familiar twist, the free speech being protected is that of private donors and corporations, rather than students. So far, bills have been filed (in some form) in CO, NC, VA, TN, ND, UT, IL, and WI, with FL possibly next. These bills have found bipartisan support, and very little resistance, sailing smoothly through committee after committee. In Utah and Colorado, the ACLU has come out in support of the bills. Most appear unaware of the origins or expressed intent of this legislation. It is based on a model bill, the “Campus Free Speech Act,” developed by two organizations affiliated with the Koch network; the Goldwater Institute and the Ethics and Public Policy Center. In fact: two bills were introduced by republicans in the past week in Wisconsin and Michigan: the latter going so far as to call itself the campus free speech act
The plan: Public Colleges and universities in the United States ought not restrict any constitutionally protected speech
Maloney Colleges Have No Right to Limit Students' Free Speech Cliff Maloney, Jr. Oct 13, 2016 http://time.com/4530197/college-free-speech-zone/?iid=sr-link4 (CWLC) In grade school, I learned that debate is defined as "a discussion between people in which they express different opinions about something." Such open discourse was historically encouraged on our college campuses. Universities exemplified intellectual discussion and debate in America. No one voiced their opinions louder than students, professors and administrators. They pushed society’s limits by admitting women and people of color, and by encouraging diversity of thought amongst the college community. Historically, young people flocked to universities to learn more about the world around them, to encounter people from different backgrounds, to expand their minds and to form their own opinions. Unfortunately, things have changed. Recently on college campuses, our open discourse has been threatened, particularly when discussing politics. While the current presidential election represents polarizing wings of both the Democratic and Republican parties, we should be able to openly debate their policies and the direction in which they plan to take our country if elected. We should be able to discuss the abuse of power within our government and the consistent violations of our Bill of Rights. We should be able to participate in the free market of ideas. But our students are being silenced. University campuses are now home to a plethora of speech restrictions. From sidewalk-sized “free-speech zones” to the criminalization of microaggressions, America’s college campuses look and feel a lot more like an authoritarian dictatorship than they do the academic hubs of the modern free world. When rolling an inflated free-speech ball around campus, students at the University of Delaware were halted by campus police for their activities. A Young Americans for Liberty leader at Fairmont State University in West Virginia was confronted by security when he was attempting to speak with other students about the ideas he believes in. A man at Clemson University was barred from praying on campus because he was outside of the free-speech zone. And a student at Blinn College in Texas abolished her campus’ free-speech zone in a lawsuit after administrators demanded she seek special permission to advocate for self-defense. How have we let this happen in America, the land of the free? It’s because of what our universities have taught a generation of Americans: If you don’t agree with someone, are uncomfortable with an idea, or don’t find a joke funny, then their speech must be suppressed. Especially if they don’t politically agree with you. Instead of actually debating ideas that span topics from the conventional to the taboo, a generation of American students don’t engage, they just get enraged. In doing so, many students believe that they have a right to literally shut other people up. This is not only a threat to the First Amendment, but also to American democracy. In their manifestation, safe spaces and free-speech zones at public universities enable prejudice against unfavorable ideologies. Guised as progressive measures to ensure inclusion, these often unconstitutional policies exclude new and competing ideas, and are antithetical to a free academia. In excluding different ideologies, supposedly progressive campus speech codes do one thing: prevent the progression of ideas. Restrictive campus speech codes are, in fact, regressive. With over 750 chapters nationwide at Young Americans for Liberty, we are fighting against public universities that stifle free speech. We've launched the national Fight for Free Speech campaign to reform unconstitutional speech codes and abolish these so-called free-speech zones on college campuses. By hosting events such as large free speech balls, YAL chapters across the country are petitioning their campuses to adopt the University of Chicago's principles on freedom of expression—the hallmark of campus speech policies. Our members have geared up with First Amendment organizations to ensure that their free speech rights on campus are protected. America is a land rooted in the ideas of a free society: the freedom to be who you are, to speak your mind and to innovate. By silencing our students and young people, we have started down a slippery slope. It is up to us to fight back to ensure that our First Amendment rights remain protected—not just on college campuses, but everywhere in America.
Despite a provision that appears to protect protests and free speech, this bill actually bans protests. It is not a defense of free speech: Any person lawfully present on campus may protest or demonstrate there. Such statement shall make clear that protests and demonstrations that infringe upon the rights of others to engage in or listen to expressive activity shall not be permitted and shall be subject to sanction. (Section 1.4) This would prohibit a plethora of protected expressive acts, for example, a chant, or a song that could be construed as infringing. The authors claim “this means no more shouting down of visiting speakers, and no more obstruction of legitimate meetings and events.” The model bill stipulates that student demonstrators “shall be subject to sanction.” Not only would disruptive protestors be removed as they are now, they would face legal and academic sanctions: the bill would authorize a range of disciplinary sanctions for those who interfere with the speech of others, with particularly strong penalties for anyone who commits a second offense. On campuses that are already overly militarized, this bill calls for harsher policing of students protesters. The provision is pretty clear: there is no method to resist post passage Wilson
Mandatory minimums are generally a very bad idea contrary to the interests of justice, and this is no exception to the rule. Why should students receive a minimum suspension of one year even if the penalty they deserve would be far less severe? After all, even students who commit sexual violence are not subject to minimum suspensions dictated by legislators (but that would be the next obvious step if this proposal is enacted). Suppose that a student is found responsible for a very minor violation of the rights of others. The fear of being accused of another offense might lead students to silence themselves. There’s also the problem that a university could choose to charge a student with two different offenses at a campus protest, and then the student would technically need to be suspended for a year if guilty of both of them. Considering that Kurtz himself has declared that “interrupting” a speaker is “tyranny, pure and simple, and cannot be tolerated by any community that cherishes and protects free expression,” it is quite possible to read this legislation to require suspension for a year of any student who heckles a speaker twice. Protest is good: I don’t endorse this as a unilateral method: but it can’t be shut off Sud The Power of Protest Re-examining the true effectiveness of one of the most widespread forces of rebellion in the country.Kamya Sud
Recently, there’s been a swarm of rousing protests and peaceful demonstrations across the country. Even in Claremont, changes to the demonstration policy on campus that limits student ability to protest has sparked something of an uproar. This comes soon after the mass campus mobilization and consequent student march in response to racial incidents and other expressions of prejudice at the 5Cs. The Claremont Colleges administrative attempt to suppress student protest was met with widespread contention and the formation of a passionate committee dedicated to reforming the controversial demonstration policy. As I returned home for winter break, the subject of these protests came up in conversation with a friend of mine who goes to school in Chicago. She described to me how despite the interest that the #BlackLivesMatter protests had initially piqued in her, she had gradually grown more blase towards them. The continuous demonstrations outside her window eventually became almost routine and somewhat of an annoyance rather than revolutionary. This, for a lack of a better word, trivialization, of such an important issue was incredibly interesting and made me contemplate the true effectiveness of protest as a tool for affecting change in this generation. Protest, n. an organized public demonstration expressing strong objection to a policy or course of action adopted by those in authority. This expression of dissent definitely has a long list of pros. The organization that comes with a protest is often immense, but the result is a space wherein like-minded warriors of social justice can come together to find an arena to express their oft-controversial perspectives of important issues. A protest binds people together in solidarity against an authority or problematic idea. Demonstrations allow for the development of independent voices as well as amalgamation into a diverse and united force to bring about changes by raising public awareness about a particular concern. From people who have little to no knowledge of the issue to those who oppose the righteous side without the full story, the importance of demonstration as a means of increasing the information and knowledge available in the public realm is tremendous. Additionally, protest as a tool for bringing about reforms in policy is vital, providing an arena for the governed to bring the issues that concern and plague them to the fore of attention of those who govern them. This essential component of social fabric aids in introducing necessary administrative changes that may otherwise have gone unnoticed and unchanged. For it was the culmination of civil unrest in protest that overthrew the Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych. For it was demonstrations of mass resistance in the South that propelled the civil rights movement. For even the President of the United States describes protest as ‘necessary for triggering the nation’s conscience’. However, it is also important to play Devil’s advocate and consider where peaceful protest falls short. Often enough, the scope for raising awareness is fairly limited, what with the protesters who are already familiar with the substantive content, and many of those who do not know falling far from the spectrum of onlookers of protests. Even so, this visible and powerful force fighting for a particular issue can often aggravate naysayers who sense growing opposition to their cause. This could cause them to grow gradually more militant and respond in an untoward manner. Truly, the possibility of peaceful demonstration escalating into violent conflict is probably the most concerning drawback of protest. The ‘mob mentality’ of protesters in large groups makes protests extremely volatile, much like the recent instance at CMC, where a student misspeaking her views was viciously booed by the surrounding protesters. Even in this information era, spreading knowledge can’t always combat institutionalized problem as well as we’d like. As previously discussed, protests can also often grow repetitive, losing momentum. The right to freedom of expression and freedom to peaceful protest are crucial to the functional working of a democracy and can never be violated. It is impossible to underestimate the true value of non-violent resistance, although the message may sometimes get lost in translation. Through effective organization and clearly achievable goals, the power is protest can be incredibly potent and persuasive. That means we don’t link into your absurd cap claims Occupy was only the beginning- student led movements and protest have a chance at rupturing neoliberalism and authoritarianism at large. They just need a push for spaces to cultivate democracy-that’s uniqueness- absent the 1AC, students are pushed into the false promises of the right and recreate every system of social domination. We are try or die. Giroux Henry A. Giroux, Online University of the Left. Protesting Youth in the Age of Neoliberal Cruelty. Truthout. July 2,2014.
Within the various regimes of neoliberalism that have emerged particularly in North since the late 1970s, the ethical grammars that drew attention to the violence and suffering withered or, as in the United States, seemed to disappear altogether, while dispossessed youth continued to lose their dignity, bodies, and material goods to the machineries of disposability. The fear of losing everything, the horror of an engulfing and crippling precarity, the quest to merely survive, the rise of the punishing state and police violence, along with the impending reality of social and civil death, became a way of life for the 99 percent in the United States and other countries. Under such circumstances, youth were no longer the place where society reveals its dreams, but increasingly hid its nightmares. Against the ravaging policies of austerity and disposability, “zones of abandonment appeared in which the domestic machinery of violence, suffering, cruelty, and punishment replaced the values of compassion, social responsibility, and civic courage” (Biehl 2005:2).In opposition to such conditions, a belief in the power of collective resistance and politics emerged once again in 2010, as global youth protests embraced the possibility of deepening and expanding democracy, rather than rejecting it. Such movements produced a new understanding of politics based on horizontal forms of collaboration and political participation. In doing so, they resurrected revitalized and much needed questions about class power, inequality, financial corruption, and the shredding of the democratic process. They also explored as well as what it meant to create new communities of mutual support, democratic modes of exchange and governance, and public spheres in which critical dialogue and exchanges could take place (For an excellent analysis on neoliberal-induced financial corruption, see Anderson 2004).A wave of youth protests starting in 2010 in Tunisia, and spreading across the globe to the United States and Europe, eventually posed a direct challenge to neoliberal modes of domination and the corruption of politics, if not democracy itself (Hardt and Negri 2012). The legitimating, debilitating, and depoliticizing notion that politics could only be challenged within established methods of reform and existing relations of power was rejected outright by students and other young people across the globe. For a couple of years, young people transformed basic assumptions about what politics is and how the radical imagination could be mobilized to challenge the basic beliefs of neoliberalism and other modes of authoritarianism. They also challenged dominant discourses ranging from deficit reduction and taxing the poor to important issues that included poverty, joblessness, the growing unmanageable levels of student debt, and the massive spread of corporate corruption. As Jonathan Schell argued, youth across the globe were enormously successfully in unleashing “a new spirit of action”, an expression of outrage fueled less by policy demands than by a cry of collective moral and political indignation whose message was ‘Enough!’ to a corrupt political, economic and media establishment that hijacked the world’s wealth for itself… sabotaging the rule of law, waging interminable savage and futile wars, plundering the world’s finite resources, and lying about all this to the public while threatening Earth’s life forms into the bargain. (Schell 2011) Yet, some theorists have recently argued that little has changed since 2011, in spite of this expression of collective rage and accompanying demonstrations by youth groups across the globe. The Collapse or Reconfiguration of Youthful Protests?Costas Lapavitsas and Alex Politaki, writing in The Guardian, argue that as the “economic and social disaster unfolded in 2012 and 2013”, youth in Greece, France, Portugal, and Spain have largely been absent from “politics, social movements and even from the spontaneous social networks that have dealt with the worst of the catastrophe” (Lapavitsas and Politaki 2014). Yet, at the same time, they insist that more and more young people have been “attracted to nihilistic ends of the political spectrum, including varieties of anarchism and fascism” (Lapavitsas and Politaki 2014). This indicates that young people have hardly been absent from politics. On the contrary, those youth moving to the right are being mobilized around needs that simply promise the swindle of fulfillment. This does not suggest youth are becoming invisible. On the contrary, the move on the part of students and others to the right implies that the economic crisis has not been matched by a crisis of ideas, one that would propel young people towards left political parties or social formations that effectively articulate a critical understanding of the present economic and political crisis. Missing here is also a strategy to create and sustain a radical democratic political movement that avoids cooptation of the prevailing economic and political systems of oppression now dominating the United States, Greece, Turkey, Portugal, France, and England, among other countries.This critique of youthful protesters as a suspect generation is repeated in greater detail by Andrew R. Myers in Student Pulse (Myers 2012). He argues that deteriorating economic and educational conditions for youth all over Europe have created not only a profound sense of political pessimism among young people, but also a dangerous, if not cynical, distrust towards established politics. Regrettably, Myers seems less concerned about the conditions that have written young people out of jobs, a decent education, imposed a massive debt on them, and offers up a future of despair and dashed hopes than the alleged unfortunate willingness of young people to turn their back on traditional parties. Myers argues rightly that globalization is the enemy of young people and is undermining democracy, but he wrongly insists that traditional social democratic parties are the only vehicles and hope left for real reform. As such, Myers argues that youth who exhibit distrust towards established governments and call for the construction of another world symbolize political defeat, if not cynicism itself. Unfortunately, with his lament about how little youth are protesting today and about their lack of engagement in the traditional forms of politics, he endorses, in the end, a defense of those left/liberal parties that embrace social democracy and the new labor policies of centrist-left coalitions. His rebuke borders on bad faith, given his criticism of young people for not engaging in electoral politics and joining with unions, both of which, for many youth, rightfully represent elements of a reformist politics they reject. It is ironic that both of these critiques of the alleged passivity of youth and the failure of their politics have nothing to say about the generations of adults that failed these young people — that is, what disappears in these narratives is the fact that an older generation accepted the “realization that one generation no longer holds out a hand to the next” (Knott 2011:ix). What is lacking here is any critical sense regarding the historical conditions and dismal lack of political and moral responsibility of an adult generation who shamefully bought into and reproduced, at least since the 1970s, governments and social orders wedded to war, greed, political corruption, xenophobia, and willing acceptance of the dictates of a ruthless form of neoliberal globalization. In fact, what was distinctive about the protesting youth across the globe was their rejection to the injustices of neoliberalism and their attempts to redefine the meaning of politics and democracy, while fashioning new forms of revolt (Hardt and Negri 2012; Graeber 2013). Among their many criticisms, youthful protesters argued vehemently that traditional social democratic, left, and liberal parties suffered from an “extremism of the center” that made them complicitous with the corporate and ruling political elites, resulting in their embrace of the inequities of a form of casino capitalism which assumed that the market should govern the entirety of social life, not just the economic realm (Hardt and Negri 2012:88). Resurrecting the Radical Imagination Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri have argued that what united the Occupy Movement in the US with other movements globally was their emphasis on direct action and their rejection of modernist structures of representation and politics, including support for elections and traditional political parties, which they considered corrupt. As such, they did not reject the project of democracy, but asked where it had gone and how they could “engage with it again” and win back “the political power of the citizen worker” (Hardt and Negri 2012:29). Commenting on the radical nature of such youth protests, David Graeber argues that the potential of the new youth movements, if not their threat to both conservatives and liberals alike, is that they were more “willing to embrace positions more radical than anything seen, on a mass scale” in a number of countries, particularly “their explicit appeal to class politics, a complete reconstruction of the existing political system, and a call (for many at least) not just to reform capitalism but to begin dismantling it entirely” (Graeber 2013:69-70). What recent critics of the current state of youth protests miss is that the real issue is not whether the occupy movements throughout Europe and the US have petered out, but rather, what have we learned from them, how have they been transformed, and what are we going to do about it? More specifically, what can be done to revitalize these rebellions into an international movement capable of effecting real change? Rather than claiming that youth have failed protesting the politics of austerity, neoliberal economies of stagnation, and the corrupt rule of finance capital, it is more important to recognize the ways in which such actions are undermined by the continued struggle for survival, and the threat and reality of state violence. The great “crime” of the youthful protesters is that they have embraced the utopian notion that there is an alternative to capitalism and, in doing so, are fighting back against a systemic war on the radical imagination, the belief that everything is for consumption, and that the only value that matters is exchange value.The protesters in various countries have not failed. On the contrary, they realize that they need more time to fully develop the visions, strategies, cultural apparatuses, infrastructures, organizations, and alliances necessary to more fully realize their attempts to replace the older, corrupt social orders with new ones that are not simply democratic, but have the support of the people who inhabit them. Rather than disappearing, many protesters have focused on more specific struggles, such as getting universities to disinvest in coal industries, fighting the rise of student debt, organizing against the Trans-Pacific Partnership, protesting austerity cuts, creating free social services for the poor and excluded, and developing educational spaces that can provide the formative culture necessary for creating the needs, identities, and modes of agency capable of democratic relations (Zeese 2013; Taaffe 2013; Brahinsky 2014). At the same time, they are participating in everyday struggles that, as Thomas Piketty points out in Capital in the Twenty-First Century, make clear that free-market capitalism is not only responsible for “terrifying” inequalities in both wealth and income, but also produces anti-democratic oligarchies (Piketty 2014:571). And it is precisely through various attempts to create spaces in which democratic culture can be cultivated that the radical imagination can be liberated from the machinery of social and political death produced by casino capitalism. What was once considered impossible becomes possible through the development of worldwide youth protests that speak to a future that is being imagined, but waiting to be brought to fruition. Challenges for Dark Times New rights, demands, visions, and modes of political representation dedicated to the public and social good need time and involve long-term commitments to develop. How the construction of alternative forms of power, strategies, and organization will be developed that can both challenge established powers and become more fully realized is not clear. Needless to say, while youth movements around the globe have and are providing what Hardt and Negri call “a scaffolding” in preparation for an unforeseen event that would provide the ground for a radical social break out of which a new society can be built, there is much to be done in preparation for such an event (Hardt and Negri:103). The challenge young protesters face centers on developing visions, tactics, and strong organizations that enable strategies for change that become more than ephemeral protests reduced to “signs without organization”, incapable of making a real difference (Aronowitz 2014). Youth in various countries need to cultivate a radical imagination capable of providing alternatives to capitalism that will offer a challenge not only to neoliberalism and its destructive austerity policies, but also a vision that speaks to people’s needs for a radical democracy, one that is capable of convincing diverse elements of a broader public that change is possible, and that existing systems of globalization and casino capitalism can be overcome. While the crisis of financial capital, among other dominant modes of oppression, must be challenged, there is also the urgent need for youth protesters to articulate “the broader dimensions of alienation beyond income disparity” (Aronowitz 2011). Issues of existential despair, meaninglessness, hopelessness, and a retreat into the orbits of privatization must be addressed if subjectivities and modes of agency are to be mobilized, capable of engaging in the long struggle for a radical democracy. Moreover, as long as these protest groups are fragmented, no significant change will take place. Planning effective strategies and building sustainable organizations will not work as long as there are divisions around authority, race, gender, class, sexuality, and identity. When these divisions function so as to democratize all demands and fail to provide some of democratic leadership, politics dissolves into a jumble of competing discourses and power becomes pathologized. As Sarah Jaffe points out,
Protests good: incite political action Kopf A Harvard study identified the precise reason protests are an effective way to cause political change February 03, 2017 Dan kopf
Since US President Donald Trump’s inauguration, protests have become ubiquitous in America. The day after Trump was sworn in, millions gathered gathered in cities around the country for a women’s march. Trump’s temporary ban on US entrants from seven Muslim-majority countries likewise led thousands of people to flock to airports to demonstrate. …But do these these protests matter? A clever analysis (pdf) by economists from Harvard University and Stockholm University finds that protests do in fact have a major influence on politics, just not in the way you might think. Their research shows that protest does not work because big crowds send a signal to policy-makers—rather, it’s because protests get people politically activated. Evaluating the efficacy of protest is no easy task. It’s challenging to untangle whether a big protest actually caused a change, or whether that change would have happened regardless, because a policy was unpopular and the protest is a symptom of that unpopularity. The researchers got around this problem by using a natural experiment from the origins of the Tea Party. Let’s start by going back a decade: In the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis and the election of Barack Obama, the Tea Party emerged as a new political movement on the American right. The group was primarily focused on opposing government spending and tax increases, and held its first major day of protest on April 15, 2009, known as “Tax Day” in the US. It is estimated that between 450,000 and 800,000 people showed up for more than 500 distinct “Tax Day” rallies around the country that year. According to research outlined in Theda Skocpol and Vanessa Williamson’s book, The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism, it was the first time most rally attendees had participated in a Tea Party protest. Still, Tax Day protests in many places were not as large they could have been. Why? Because people hate the rain. The researchers found that in places where it rained that day, the turnout was, on average, 60 lower than at other similar locations. They realized they could use this weather difference to assess the impact of the protests: If the absence of rain means bigger protests, and bigger protests actually make a difference, then local political outcomes ought to depend on whether or not it rained that day. As it turns out, protest size really does matter. According to their research, rallies in congressional districts that experienced good weather on Tax Day 2009 had higher turnouts, which led to more conservative voting by the district representative and a substantially higher turnout for the Republican candidate in the 2010 congressional election. Specifically, every additional attendee at a Tax Day rally led to somewhere between 7 and 14 additional votes for the Republican in the next election. The researchers argue that this was not the result of the actual protest, but of the way it motivated attendees. If the protest itself made the difference, they point out, then the effect of a larger protest would dissipate over time as policymakers forgot about it. What actually happened was the opposite: The difference in political outcomes actually increased over time. Larger turnout for the initial protest had lasting effects on voting, political contributions, ideology, and future participation in the Tea Party movement. Ironically, liberals are planning their own Tax Day march this year to pressure Trump to release his tax returns. Trump supporters should pray for rain.
Protest sparks global co operation in modern era: this is the first step towards change: occupy proves Gabatt Occupy' anti-capitalism protests spread around the world Thousands march in Rome, Sydney and Madrid as Occupy Wall Street protests go global Adam Gabbatt in New York, Mark Townsend and Lisa O'Carroll in London Saturday 15 October 2011 16.26 EDTFirst published on Saturday 15 October 2011 16.26 EDT
Protests inspired by the Occupy Wall Street movement in New York and the "Indignants" in Spain have spread to cities around the world. Tens of thousands went on the march in New York, London, Frankfurt, Madrid, Rome, Sydney and Hong Kong as organisers aimed to "initiate global change" against capitalism and austerity measures. There were extraordinary scenes in New York where at least 10,000 protesters took their message from the outpost of Zuccotti Park into the heart of the city, thronging into Times Square. Only 36 hours earlier, police were preparing to evict the protest from Zuccotti Park. On Saturday they escorted thousands of marchers all day as they made their way uptown through Manhattan, and looked on as they held a rally at a New York landmark. Dave Bonan, who was at Occupy Wall Street on the first day of the protest a month ago, said it was "a little surreal" that the protest had spread. "I didn't expect it to last more than 15 minutes," he said. "The fact it lasted more than a day inspired people all over the world to capitalise – no pun intended – on our success." In Madrid, tens of thousands of people take a part in a demonstration in Puerta del Sol square in Madrid, home of the "Indignants" movement, which has been building through the summer as Spain's economy faltered. n London, dusk fell on more than 2,000 protesters assembled in front of St Paul's Cathedral in London, earlier addressed by the WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange. There was civil unrest in Rome, where police turned teargas and water cannon on the crowds. Smoke hung over Rome as a small group broke away from the main demonstration and smashed windows, set cars on fire and assaulted television news crews. Others burned Italian and EU flags. "People of Europe: Rise Up!" read one banner in Rome. Fights broke out and bottles were thrown between demonstrators as some tried to stop the violence. In Germany, about 4,000 people marched through the streets of Berlin, with banners calling for an end to capitalism. Some scuffled with police as they tried to get near parliamentary buildings. In Frankfurt, continental Europe's financial capital, some 5,000 people protested in front of the European Central Bank. In the Bosnian city of Sarajevo, marchers carried pictures of Che Guevara and old communist flags that read "Death to capitalism, freedom to the people". Another 500 people gathered at a peaceful rally in Stockholm, holding up red flags and banners that read "We are the 99" – a reference to the richest 1 of the world's population who control its assets while billions live in poverty. "There are those who say the system is broke. It's not," trade union activist Bilbo Goransson shouted into a megaphone. "That's how it was built. It is there to make rich people richer." Asian nations, where the fallout from the banking crisis has been less severe, saw less well attended protests – 100 turned out in the Philippines. A group of 100 prominent authors including Salman Rushdie, Neil Gaiman and Pulitzer prize-winning novelists Jennifer Egan and Michael Cunningham signed an online petition declaring their support for "Occupy Wall Street and the Occupy movement around the world". Police in London made seven arrests and contained the crowd near St Paul's. Assange made a dramatic appearance, bursting through the police lines just after 2.30pm, accompanied by scores of supporters. To clapping and some booing, he climbed the cathedral steps to condemn "greed" and "corruption". In particular he attacked the City of London, accusing its financiers of money laundering and tax avoidance. "The banking system in London is the recipient of corrupt money," he said, adding that WikiLeaks would launch a campaign against financial institutions. Assange is on bail as he fights extradition to Sweden, where he is wanted for questioning over claims of rape and sexual molestation made by two women. Police in New York said they made 70 arrests. These were mostly at two flashpoints: 42 were detained near Times Square when attempts to disperse a crowd led to confusion; 24 Citibank customers who attempted to close their accounts in protest were led away for trespass after they opposed an order by the branch manager for them to leave. Barbara Quist, 67, was pushed around by police in Times Square. Quist, who used to work in the pharmaceutical industry but described herself as unemployed, said the treatment would not put her off further action. "I'm just another person that's just been run over by capitalism and greed." Ethan McGarry, 18, who had travelled to New York from Boston for the day, said it was "fantastic" how the occupy movement had spread. "People identify with us, then hey will find reasons in their own community for action." Lauren Zygmont had travelled from the Occupy Denver protest to New York a week ago ago. "Borders don't matter at all," she said. "Were all human beings, were all in this together. This is a global movement."
As far-right speakers face loud student opposition at their university speaking gigs, conservative lawmakers in several states are introducing legislation that cracks down on protesters. As uncovered by UnKoch My Campus’ Ralph Wilson, numerous states have borrowed their so-called “campus free speech” bills from the rightwing Goldwater Institute, which is funded by conservative plutocrats including Charles Koch and the Mercer family. The intent of these bills isn’t to protect student speech; it’s actually to suppress it in favor of guest speakers who, at times, support white nationalism, LGBTQ discrimination and other hateful worldviews. By funding the Phoenix-based Goldwater Institute, wealthy conservatives are enabling the promotion of hate speech while stifling student dissent. Whether or not Koch, for example, agrees with the hate speech he indirectly sponsors, he certainly benefits from a more friendly academic environment for far-right ideologues who often deny climate change and praise his extreme brand of tax- and regulation-free capitalism. The Goldwater Institute’s model bill allegedly ensures “the fullest degree of…free expression,” but it explicitly states that “protests and demonstrations that infringe upon the rights of others to engage in or listen to expressive activity shall not be permitted and shall be subject to sanction.” It goes on to say, “Any student who has twice been found responsible for infringing the expressive rights of others will be suspended for a minimum of one year, or expelled.” Under this code, imagine that a student protests a climate change denier and gets a brief suspension. Then the College Republicans group brings in a full-on white nationalist. Will this student do what she thinks is right and protest a racist who’s given a platform at a respected university, or stay home because she's risking expulsion? This campus "free speech” legislation is essentially an attack on student speech and an elevation of ultra-conservative ideas that many people in university communities think have no place in American society. “These laws would create a chilling effect on students who reject the idea that white supremacists or climate deniers are simply representing an ‘opposing viewpoint’ that should be tolerated, and who are rightfully relying on their first amendment freedoms to stop the rise of fascism and prevent global climate catastrophe,” Wilson, UnKoch’s senior researcher, told AlterNet. The group has been conducting research into Charles Koch’s considerable ideological donations to higher education, most of which goes toward free-market programs. Charles Koch Foundation representatives say that conservative views are underrepresented in higher education, and the foundation’s massive university donations—which fund free-market academic centers, professorships, grad students and lecture series—are necessary for academic freedom. This view is shared by other conservative billionaires and higher ed donors including Education Secretary Betsy DeVos, who recently said to the crowd at the Conservative Political Action Conference, “The education establishment tells you what to think…the real threat is silencing the First Amendment rights of people with whom you disagree.” What the Kochs and their allies really want, by amplifying the voices of far-right professors and guest speakers, is to steer society towards a tax- and regulation-free plutocracy. Charles and David Koch, who together are worth nearly $97 billion, have been working toward this goal for over 40 years. The connection to Koch is clear: the efforts for these bills are coming from big pockets Kotch 3 Right-Wing Billionaires Are Funding a Cynical Plot to Destroy Dissent and Protest in Colleges Across the U.S. A multimillion-dollar campaign to stifle protest in universities. By Alex Kotch / AlterNet March 18, 2017 http://www.alternet.org/education/right-wing-billionaires-are-funding-cynical-plot-destroy-dissent-and-protest-colleges (CWLC)
One of the model bill’s authors, Stanley Kurtz, is a longtime fellow at the Washington, D.C.-based Ethics and Public Policy Center, which applies “the Judeo-Christian moral tradition to critical issues of public policy,” according to its website. The center has received millions of dollars in donations from the foundations of the conservative Bradley, Scaife, Olin and Earhart families, as well as hundreds of thousands from two vehicles for wealthy right-wing donors, Donors Trust and Donors Capital Fund. Billionaire industrialists Charles and David Koch are responsible for more than $9 million in contributions to the two groups from 2006 to 2015, according to the website Conservative Transparency and additional research by this author. Much of the $6.3 million that went to Donors Trust came in 2015. A now-defunct Koch nonprofit, the Claude R. Lambe Charitable Foundation, donated $190,000 to the Ethics and Public Policy Center, and the Charles Koch Foundation has given over $9,000. The Goldwater Institute’s James Manley, senior attorney, and Jonathan Butcher, education director, also co-authored the “campus free speech” model legislation. The institute took in nearly $2.5 million from Donors Trust and Donors Capital Fund from 2002-2015, according Conservative Transparency and additional research. The Charles Koch Foundation has pitched in $75,000. Manley formerly worked at the Mountain States Legal Foundation, which has received hundreds of thousands of dollars from the two Donors funds. Butcher was a research assistant at the heavily Koch-funded Heritage Foundation from 2002 to 2006. Says Wilson, “These bills take Koch's academic presence to the next level, creating protected space to reveal the white supremacist roots of Koch's free market crusade, like Koch's close friend and white nationalist Charles Murray who has taken to campuses to espouse the genetic superiority of white males.” Another Koch-funded think tank, the American Enterprise Institute, reportedly has student groups at nearly 80 colleges and universities. These groups bring in AEI fellows like the eugenicist Murray to speak on their campuses. Recently, Murray attempted to give a lecture at Middlebury College in Vermont but was stymied by vociferous protests. He had to end his speech early, and he and a liberal professor were attacked on their way out. Students at UC Berkeley and area residents protested Yiannopoulos, whom the College Republicans had invited to speak. The protests led to fires, vandalism, and reportedly, fights. Until recently, Yiannopoulos was an editor at Breitbart News, known as the online “platform of the alt-right,” which happens to be funded by Robert Mercer and his daughter Rebekah, the far-right mega-donors who are major Donald Trump backers and whose family foundation has donated hundreds of thousands of dollars to the Goldwater Institute. The younger Mercer was even a member of Trump’s transition team.
And there is a targeted goal to Koch’s campus presence: more Koch initiatives and conservative growth UnKoch Koch's Political Strategy and the Role of Academia http://www.unkochmycampus.org/the-donors/ (CWLC) Charles Koch’s political activities, now largely referred to as the Freedom Partners Chamber of Commerce, utilizes what they call an “integrated strategy” for privately funded policy change. It involves the targeted funding of universities, think tanks, front groups, and politicians for the “implementation of policy change.” Since 2003, this strategy has been utilized at Koch's highly secretive bi-annual donor summits. The Center for Public Integrity published (Lauren Windsor's) recordings of a 2014 Koch summit, in particular, a session entitled “Leveraging Science and Universities." At the 2014 summit, Kevin Gentry of Koch Industries and the Charles Koch Foundation bragged to a roomful of donors: Listen to Koch's donor summit above, and click here for the full transcript students that graduate out of these higher education programs also populate the state-based think tanks and the national think-tanks…they become the major staffing for the state chapters on the grassroots innovation around the country…. So the network is fully integrated. So it’s not just work at the universities with the students, but it’s also building state-based capabilities and election capabilities, and integrating this talent pipeline. I hope that those of you who are excited about the electoral process, you’ll invest there. Those of you who are excited about universities, invest there. (full transcript) Fundraising simultaneously for academic and political projects, Gentry reminds donors of a 32-state strategy for a “culture of freedom that will not just change the policies of those states, but also have a significant impact on the federal government.” Florida State University’s Bruce Benson described in 2007 how potential university grant recipients may attend Koch Foundation summits: Koch has organized a group of Foundations with similar agendas that meet twice a year to discuss funding strategies, etc. If some version of this proposal is agreed to, Koch will invite representatives from FSU to these meetings, introduce us, allow us to make our pitch, and encourage others to join them in funding the program…. They also want FSU to demonstrate a commitment to the program (e.g., make a sincere effort to raise other money from their network of foundations). (Benson memo, 2007) FREE MARKET PROGRAMS FUNDED BY KOCH'S NETWORK OF DONORS ARE POLITICAL, NOT EDUCATIONAL. Additional documents from Koch's summits, as well as recordings from a conference of Koch funded academics, suffice to show that Koch's academic programs are being executed in bad faith, and that they should be rejected outright.
Koch funding is for the sole purpose of reviving a neoliberal model that gives unrestrained economic, political, and social power to capitalism
Geraldi, Chris “Capitalist puritans: The Koch brothers are pushing pure economic liberty as the only road to true prosperity — to the detriment of all but the rich” Salon SATURDAY, FEB 6, 2016 05:00 PM CST Charles Koch is a capitalist puritan. Milton Friedman is his Jesus, Friedrich Hayek his Peter. His goal for his influence is to reindoctrinate the country according to the pure theory of capital, the sole principles of which are capitalism and freedom. Pure economic liberty is the only road to true prosperity, while government intervention is the road to serfdom. As crazy as this may sound to some given the past half-century of increasing wealth inequality, it has a certain appeal to many others who still want to hold onto hope for an individualistic utopia. The Kochs have the American Dream on their side, and they’re trying to revive the notion that, with a small enough government and vibrant enough economy, any American can pick him or herself up by the bootstraps and make a respectable, comfortable living. To put it plainly, the ideology that the Kochs are pushing with their money is a palpable threat to the still fragile progressive turn the American economic narrative is taking. With the presidential race in full heat, campaign finance reform is a real hot topic on both sides of the aisle. For the first time since its inception, when Joe and Jane Blue Collar hear the words “Citizens United,” not only do they know what is being talked about, but also, much of the time, it leaves a bad taste in their mouth. And as more economic reports are published year after year, more and more Americans are coming to the conclusion that the logistics of the American Dream are ideals that need to be radically rethought. But the Kochs are threatening that turn toward critical reform. They are throwing their money at a narrative that is purer than the neoliberal model, but is still based on its basic tenets of unchecked growth and power brokering. And that, in a way, makes it all the more dangerous. Their ideal America is one that inadvertently produces all of the inequality we see today and more, but without the blatant undertones of corruption that have turned people off to the current system. In other words, the Koch narrative threatens to take us back to the very ideas that got us into this mess into the first place.
Underview
same as prior
4/30/17
Put on your tinfoil hats
Tournament: TOC | Round: 2 | Opponent: Ashish | Judge: Hertzig The Role of the Ballot is to Mitigate oppression through material conditions
Winter and Leighton 99: Deborah DuNann Winter and Dana C. Leighton. Winter|Psychologist that specializes in Social Psych, Counseling Psych, Historical and Contemporary Issues, Peace Psychology. Leighton: PhD graduate student in the Psychology Department at the University of Arkansas. Knowledgeable in the fields of social psychology, peace psychology, and justice and intergroup responses to transgressions of justice "Peace, conflict, and violence: Peace psychology in the 21st century." Pg 4-5 SA-IB Finally, to recognize the operation of structural violence forces us to ask questions about how and why we tolerate it, questions which often have painful answers for the privileged elite who unconsciously support it. A final question of this section is how and why we allow ourselves to be are so oblivious to it structural violence. Susan Opotow offers an intriguing set of answers, in her article Social Injustice. She argues that our normal perceptual/cognitive processes we divide people into in-groups and out-groups. Those outside our group lie outside our scope of justice. Injustice that would be instantaneously confronted if it occurred to someone we love or know is barely noticed if it occurs to strangers or those who are invisible or irrelevant. We are do not seem to be able to open our minds and our hearts to everyone, so we draw conceptual lines between those who are in and out of our moral circle. Those who fall o0utside are morally excluded, and become either invisible, or demeaned in some way so that we do not have to acknowledge the injustice they suffer. Moral exclusion is a human failing, but Opotow argues convincingly that it is an outcome of everyday social cognition. To reduce its nefarious effects, we must be vigilant in noticing and listening to oppressed, invisible, outsiders. Inclusionary thinking can be fostered by relationships, communication, and appreciation of diversity. Like Opotow, all the authors in this section point out that structural violence is not inevitable if we become aware of its operation, and build systematic ways to mitigate its effects. Learning about structural violence may be discouraging, overwhelming, or maddening, but these papers encourage us to step beyond guilt and anger, and begin to think about how to reduce structural violence. All the authors in this section note that the same structures (such as global communication and normal social cognition) which feed structural violence, can also be used to empower citizens to reduce it.
I’ll specify how to weigh under the rotb: anything not here just ask in cx: no way you can say it won’t solve
Compare minimizations of oppression 2. The ROTB doesn’t come “before” or “after” theory: it depends on the nature of the abuse: I can’t make that determination until after the abuse is clarified/done 3. ROTB determined by the flow 4. Post fiat and pre fiat offense can link
Material conditions come first Matsuda The multiple consciousness I urge lawyers to attain is not a random ability to see all points of view, but a deliberate choice to see the world from the standpoint of the oppressed. That world is accessible to all of us. We should know it in its concrete particulars. We should know of our sister carrying buckets of water up five flights of stairs in a welfare hotel, our sister trembling at 3 a.m. in a shelter for battered womxn, our sisters holding bloodied children in their arms in Cape Town, on the West Bank, and in Nicaragua. The jurisprudence of outsiders teaches that these details and the emotions they evoke are relevant and impor- tant as we set out on the road to justice. These details are accessible to all of us, of all genders and colors. We can choose to know the lives of others by reading, studying, listening, and venturing into different places. For lawyers, our pro bono work may be the most effective means of ac- quiring a broader consciousness of oppression. ¶ Abstraction is a and detachment are ways out of the discomfort of direct confrontation with the ugliness of oppression. Abstraction, criticized by both feminists and scholars of color, is the, method that allows theorists to discuss liberty, property, and rights in the aspirational mode of liberalism with no connection to what those concepts mean in real people's lives. Much in our mainstream intellectual training values abstraction and denigrates nitty-gritty detail. Holding on to a multiple consciousness will allow us to operate both within the abstractions of standard ju- risprudential discourse, and within the details of our own special knowledge.¶ Whisperings at Yale and elsewhere about how deconstructionist heroes were closet fascists remind me of how important it is to stay close to oppressed communities. High talk about language, meaning, sign, process, and law can mask racist and sexist ugliness if we never stop to ask: "Exactly what are you talking about and what is the implication of what you are saying for my sister who is carrying buckets of water up five flights of stairs in a welfare hotel? What do you propose to do for her today, not in some abstract future you are creating in your mind?" If you have been made to feel, as I have, that such inquiry is theoretically unsophisticated, and quaintly naive, resist! Read what Professor Williams, Professor Scales-Trent, and other feminists and people of color are writing.' The reality and detail of oppression are a starting point for these writers as they enter into mainstream debates about law and theory
The state is inevitable- speaking the language of power through policymaking is the only way to create social change in debate. Coverstone 5 Alan Coverstone (masters in communication from Wake Forest, longtime debate coach) “Acting on Activism: Realizing the Vision of Debate with Pro-social Impact” Paper presented at the National Communication Association Annual Conference November 17th 2005 An important concern emerges when Mitchell describes reflexive fiat as a contest strategy capable of “eschewing the power to directly control external actors” (1998b, p. 20). Describing debates about what our government should do as attempts to control outside actors is debilitating and disempowering. Control of the US government is exactly what an active, participatory citizenry is supposed to be all about. After all, if democracy means anything, it means that citizens not only have the right, they also bear the obligation to discuss and debate what the government should be doing. Absent that discussion and debate, much of the motivation for personal political activism is also lost. Those who have co-opted Mitchell’s argument for individual advocacy often quickly respond that nothing we do in a debate round can actually change government policy, and unfortunately, an entire generation of debaters has now swallowed this assertion as an article of faith. The best most will muster is, “Of course not, but you don’t either!” The assertion that nothing we do in debate has any impact on government policy is one that carries the potential to undermine Mitchell’s entire project. If there is nothing we can do in a debate round to change government policy, then we are left with precious little in the way of pro-social options for addressing problems we face. At best, we can pursue some Pilot-like hand washing that can purify us as individuals through quixotic activism but offer little to society as a whole. It is very important to note that Mitchell (1998b) tries carefully to limit and bound his notion of reflexive fiat by maintaining that because it “views fiat as a concrete course of action, it is bounded by the limits of pragmatism” (p. 20). Pursued properly, the debates that Mitchell would like to see are those in which the relative efficacy of concrete political strategies for pro-social change is debated. In a few noteworthy examples, this approach has been employed successfully, and I must say that I have thoroughly enjoyed judging and coaching those debates. The students in my program have learned to stretch their understanding of their role in the political process because of the experience. Therefore, those who say I am opposed to Mitchell’s goals here should take care at such a blanket assertion. However, contest debate teaches students to combine personal experience with the language of political power. Powerful personal narratives unconnected to political power are regularly co-opted by those who do learn the language of power. One need look no further than the annual state of the Union Address where personal story after personal story is used to support the political agenda of those in power. The so-called role-playing that public policy contest debates encourage promotes active learning of the vocabulary and levers of power in America. Imagining the ability to use our own arguments to influence government action is one of the great virtues of academic debate. Gerald Graff (2003) analyzed the decline of argumentation in academic discourse and found a source of student antipathy to public argument in an interesting place. I’m up against…their aversion to the role of public spokesperson that formal writing presupposes. It’s as if such students can’t imagine any rewards for being a public actor or even imagining themselves in such a role. This lack of interest in the public sphere may in turn reflect a loss of confidence in the possibility that the arguments we make in public will have an effect on the world. Today’s students’ lack of faith in the power of persuasion reflects the waning of the ideal of civic participation that led educators for centuries to place rhetorical and argumentative training at the center of the school and college curriculum. (Graff, 2003, p. 57) The power to imagine public advocacy that actually makes a difference is one of the great virtues of the traditional notion of fiat that critics deride as mere simulation. Simulation of success in the public realm is far more empowering to students than completely abandoning all notions of personal power in the face of governmental hegemony by teaching students that “nothing they can do in a contest debate can ever make any difference in public policy.” Contest debating is well suited to rewarding public activism if it stops accepting as an article of faith that personal agency is somehow undermined by the so-called role playing in debate. Debate is role-playing whether we imagine government action or imagine individual action. Imagining myself starting a socialist revolution in America is no less of a fantasy than imagining myself making a difference on Capitol Hill. Furthermore, both fantasies influenced my personal and political development virtually ensuring a life of active, pro-social, political participation. Neither fantasy reduced the likelihood that I would spend my life trying to make the difference I imagined. e political cynicism that is a fundamental cause of voter and participatory abstention in America today.
\ Material forms of rebellion are a prerequisite to any method that wants to access the path to change Fitzpatrick
Critical Theory, Information Society and Surveillance Technologies Tony Fitzpatrick Information, Communication and SocietyVol. 5 , Iss. 3,2002
Organised acts by individuals are here termed ‘subversive’. Hacking is a good example of information subversion (Thomas 2000; Taylor 2000) to which we might add those such as crackers, phreakers and cyberpunks, all of whom use technology to carve out spaces of freedom and autonomy that the same technology can foreclose in the hands of corporations (Starr 2000: 73-80). The downloading of music from the Internet using MP3 technology, for instance, is popularly subversive, not only because it is widespread but because it seems to engender no more popular disapproval than the use of blank cassettes for taping music off the radio. Another example of subversion can be found in the kind of counter-surveillance that some individuals pursue against the surveillance apparatus; this can mean filming the police who film demonstrations or it can mean using data protection legislation to expose corporate misdemeanours. At its best, then, subversion can constitute a counter-cultural movement which, like their predecessors in the 1960s, is not anti-capitalist per se but does represent a form of resistance against powerful corporations and state agencies. To be subversive, then, hacking et al must not be done for its own sake (still less for personal gain) but in order to undermine the information systems of economic and political power. Subversion can occur both outside the law but also within it, by exploiting ambivalences within the law and/or by encouraging the legal apparatus to catch up with developments in ICT, a time lag that governments and corporations are often able to exploit for undesirable ends. Organised acts by groups can be termed ‘rebellious’. For instance, many businesses have found there websites subjected to ‘denial of service’ attacks, effectively putting much of that company out of operation for significant periods of time – of course such attacks can also be the result of individual grudges against the company in question, or even of random and capricious malevolence. However, the most famous example of rebellion remains the Zapatista movement’s successful and continued mobilisation of world opinion against the attempt by the Mexican government to deprive them of their land rights (Castells 1997: 72-83). In addition, we might also consider the kind of opposition, mentioned in the above discussion of RIPA, to legislation that threatens civil liberties. The USA has been an important source of opposition to other attempts at over-regulating cyberspace (Jordan, 1999). Acts of resistance therefore consist of material and/or discursive actions that disclose social alternatives by attempting to open what economic and political powers attempt to close: the heterotopic spaces of autonomy which are the source of alternative visions of individuality and society (Foucault, 1986) but which risk being silenced by informatic capitalism in its attempt to reduce human diversity to digital bytes and data streams. Resistance is always a strategy that positions itself against the hegemony of the dominant nodes of money and power that are embedded in sites of work and consumption (see above). An act of resistance therefore requires sites of resistance: the sites are the sine qua non of the acts which simultaneously confirm and destabilise the condition of their existence. A site of resistance is both materially and culturally transformed by the acts of resistance to which it gives rise. A site makes an act possible and an act is the means by which we become aware of a site’s transformative potential. Therefore, a site must facilitate an ideological orientation, i.e. a critique of existing power and its alternatives. These observations are hardly new, deriving from the critical theoretical tradition, e.g. Marx’s observation that capitalism makes possible the conditions of its own demise. Without wanting to replicate that kind of messianic faith we can point, on the basis of the above analysis, to two sites that characterise informatic capitalism: the office and the body. The office rather than the factory floor is now the archetypal workplace due to the shift towards a post-industrial economy. Yet these offices are not fixed, they are mobile and dispersed informational systems. An office is no longer about shelves and paper files but about being connected to a server, whether at work or from home; and it is the malleability of the office which makes it both possible and desirable for employers to survey their employees. The body is no longer a simple appendage to the machine but what some like to call a terminal plugged into the informatic circuitry. The cyborg is neither just a metaphor (Haraway 1991) nor a physical assemblage of machine and organism, but a risk processor that increasingly simulates an informational system by relating to its environment as a series of dichotomous zeroes and ones: threatening/non-threatening, insider/outsider, same/other (Fitzpatrick 1999). Yet the body and the office are not merely sites of domination but sites, pace Foucault, of creative becoming. Workplace surveillance reminds us that capital not only wants our labour it wants our souls, our ever-demonstrable commitment to the corporate ethic; bodily surveillance at the level of consumption, or in what formally remain public spaces, reminds us that there are consequences (of social exclusion and stigma) for those who do not conform to the persona of the law-abiding shopper. These reminders are also ways of retrieving the desire for social alternatives: even as we are reduced to information we can desire to become something more. If information systems reduce us to database files and categories then information is also a means of mobilisation. Agency has not vanished into a destructured residue of the modern self, and to be human is to be more than a feedback loop of information, but if information undoubtedly constitutes the formation of identity as never before (Lyon 1998: 100) then the information that constitutes the self can be used by the self, through interaction with others in potential sites of resistance, to carve out the spaces of hope that allow us to imagine social alternatives. The self in any capitalist society is a struggle for self-determination in conflict with the nautonomous forces of state and capital Inherency
Legislators in some states including Illinois and Tennessee have introduced bills in 2017 that explicitly mention sanctions on student protesters. Illinois’ bill, proposed by two Republicans, lifts this language, and additional passages, nearly verbatim from the Goldwater model. Also sponsored by Republicans, the bill in Tennessee—nicknamed the “Milo Bill” after an event at the University of California at Berkeley featuring the racist “alt-right” icon Milo Yiannopolous was canceled due to protests—directs universities to enact free speech policies that include “sanctions for anyone under the jurisdiction of the institution who interferes with the free expression of others,” and it gives faculty “the right to regulate class speech.” In North Carolina, Republican Lt. Gov. Dan Forest intends to work with legislators on a Restore Campus Free Speech Act, which would create “a discipline policy that would punish students who shout down visiting speakers or deprive others of their right to free expression, a tactic commonly known as the ‘hecklers’ veto.'" Last year, Forest floated a measure calling on the University of North Carolina’s board of governors to create a system-wide policy that would impose harsh penalties, including expulsion, on students, staff and faculty members who disrupt classes, public meetings or events. The Koch-funded Generation Opportunity lauded the effort at the time. Forest has said that yelling at a guest speaker “has never been free speech,” and he’s called campus protest methods “terrorist tactics.” No one introduced a free speech bill that year. Other proposed laws, like North Dakota’s, which was introduced by six Republicans, omit sanctions provisions but state that a university may restrict student speech if it blocks entrances to buildings, obstructs traffic or interferes with events. Much of the North Dakota bill comes directly from the text of the Goldwater model legislation. A large group of most Republican legislators in Virginia has a new bill in play that includes much of the Goldwater language but stays away from restrictions on students. Additional campus free speech bills have been introduced this year in Colorado (sponsored by two Republicans and one Democrat) and Utah (sponsored by 14 Republican state representatives). Florida could be next. Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin has a "free speech" provision in his proposed budget.
It’s nationwide in a short timeframe: soon it’ll appear everywhere Wilson in March New Student Protest Bans disguised as “Campus Free Speech" are Backed by the Koch Network mar 6 Ralph Wilson http://www.dailykos.com/story/2017/3/6/1640698/-New-Student-Protest-Bans-disguised-as-Campus-Free-Speech-are-Backed-by-the-Koch-Network (CWLC) In the past month, state lawmakers across the country coordinated an effort to file “campus free speech” bills. These bills make it illegal for students to protest in a way that “disrupts” the speech of anyone who has been invited onto campus. In a familiar twist, the free speech being protected is that of private donors and corporations, rather than students. So far, bills have been filed (in some form) in CO, NC, VA, TN, ND, UT, IL, and WI, with FL possibly next. These bills have found bipartisan support, and very little resistance, sailing smoothly through committee after committee. In Utah and Colorado, the ACLU has come out in support of the bills. Most appear unaware of the origins or expressed intent of this legislation. It is based on a model bill, the “Campus Free Speech Act,” developed by two organizations affiliated with the Koch network; the Goldwater Institute and the Ethics and Public Policy Center. In fact: two bills were introduced by republicans in the past week
First Wisconsin Richmond Todd Richmond april 28 2017 Wisconsin Republicans push college free speech bill that would punish hecklers http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/midwest/ct-wisconsin-college-free-speech-bill-20170427-story.html (CWLC) University of Wisconsin students who disrupt speeches and demonstrations could be expelled and campuses would have to remain neutral on public issue under a bill Republican legislators are pushing this week. The bill comes as free speech issues have grown more contentious on college campuses across the country. Conservatives are worried that right-wing speakers aren't given equal treatment as liberal campus presenters and some students have complained about free expression fanning racial tensions. In Madison, home to the University of Wisconsin's flagship campus, students shouted down and traded obscene gestures with ex-Breitbart editor and conservative columnist Ben Shapiro during a presentation in November. This week, supporters of conservative commentator Ann Coulter rallied behind her after the University of California-Berkeley cancelled her speech citing concerns that violence could erupt. The bill is based on a model proposal the conservative Arizona-based Goldwater Institute put together to address campus free-speech issues. Legislation based on the model has been enacted in Colorado, with others being considered in five states, including Michigan, North Carolina and Virginia, according to the institute. Paid Post WHAT'S THIS? America’s Best Grocery Stores A Message from The Daily Meal What makes a grocery store great? Well-labeled, quality produce with a better, more convenient shopper experience. Here’s our list of America’s best grocery stores to serve you in 2017. See More The lawmakers sponsoring Wisconsin's bill said it represents Republicans' promise "to protect the freedom of expression on college campuses." "All across the nation and here at home, we've seen protesters trying to silence different viewpoints," Wisconsin Assembly Speaker Robin Vos, one of the bill's chief sponsors, said in a news release Thursday. "Free speech means free speech for everyone and not just for the person who speaks the loudest." There's no Ann Coulter speech planned. But protesters converged on Berkeley. UW-Madison's policy already calls for facilitating free speech equally and objectively, school spokesman John Lucas said. Mandating sanctions eliminates the ability of a disciplinary committee to consider all the circumstances of the situation, he said. "We urge the Legislature to work with the Board of Regents to identify policies that will address the free exchange of ideas and need for order while respecting the existing student conduct process that has served institutions well for many years," Lucas said in an email. University of Wisconsin System spokeswoman Stephanie Marquis said the system is committed to ensuring freedom of speech at its institutions. Scot Ross, executive director of liberal advocacy group One Wisconsin Now, called Vos and the bill's other authors, Reps. Jesse Kremer and Dave Murphy and Sen. Sheila Harsdorf, "fragile snowflakes." "These Republicans want to make our campuses safe spaces for Republicans to be free of criticism and subject students to legal sanctions if they speak out," Ross said. The legislation would require regents to quickly adopt a policy requiring each campus to remain neutral on current public controversies. It wasn't immediately clear whether the bill would bar chancellors and faculty members from expressing their viewpoints or if university lobbyists' work would be forbidden. Vos clarified that portion during a brief interview Thursday, saying he believes chancellors and faculty should be allowed to express their personal opinions but universities shouldn't take sides. He said a description of what qualifies as a university would be part of the process as the bill moves through the Legislature. The policy also would have to include a range of disciplinary sanctions for students and faculty who engage in "violent, abusive, indecent, profane, boisterous, obscene, unreasonably loud, or other disorderly conduct" that interferes with someone's free speech rights. The bill doesn't define what constitutes any of that behavior Second Michigan Gantert Colbeck Introduces Bill to Crack Down on Campus Free Speech Infringements By TOM GANTERT | April 27, 2017 https://www.michigancapitolconfidential.com/colbeck-introduces-bill-to-crack-down-on-campus-free-speech-infringements (CWLC)
State Sen. Patrick Colbeck, R-Canton Township, has introduced two bills he says would require state universities to adopt policies that protect free speech and intellectual debate on campus and ensure that invited speakers would be allowed to speak. The text of the legislation, embodied in Senate Bills 349 and 350, has not yet been posted on the website of the Michigan Legislature. Colbeck calls his proposal the “campus free The plan: Public Colleges and universities in the United States ought not restrict any constitutionally protected speech
Maloney Colleges Have No Right to Limit Students' Free Speech Cliff Maloney, Jr. Oct 13, 2016 http://time.com/4530197/college-free-speech-zone/?iid=sr-link4 (CWLC) In grade school, I learned that debate is defined as "a discussion between people in which they express different opinions about something." Such open discourse was historically encouraged on our college campuses. Universities exemplified intellectual discussion and debate in America. No one voiced their opinions louder than students, professors and administrators. They pushed society’s limits by admitting women and people of color, and by encouraging diversity of thought amongst the college community. Historically, young people flocked to universities to learn more about the world around them, to encounter people from different backgrounds, to expand their minds and to form their own opinions. Unfortunately, things have changed. Recently on college campuses, our open discourse has been threatened, particularly when discussing politics. While the current presidential election represents polarizing wings of both the Democratic and Republican parties, we should be able to openly debate their policies and the direction in which they plan to take our country if elected. We should be able to discuss the abuse of power within our government and the consistent violations of our Bill of Rights. We should be able to participate in the free market of ideas. But our students are being silenced. University campuses are now home to a plethora of speech restrictions. From sidewalk-sized “free-speech zones” to the criminalization of microaggressions, America’s college campuses look and feel a lot more like an authoritarian dictatorship than they do the academic hubs of the modern free world. When rolling an inflated free-speech ball around campus, students at the University of Delaware were halted by campus police for their activities. A Young Americans for Liberty leader at Fairmont State University in West Virginia was confronted by security when he was attempting to speak with other students about the ideas he believes in. A man at Clemson University was barred from praying on campus because he was outside of the free-speech zone. And a student at Blinn College in Texas abolished her campus’ free-speech zone in a lawsuit after administrators demanded she seek special permission to advocate for self-defense. How have we let this happen in America, the land of the free? It’s because of what our universities have taught a generation of Americans: If you don’t agree with someone, are uncomfortable with an idea, or don’t find a joke funny, then their speech must be suppressed. Especially if they don’t politically agree with you. Instead of actually debating ideas that span topics from the conventional to the taboo, a generation of American students don’t engage, they just get enraged. In doing so, many students believe that they have a right to literally shut other people up. This is not only a threat to the First Amendment, but also to American democracy. In their manifestation, safe spaces and free-speech zones at public universities enable prejudice against unfavorable ideologies. Guised as progressive measures to ensure inclusion, these often unconstitutional policies exclude new and competing ideas, and are antithetical to a free academia. In excluding different ideologies, supposedly progressive campus speech codes do one thing: prevent the progression of ideas. Restrictive campus speech codes are, in fact, regressive. With over 750 chapters nationwide at Young Americans for Liberty, we are fighting against public universities that stifle free speech. We've launched the national Fight for Free Speech campaign to reform unconstitutional speech codes and abolish these so-called free-speech zones on college campuses. By hosting events such as large free speech balls, YAL chapters across the country are petitioning their campuses to adopt the University of Chicago's principles on freedom of expression—the hallmark of campus speech policies. Our members have geared up with First Amendment organizations to ensure that their free speech rights on campus are protected. America is a land rooted in the ideas of a free society: the freedom to be who you are, to speak your mind and to innovate. By silencing our students and young people, we have started down a slippery slope. It is up to us to fight back to ensure that our First Amendment rights remain protected—not just on college campuses, but everywhere in America.
And check any plan flaw claims check in cx; its aesthetic, we can focus on substance which comes first its topic ed Advantages
Despite a provision that appears to protect protests and free speech, this bill actually bans protests. It is not a defense of free speech: Any person lawfully present on campus may protest or demonstrate there. Such statement shall make clear that protests and demonstrations that infringe upon the rights of others to engage in or listen to expressive activity shall not be permitted and shall be subject to sanction. (Section 1.4) This would prohibit a plethora of protected expressive acts, for example, a chant, or a song that could be construed as infringing. The authors claim “this means no more shouting down of visiting speakers, and no more obstruction of legitimate meetings and events.” The model bill stipulates that student demonstrators “shall be subject to sanction.” Not only would disruptive protestors be removed as they are now, they would face legal and academic sanctions: the bill would authorize a range of disciplinary sanctions for those who interfere with the speech of others, with particularly strong penalties for anyone who commits a second offense. On campuses that are already overly militarized, this bill calls for harsher policing of students protesters. The provision is pretty clear: there is no method to resist post passage Wilson
Mandatory minimums are generally a very bad idea contrary to the interests of justice, and this is no exception to the rule. Why should students receive a minimum suspension of one year even if the penalty they deserve would be far less severe? After all, even students who commit sexual violence are not subject to minimum suspensions dictated by legislators (but that would be the next obvious step if this proposal is enacted). Suppose that a student is found responsible for a very minor violation of the rights of others. The fear of being accused of another offense might lead students to silence themselves. There’s also the problem that a university could choose to charge a student with two different offenses at a campus protest, and then the student would technically need to be suspended for a year if guilty of both of them. Considering that Kurtz himself has declared that “interrupting” a speaker is “tyranny, pure and simple, and cannot be tolerated by any community that cherishes and protects free expression,” it is quite possible to read this legislation to require suspension for a year of any student who heckles a speaker twice. Protest is good: I don’t endorse this as a unilateral method: but it can’t be shut off Sud The Power of Protest Re-examining the true effectiveness of one of the most widespread forces of rebellion in the country.Kamya Sud
Recently, there’s been a swarm of rousing protests and peaceful demonstrations across the country. Even in Claremont, changes to the demonstration policy on campus that limits student ability to protest has sparked something of an uproar. This comes soon after the mass campus mobilization and consequent student march in response to racial incidents and other expressions of prejudice at the 5Cs. The Claremont Colleges administrative attempt to suppress student protest was met with widespread contention and the formation of a passionate committee dedicated to reforming the controversial demonstration policy. As I returned home for winter break, the subject of these protests came up in conversation with a friend of mine who goes to school in Chicago. She described to me how despite the interest that the #BlackLivesMatter protests had initially piqued in her, she had gradually grown more blase towards them. The continuous demonstrations outside her window eventually became almost routine and somewhat of an annoyance rather than revolutionary. This, for a lack of a better word, trivialization, of such an important issue was incredibly interesting and made me contemplate the true effectiveness of protest as a tool for affecting change in this generation. Protest, n. an organized public demonstration expressing strong objection to a policy or course of action adopted by those in authority. This expression of dissent definitely has a long list of pros. The organization that comes with a protest is often immense, but the result is a space wherein like-minded warriors of social justice can come together to find an arena to express their oft-controversial perspectives of important issues. A protest binds people together in solidarity against an authority or problematic idea. Demonstrations allow for the development of independent voices as well as amalgamation into a diverse and united force to bring about changes by raising public awareness about a particular concern. From people who have little to no knowledge of the issue to those who oppose the righteous side without the full story, the importance of demonstration as a means of increasing the information and knowledge available in the public realm is tremendous. Additionally, protest as a tool for bringing about reforms in policy is vital, providing an arena for the governed to bring the issues that concern and plague them to the fore of attention of those who govern them. This essential component of social fabric aids in introducing necessary administrative changes that may otherwise have gone unnoticed and unchanged. For it was the culmination of civil unrest in protest that overthrew the Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych. For it was demonstrations of mass resistance in the South that propelled the civil rights movement. For even the President of the United States describes protest as ‘necessary for triggering the nation’s conscience’. However, it is also important to play Devil’s advocate and consider where peaceful protest falls short. Often enough, the scope for raising awareness is fairly limited, what with the protesters who are already familiar with the substantive content, and many of those who do not know falling far from the spectrum of onlookers of protests. Even so, this visible and powerful force fighting for a particular issue can often aggravate naysayers who sense growing opposition to their cause. This could cause them to grow gradually more militant and respond in an untoward manner. Truly, the possibility of peaceful demonstration escalating into violent conflict is probably the most concerning drawback of protest. The ‘mob mentality’ of protesters in large groups makes protests extremely volatile, much like the recent instance at CMC, where a student misspeaking her views was viciously booed by the surrounding protesters. Even in this information era, spreading knowledge can’t always combat institutionalized problem as well as we’d like. As previously discussed, protests can also often grow repetitive, losing momentum. The right to freedom of expression and freedom to peaceful protest are crucial to the functional working of a democracy and can never be violated. It is impossible to underestimate the true value of non-violent resistance, although the message may sometimes get lost in translation. Through effective organization and clearly achievable goals, the power is protest can be incredibly potent and persuasive. That means we don’t link into your absurd cap claims
Protest sparks global co operation in modern era: this is the first step towards change: occupy proves Gabatt Occupy' anti-capitalism protests spread around the world Thousands march in Rome, Sydney and Madrid as Occupy Wall Street protests go global Adam Gabbatt in New York, Mark Townsend and Lisa O'Carroll in London Saturday 15 October 2011 16.26 EDTFirst published on Saturday 15 October 2011 16.26 EDT
Protests inspired by the Occupy Wall Street movement in New York and the "Indignants" in Spain have spread to cities around the world. Tens of thousands went on the march in New York, London, Frankfurt, Madrid, Rome, Sydney and Hong Kong as organisers aimed to "initiate global change" against capitalism and austerity measures. There were extraordinary scenes in New York where at least 10,000 protesters took their message from the outpost of Zuccotti Park into the heart of the city, thronging into Times Square. Only 36 hours earlier, police were preparing to evict the protest from Zuccotti Park. On Saturday they escorted thousands of marchers all day as they made their way uptown through Manhattan, and looked on as they held a rally at a New York landmark. Dave Bonan, who was at Occupy Wall Street on the first day of the protest a month ago, said it was "a little surreal" that the protest had spread. "I didn't expect it to last more than 15 minutes," he said. "The fact it lasted more than a day inspired people all over the world to capitalise – no pun intended – on our success." In Madrid, tens of thousands of people take a part in a demonstration in Puerta del Sol square in Madrid, home of the "Indignants" movement, which has been building through the summer as Spain's economy faltered. n London, dusk fell on more than 2,000 protesters assembled in front of St Paul's Cathedral in London, earlier addressed by the WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange. There was civil unrest in Rome, where police turned teargas and water cannon on the crowds. Smoke hung over Rome as a small group broke away from the main demonstration and smashed windows, set cars on fire and assaulted television news crews. Others burned Italian and EU flags. "People of Europe: Rise Up!" read one banner in Rome. Fights broke out and bottles were thrown between demonstrators as some tried to stop the violence. In Germany, about 4,000 people marched through the streets of Berlin, with banners calling for an end to capitalism. Some scuffled with police as they tried to get near parliamentary buildings. In Frankfurt, continental Europe's financial capital, some 5,000 people protested in front of the European Central Bank. In the Bosnian city of Sarajevo, marchers carried pictures of Che Guevara and old communist flags that read "Death to capitalism, freedom to the people". Another 500 people gathered at a peaceful rally in Stockholm, holding up red flags and banners that read "We are the 99" – a reference to the richest 1 of the world's population who control its assets while billions live in poverty. "There are those who say the system is broke. It's not," trade union activist Bilbo Goransson shouted into a megaphone. "That's how it was built. It is there to make rich people richer." Asian nations, where the fallout from the banking crisis has been less severe, saw less well attended protests – 100 turned out in the Philippines. A group of 100 prominent authors including Salman Rushdie, Neil Gaiman and Pulitzer prize-winning novelists Jennifer Egan and Michael Cunningham signed an online petition declaring their support for "Occupy Wall Street and the Occupy movement around the world". Police in London made seven arrests and contained the crowd near St Paul's. Assange made a dramatic appearance, bursting through the police lines just after 2.30pm, accompanied by scores of supporters. To clapping and some booing, he climbed the cathedral steps to condemn "greed" and "corruption". In particular he attacked the City of London, accusing its financiers of money laundering and tax avoidance. "The banking system in London is the recipient of corrupt money," he said, adding that WikiLeaks would launch a campaign against financial institutions. Assange is on bail as he fights extradition to Sweden, where he is wanted for questioning over claims of rape and sexual molestation made by two women. Police in New York said they made 70 arrests. These were mostly at two flashpoints: 42 were detained near Times Square when attempts to disperse a crowd led to confusion; 24 Citibank customers who attempted to close their accounts in protest were led away for trespass after they opposed an order by the branch manager for them to leave. Barbara Quist, 67, was pushed around by police in Times Square. Quist, who used to work in the pharmaceutical industry but described herself as unemployed, said the treatment would not put her off further action. "I'm just another person that's just been run over by capitalism and greed." Ethan McGarry, 18, who had travelled to New York from Boston for the day, said it was "fantastic" how the occupy movement had spread. "People identify with us, then hey will find reasons in their own community for action." Lauren Zygmont had travelled from the Occupy Denver protest to New York a week ago ago. "Borders don't matter at all," she said. "Were all human beings, were all in this together. This is a global movement."
As far-right speakers face loud student opposition at their university speaking gigs, conservative lawmakers in several states are introducing legislation that cracks down on protesters. As uncovered by UnKoch My Campus’ Ralph Wilson, numerous states have borrowed their so-called “campus free speech” bills from the rightwing Goldwater Institute, which is funded by conservative plutocrats including Charles Koch and the Mercer family. The intent of these bills isn’t to protect student speech; it’s actually to suppress it in favor of guest speakers who, at times, support white nationalism, LGBTQ discrimination and other hateful worldviews. By funding the Phoenix-based Goldwater Institute, wealthy conservatives are enabling the promotion of hate speech while stifling student dissent. Whether or not Koch, for example, agrees with the hate speech he indirectly sponsors, he certainly benefits from a more friendly academic environment for far-right ideologues who often deny climate change and praise his extreme brand of tax- and regulation-free capitalism. The Goldwater Institute’s model bill allegedly ensures “the fullest degree of…free expression,” but it explicitly states that “protests and demonstrations that infringe upon the rights of others to engage in or listen to expressive activity shall not be permitted and shall be subject to sanction.” It goes on to say, “Any student who has twice been found responsible for infringing the expressive rights of others will be suspended for a minimum of one year, or expelled.” Under this code, imagine that a student protests a climate change denier and gets a brief suspension. Then the College Republicans group brings in a full-on white nationalist. Will this student do what she thinks is right and protest a racist who’s given a platform at a respected university, or stay home because she's risking expulsion? This campus "free speech” legislation is essentially an attack on student speech and an elevation of ultra-conservative ideas that many people in university communities think have no place in American society. “These laws would create a chilling effect on students who reject the idea that white supremacists or climate deniers are simply representing an ‘opposing viewpoint’ that should be tolerated, and who are rightfully relying on their first amendment freedoms to stop the rise of fascism and prevent global climate catastrophe,” Wilson, UnKoch’s senior researcher, told AlterNet. The group has been conducting research into Charles Koch’s considerable ideological donations to higher education, most of which goes toward free-market programs. Charles Koch Foundation representatives say that conservative views are underrepresented in higher education, and the foundation’s massive university donations—which fund free-market academic centers, professorships, grad students and lecture series—are necessary for academic freedom. This view is shared by other conservative billionaires and higher ed donors including Education Secretary Betsy DeVos, who recently said to the crowd at the Conservative Political Action Conference, “The education establishment tells you what to think…the real threat is silencing the First Amendment rights of people with whom you disagree.” What the Kochs and their allies really want, by amplifying the voices of far-right professors and guest speakers, is to steer society towards a tax- and regulation-free plutocracy. Charles and David Koch, who together are worth nearly $97 billion, have been working toward this goal for over 40 years. The connection to Koch is clear: the efforts for these bills are coming from big pockets Kotch 3 Right-Wing Billionaires Are Funding a Cynical Plot to Destroy Dissent and Protest in Colleges Across the U.S. A multimillion-dollar campaign to stifle protest in universities. By Alex Kotch / AlterNet March 18, 2017 http://www.alternet.org/education/right-wing-billionaires-are-funding-cynical-plot-destroy-dissent-and-protest-colleges (CWLC)
One of the model bill’s authors, Stanley Kurtz, is a longtime fellow at the Washington, D.C.-based Ethics and Public Policy Center, which applies “the Judeo-Christian moral tradition to critical issues of public policy,” according to its website. The center has received millions of dollars in donations from the foundations of the conservative Bradley, Scaife, Olin and Earhart families, as well as hundreds of thousands from two vehicles for wealthy right-wing donors, Donors Trust and Donors Capital Fund. Billionaire industrialists Charles and David Koch are responsible for more than $9 million in contributions to the two groups from 2006 to 2015, according to the website Conservative Transparency and additional research by this author. Much of the $6.3 million that went to Donors Trust came in 2015. A now-defunct Koch nonprofit, the Claude R. Lambe Charitable Foundation, donated $190,000 to the Ethics and Public Policy Center, and the Charles Koch Foundation has given over $9,000. The Goldwater Institute’s James Manley, senior attorney, and Jonathan Butcher, education director, also co-authored the “campus free speech” model legislation. The institute took in nearly $2.5 million from Donors Trust and Donors Capital Fund from 2002-2015, according Conservative Transparency and additional research. The Charles Koch Foundation has pitched in $75,000. Manley formerly worked at the Mountain States Legal Foundation, which has received hundreds of thousands of dollars from the two Donors funds. Butcher was a research assistant at the heavily Koch-funded Heritage Foundation from 2002 to 2006. Says Wilson, “These bills take Koch's academic presence to the next level, creating protected space to reveal the white supremacist roots of Koch's free market crusade, like Koch's close friend and white nationalist Charles Murray who has taken to campuses to espouse the genetic superiority of white males.” Another Koch-funded think tank, the American Enterprise Institute, reportedly has student groups at nearly 80 colleges and universities. These groups bring in AEI fellows like the eugenicist Murray to speak on their campuses. Recently, Murray attempted to give a lecture at Middlebury College in Vermont but was stymied by vociferous protests. He had to end his speech early, and he and a liberal professor were attacked on their way out. Students at UC Berkeley and area residents protested Yiannopoulos, whom the College Republicans had invited to speak. The protests led to fires, vandalism, and reportedly, fights. Until recently, Yiannopoulos was an editor at Breitbart News, known as the online “platform of the alt-right,” which happens to be funded by Robert Mercer and his daughter Rebekah, the far-right mega-donors who are major Donald Trump backers and whose family foundation has donated hundreds of thousands of dollars to the Goldwater Institute. The younger Mercer was even a member of Trump’s transition team.
And there is a targeted goal to Koch’s campus presence: more Koch initiatives and conservative growth UnKoch Koch's Political Strategy and the Role of Academia http://www.unkochmycampus.org/the-donors/ (CWLC) Charles Koch’s political activities, now largely referred to as the Freedom Partners Chamber of Commerce, utilizes what they call an “integrated strategy” for privately funded policy change. It involves the targeted funding of universities, think tanks, front groups, and politicians for the “implementation of policy change.” Since 2003, this strategy has been utilized at Koch's highly secretive bi-annual donor summits. The Center for Public Integrity published (Lauren Windsor's) recordings of a 2014 Koch summit, in particular, a session entitled “Leveraging Science and Universities." At the 2014 summit, Kevin Gentry of Koch Industries and the Charles Koch Foundation bragged to a roomful of donors: Listen to Koch's donor summit above, and click here for the full transcript students that graduate out of these higher education programs also populate the state-based think tanks and the national think-tanks…they become the major staffing for the state chapters on the grassroots innovation around the country…. So the network is fully integrated. So it’s not just work at the universities with the students, but it’s also building state-based capabilities and election capabilities, and integrating this talent pipeline. I hope that those of you who are excited about the electoral process, you’ll invest there. Those of you who are excited about universities, invest there. (full transcript) Fundraising simultaneously for academic and political projects, Gentry reminds donors of a 32-state strategy for a “culture of freedom that will not just change the policies of those states, but also have a significant impact on the federal government.” Florida State University’s Bruce Benson described in 2007 how potential university grant recipients may attend Koch Foundation summits: Koch has organized a group of Foundations with similar agendas that meet twice a year to discuss funding strategies, etc. If some version of this proposal is agreed to, Koch will invite representatives from FSU to these meetings, introduce us, allow us to make our pitch, and encourage others to join them in funding the program…. They also want FSU to demonstrate a commitment to the program (e.g., make a sincere effort to raise other money from their network of foundations). (Benson memo, 2007) FREE MARKET PROGRAMS FUNDED BY KOCH'S NETWORK OF DONORS ARE POLITICAL, NOT EDUCATIONAL. Additional documents from Koch's summits, as well as recordings from a conference of Koch funded academics, suffice to show that Koch's academic programs are being executed in bad faith, and that they should be rejected outright.
Money influx main power behind climate denial: kill climate policy Goldenberg 14 Feb 2013 5:53 PM Secret funding helped build vast network of climate denial think tanks By Suzanne Goldenberg Conservative billionaires used a secretive funding route to channel nearly $120 million to more than 100 groups casting doubt about the science behind climate change, the Guardian has learned. The funds, doled out between 2002 and 2010, helped build a vast network of think tanks and activist groups working to a single purpose: to redefine climate change from neutralscientific fact to a highly polarizing “wedge issue” for hardcore conservatives. The millions were routed through two trusts, Donors Trust and the Donors Capital Fund, operating out of a generic town house in the northern Virginia suburbs of Washington, D.C. Donors Capital caters to those making donations of $1 million or more. Whitney Ball, chief executive of the Donors Trust, told the Guardian that her organization assured wealthy donors that their funds would never be diverted to liberal causes. “We exist to help donors promote liberty which we understand to be limited government, personalresponsibility, and free enterprise,” she said in an interview. By definition that means none of the money is going to end up with groups like Greenpeace, she said. “It won’t be going to liberals.” Ball won’t divulge names, but she said the stable of donors represents a wide range of opinion on the American right. Increasingly over the years, those conservative donors have been pushing funds towards organizations working to discredit climate science or block climate action. 12/15/13 Secret funding helped build vast networkof climate denial thinktanks | Grist grist.org/climate-energy/secret-funding-helped-build-vast-network-of-climate-denial-think-tanks/ 2/4 Donors exhibit sharp differences of opinion on many issues, Ballsaid. They run the spectrum of conservative opinion, from social conservatives to libertarians. But in opposing mandatory cuts to greenhouse gas emissions, they found common ground. “Are there both sides of an environmental issue? Probably not,” she went on. “Here is the thing. If you look at libertarians, you tend to have a lot of differences on things like defence, immigration, drugs, the war, things like that compared to conservatives. When it comes to issues like the environment, if there are differences, they are not nearly as pronounced.” By 2010, the dark money amounted to $118 million distributed to 102 think tanks or action groups which have a record of denying the existence of a human factor in climate change, or opposing environmentalregulations. The money flowed to Washington think tanks embedded in Republican party politics, obscure policy forums in Alaska and Tennessee, contrarian scientists at Harvard and lesser institutions, even to buy up DVDs of a film attacking Al Gore. The ready stream of cash set off a conservative backlash against Barack Obama’s environmental agenda that wrecked any chance of Congress taking action on climate change Climate change propagated by west at expense of minorities pellow Pellow 12 David Naguib Pellow, Ph.D. Professor, Don Martindale Endowed Chair – University of Minnesota, “Climate Disruption in the Global South and in African American Communities: Key Issues, Frameworks, and Possibilities for Climate Justice,” February 2012,http://www.jointcenter.org/sites/default/files/upload/research/files/White_Paper_Climate_Disruption_final.pdf It is now known unequivocally that significant warming of the atmosphere is occurring, coinciding with increasing levels of atmospheric CO2. Dr. John Holdren, Director of the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy, prefers the term “global climate disruption” to “climate change” because it more fully captures the harm being done to the planet (Holdren 2007). The term “climate change” infers a naturally occurring process rather than a disruption created by specific human activity. Moreover, the terms “global warming” and “climate change” might be construed as occurring in a uniform, even, gradual, and benign fashion, none of which is true. One solid indicator of Holdren’s point is the fact that climate disruptions affect communities, nations, and regions of the globe in vastly different ways. While contributing the least of anyone to the causes of climate disruption, people of color, women, indigenous communities, and global South nations often bear the brunt of climate disruption in terms of ecological, economic, and health burdens—thereby giving rise to the concept of climate injustice (Roberts and Parks 2007). These communities are among the first to experience the effects of climate disruption, which can include “natural” disasters, rising levels of respiratory illness and infectious disease, heat-related morbidity and mortality, and large increases in energy costs. They also bear the burdens created by ill-conceived policies confronting African American communities. The paper also explores alternative policy frameworks and community-based responses and visions for moving toward climate justice. The piece draws on numerous sources, including documents produced by non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), and scholars. designed to prevent climate disruption. The effects of climate injustice have been evident for years. Flooding from severe storms, rising sea levels and melting glaciers affect millions in Asia and Latin America, while sub-Saharan Africa is experiencing sustained droughts. Consider that nearly 75 percent the world’s annual CO2 emissions come from the global North, where only 15 percent of the global population resides. If historic responsibility for climate change is taken into account, global North nations have consumed more than three times their share of the atmosphere (in terms of the amount of emissions that we can safely put into the atmosphere) while the poorest 10 percent of the world’s population has contributed less than 1 percent of carbon emissions. Thus the struggle for racial, gender, and economic justice is inseparable from any effort to combat climate disruption. Climate justice is a vision aimed at dissolving and alleviating the unequal burdens created by climate change. The topic of climate justice is a major point of tension in both U.S. and international policy efforts to address climate disruption because it would require wealthy nations that have contributed the most to the problem to take on greater responsibilities for solutions. For many observers, the path is clear: for humanity’s survival, for justice, and for sustainability, they maintain that we must reduce our emissions and consumption here at home in the global North.
Underview College unique space to fight capital and commodification: it’s a prior condition to alts Giroux Democracy’s Nemesis The Rise of the Corporate University Henry A. Giroux McMaster University 2009 Cultural Studies = Critical Methodologies OnlineFirst, published on August 17, 2009 http://aaaaarg.fail/upload/henry-giroux-democracys-nemesis-the-rise-of-the-corporate-university-1.pdf (CWLC) Finding our way to a more humane future demands a new politics, set of democratic values, and sense of the fragile nature of democracy. Effectively challenging the regime of market fundamentalism requires educating a new generation of scholars who not only defend higher education as a democratic public sphere but also frame their own agency as scholars willing to connect their research, teaching, knowledge, and service with broader democratic concerns over equality, justice, and an alternative vision of what the university might be and what society might become. Under the present circumstances, it is time to remind ourselves that academe may be one of the few public realms available, though hardly breathing, where we can provide the educational conditions for students to embrace pedagogical encounters as spaces of dialogue and unmitigated questioning, to imagine different futures, to become border crossers establishing a range of new connections and global relations, and to embrace a language of critique and possibility that responds to the urgent need to reclaim democratic values, identities, and practices.
All aff theory is drop the debater: 2. Auto drop the arg on all plan inclusive offs: i 3. Check interps in cx:
4/29/17
TFA aff
Tournament: TFA | Round: 2 | Opponent: Winston Churchill JL | Judge: Timmons Note* Three phrases were modified in the evidence to meet word pics and grant credence to the claims these arguments typically profess
“domestic violence” is read as “violence” or “interpersonal violence” 2. “womxn/womxn” is read as “womxn” 3. “survivor” is read as “survivor” Those were the only changes made to the evidence, and any other change would be notified through brackets or up here. The Role of the Ballot is to Mitigate Structural Violence thought material conditions
Winter and Leighton 99: Deborah DuNann Winter and Dana C. Leighton. Winter|Psychologist that specializes in Social Psych, Counseling Psych, Historical and Contemporary Issues, Peace Psychology. Leighton: PhD graduate student in the Psychology Department at the University of Arkansas. Knowledgeable in the fields of social psychology, peace psychology, and justice and intergroup responses to transgressions of justice "Peace, conflict, and violence: Peace psychology in the 21st century." Pg 4-5 SA-IB Finally, to recognize…to reduce it.
I’ll specify how to weigh under the rotb: anything not here just ask in cx: no way you can say it won’t solve
Compare minimizations of oppression 2. The ROTB doesn’t come “before” or “after” theory: it depends on the nature of the abuse: I can’t make that determination until after the abuse is clarified/done 3. ROTB determined by the flow 4. Post fiat and pre fiat offense can link Material conditions come first Matsuda Matsuda 88 (Mari, Associate Professor of Law, University of Hawaii, “When the First Quail Calls: Multiple Consciousness as Jurisprudential Method”, 11 Womxn's Rts. L. Rep. 7 1989) The multiple consciousness…law and theory
The state is inevitable- speaking the language of power through policymaking is the only way to create social change in debate. Coverstone 5 Alan Coverstone (masters in communication from Wake Forest, longtime debate coach) “Acting on Activism: Realizing the Vision of Debate with Pro-social Impact” Paper presented at the National Communication Association Annual Conference November 17th 2005 An important concern...in America today.
Politic of Hope are good: it’s the only way to conceptualize repairing structural inequalities Fred Moten and Stefano Harney 13 (Professor of modern poetry @ Duke University, Professor of strategic management @ Singapore Management University: The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study) pg 81 Governance should not…rule of policy.
Material forms of rebellion are a prerequisite to any method that wants to access the path to change Fitzpatrick
Critical Theory, Information Society and Surveillance Technologies Tony Fitzpatrick Information, Communication and SocietyVol. 5 , Iss. 3,2002
Organised acts by…state and capital
Inherency
IPV causes homelessness and numbers high now: lack of housing leading cause of perpetration NLC “Simply Unacceptable”: Homelessness and the Human Right to Housing In the United States 2011 A Report of the National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty June 2011 https://www.nlchp.org/Simply_Unacceptable (CWLC)
Interpersonal ViolenceInterpersonal…of Interpersonal violence. Housing concerns are a huge propagator of IPV and the fear of IPV Martin Winter 2007 Using Federal and State Laws to Promote Secure Housing for Survivors of Interpersonal violence Emily J. Martin, ACLU Womxn’s Rights Project∗ Deborah A. Widiss, Legal Momentu Housing instability and…change the situation. IPV traps womxn in poverty: it becomes inescapable Land Interpersonal violence is trapping womxn in more than just bad relationships May 09, 2016 by Stephanie Land
Sixty-four percent…and food assistance.”
The plan: The USFG ought to guarantee the right to housing for womxn Agarwal and Panda
Toward Freedom from Interpersonal violence: The Neglected Obvious BINA AGARWAL and PRADEEP PANDA Bina Agarwal is Professor of Economics at the Institute of Economic Growth, University of Delhi, and Pradeep Panda is an independent consultant in New Delhi 2007 (CWLC) Marital violence, in…the most neglected. I defend the resolution as a general principle with regards to womxn A few key concerns about the plan to rectify before they stand up and read theory 3 analytics Solvency
Property access in India proves violence goes down Agarwal and Panda 2 Toward Freedom from Interpersonal violence: The Neglected Obvious BINA AGARWAL and PRADEEP PANDA Bina Agarwal is Professor of Economics at the Institute of Economic Growth, University of Delhi, and Pradeep Panda is an independent consultant in New Delhi 2007 (CWLC) Returning to the…violence in marriage.
European efforts prove: right to housing lowers homelessness immensely Leruste Increasing Access to Housing : Implementing the Right to Housing in England and France Marie Loison-Leruste and Deborah Quilgars Centre Maurice Halbwachs, Equipe de Recherche sur les Inégalités Sociales, Paris, France Centre for Housing Policy, University of York, York, England 2009 The introduction of…and national government. Underview
Interp debaters may specify in only one form that form being a group of people and may only specify a group of people if there is a solvency advocate
Standard is ground
3/9/17
UVchange
Tournament: tfa | Round: Semis | Opponent: dad | Judge: dad Note* Three phrases were modified in the evidence to meet word pics and grant credence to the claims these arguments typically profess
“domestic violence” is read as “violence” or “interpersonal violence” 2. “womxn/womxn” is read as “womxn” 3. “survivor” is read as “survivor” Those were the only changes made to the evidence, and any other change would be notified through brackets or up here. The Role of the Ballot is to Mitigate Structural Violence thought material conditions Winter and Leighton 99: Deborah DuNann Winter and Dana C. Leighton. Winter|Psychologist that specializes in Social Psych, Counseling Psych, Historical and Contemporary Issues, Peace Psychology. Leighton: PhD graduate student in the Psychology Department at the University of Arkansas. Knowledgeable in the fields of social psychology, peace psychology, and justice and intergroup responses to transgressions of justice "Peace, conflict, and violence: Peace psychology in the 21st century." Pg 4-5 SA-IB Finally, to recognize…to reduce it.
I’ll specify how to weigh under the rotb: anything not here just ask in cx: no way you can say it won’t solve
Compare minimizations of oppression 2. The ROTB doesn’t come “before” or “after” theory: it depends on the nature of the abuse: I can’t make that determination until after the abuse is clarified/done 3. ROTB determined by the flow 4. Post fiat and pre fiat offense can link Material conditions come first Matsuda Matsuda 88 (Mari, Associate Professor of Law, University of Hawaii, “When the First Quail Calls: Multiple Consciousness as Jurisprudential Method”, 11 Womxn's Rts. L. Rep. 7 1989) The multiple consciousness…law and theory The state is inevitable- speaking the language of power through policymaking is the only way to create social change in debate. Coverstone 5 Alan Coverstone (masters in communication from Wake Forest, longtime debate coach) “Acting on Activism: Realizing the Vision of Debate with Pro-social Impact” Paper presented at the National Communication Association Annual Conference November 17th 2005 An important concern...in America today.
Politic of Hope are good: it’s the only way to conceptualize repairing structural inequalities Fred Moten and Stefano Harney 13 (Professor of modern poetry @ Duke University, Professor of strategic management @ Singapore Management University: The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study) pg 81 Governance should not…rule of policy.
Material forms of rebellion are a prerequisite to any method that wants to access the path to change Fitzpatrick
Critical Theory, Information Society and Surveillance Technologies Tony Fitzpatrick Information, Communication and SocietyVol. 5 , Iss. 3,2002
Organised acts by…state and capital
Inherency
IPV causes homelessness and numbers high now: lack of housing leading cause of perpetration NLC “Simply Unacceptable”: Homelessness and the Human Right to Housing In the United States 2011 A Report of the National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty June 2011 https://www.nlchp.org/Simply_Unacceptable (CWLC)
Interpersonal ViolenceInterpersonal…of Interpersonal violence. Housing concerns are a huge propagator of IPV and the fear of IPV Martin Winter 2007 Using Federal and State Laws to Promote Secure Housing for Survivors of Interpersonal violence Emily J. Martin, ACLU Womxn’s Rights Project∗ Deborah A. Widiss, Legal Momentu Housing instability and…change the situation. IPV traps womxn in poverty: it becomes inescapable Land Interpersonal violence is trapping womxn in more than just bad relationships May 09, 2016 by Stephanie Land
Sixty-four percent…and food assistance.”
The plan: The USFG ought to guarantee the right to housing for womxn Agarwal and Panda
Toward Freedom from Interpersonal violence: The Neglected Obvious BINA AGARWAL and PRADEEP PANDA Bina Agarwal is Professor of Economics at the Institute of Economic Growth, University of Delhi, and Pradeep Panda is an independent consultant in New Delhi 2007 (CWLC) Marital violence, in…the most neglected. I defend the resolution as a general principle with regards to womxn A few key concerns about the plan to rectify before they stand up and read theory 3 analytics Solvency
Property access in India proves violence goes down Agarwal and Panda 2 Toward Freedom from Interpersonal violence: The Neglected Obvious BINA AGARWAL and PRADEEP PANDA Bina Agarwal is Professor of Economics at the Institute of Economic Growth, University of Delhi, and Pradeep Panda is an independent consultant in New Delhi 2007 (CWLC) Returning to the…violence in marriage.
European efforts prove: right to housing lowers homelessness immensely Leruste Increasing Access to Housing : Implementing the Right to Housing in England and France Marie Loison-Leruste and Deborah Quilgars Centre Maurice Halbwachs, Equipe de Recherche sur les Inégalités Sociales, Paris, France Centre for Housing Policy, University of York, York, England 2009 The introduction of…and national government. Underview
Interp debaters may specify in only one form that form being a group of people and may only specify a group of people if there is a solvency advocate
Standard is ground
housing requires juxtaposed perspectives through synthesis to succeed: the net benefit is try and try yet again Tali Hatuka and Roni Bar (2016): Navigating Housing Approaches: A Search for Convergences among Competing Ideas, Housing, Theory and Society, DOI: 10.1080/14036096.2016.1223166 (CWLC) Housing environments are…we understand housing
