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1 -Municipal budgets are on the brink in the status-quo.
2 -LILP 16. The Lincoln Institute of Land Policy is an independent, nonpartisan organization whose mission is to help solve global economic, social, and environmental challenges to improve the quality of life through creative approaches to the use, taxation, and stewardship of land. As a private operating foundation whose origins date to 1946, the Lincoln Institute seeks to inform public dialogue and decisions about land policy through research, training, and effective communication. By bringing together scholars, practitioners, public officials, policy makers, journalists, and involved citizens, the Lincoln Institute integrates theory and practice and provides a forum for multidisciplinary perspectives on public policy concerning land, both in the United States and internationally. The Lincoln Institute's work is organized in five major areas: Planning and Urban Form, Valuation and Taxation, International and Institute-Wide Initiatives, the People's Republic of China, and Latin America and the Caribbean., 1-15-2016, "Cities on the brink: monitoring municipal fiscal health," LILP, http://www.lincolninst.edu/news/lincoln-house-blog/cities-brink-monitoring-municipal-fiscal-health //RS
3 -Northeastern University political science professor Benedict S. Jimenez shared the results of an ambitious customized survey of cities on their strategies for dealing with fiscal stress, at Lincoln House just before the holidays. Results show an emphasis on cutting expenditures over revenue-raising approaches – and that most cities say they are on the brink of crisis. Research on fiscal retrenchment at the local government level has been severely hampered by limited data on city finances after the Great Recession of 2007-09, he said. Comprehensive Annual Financial Reports (CAFRs) require a Freedom of Information Act request, and one third of states do not require local governments to file them. Census of Governments and the Annual Survey of State and Local Government Finances provide limited information. The Lincoln Institute database Fiscally Standardized Cities allows the comparison of budgets for 112 municipalities. Jimenez thus started his own survey, targeting appointed managers and budget or finance directors in cities with a population of 50,000 or more, and got 268 of the 674 queried cities to respond. The results provide a new window into the state of local public finance, and showed that most cities were relying on piecemeal strategies to stay away from insolvency year after year. The conditions are harsh: 42 reported that spending is growing faster than revenues; 36 reported increasing spending for current benefits; 35 cited dependence on fewer resources; 34 noted the further constraint of tax limits; and 29 were dealing with increased spending on post-employment benefits. In the area of personnel, almost two-thirds of respondents said they were leaving vacant positions unfilled, freezing hiring or salaries, and cutting professional development. Fewer were engaged in layoffs, moving employees part-time, revising union contracts, or reducing salaries for current employees. In services, almost one-third reported deferring capital projects and maintenance projects, rather than eliminating services outright, closing facilities, or cutting key services such as public safety. In striving for efficiency, many cities were asking more state aid or changes in aid formulas, or shifting the responsibility of functions and services to another level of government. More than half reported making better use of technology. On the revenue side, cities are relying on increased user fees – something the Lincoln Institute researchers have also found. Much less common was trying to increase the property tax rate and expand the property tax base, or increase the sales tax. While economic cycles, and the Great Recession in particular, have great impact, cities report long-term structural issues that make fiscal stress the “new normal” for most. Overall, 7 out of 10 cities reported that they are on the precipice of another budget crisis – and don’t expect that feeling to change in the next five years. This lecture was the first in the 2015-2016 series as part of the campaign of the Lincoln Institute to promote municipal fiscal health. The video can be viewed in its entirety here.
4 -Indemnification tanks municipal budgets and wrecks accountability – turns case, Ferguson proves.
5 -Prall 14. Derek Prall is a professional journalist who has held numerous positions with a variety of print and online publications including the New Jersey Herald. He is a 2008 graduate of Furman University holding bachelor's degrees in both English Literature and Communications Studies., 12-10-2014, "Who pays for police misconduct?," No Publication, http://americancityandcounty.com/law-enforcement/who-pays-police-misconduct //RS
6 -Cases like those of Michael Brown and Eric Garner have communities abuzz about police misconduct and possible punitive damages, but, when the police are convicted of misconduct, more often than not, it's taxpayers – not the offending officers or agencies – who foot the bill. In a recent paper published in the New York University Law Review, Joanna Schwartz, an assistant law professor at UCLA and expert in police misconduct cases, says that “taxpayers almost always satisfy both compensatory and punitive damages awards entered against their sworn servants.” Meaning: It’s the city’s taxpayers – not the offending officer or the department – that pays when officers are found to be at fault. “My study reveals that police officers are virtually always indemnified: During the study period, governments paid approximately 99.98 percent of the dollars that plaintiffs recovered in lawsuits alleging civil rights violations by law enforcement,” Schwartz wrote. “Law enforcement officers in my study never satisfied a punitive damages award entered against them and almost never contributed anything to settlements or judgments — even when indemnification was prohibited by law or policy, and even when officers were disciplined, terminated or prosecuted for their conduct.” To reach these conclusions, Schwartz looked at misconduct cases in 44 large and 37 small or mid-sized police departments from 2006 to 2011. City Lab reports that together, these departments made up about 20 percent of the nation’s police officers.
7 -
8 - The data showed officers rarely pay out of their own pockets for civil-rights violations. In 9,225 cases from large cities that were settled or judged for the victim, $735 million in damages was awarded, with officers paying .02 percent of that figure - $171,300. In small to mid-sized cities, officers paid no part of the $9.4 million awarded. Schwartz told City Lab there is no reason to expect suits in Ferguson, Mo., or New York City will play out any differently. According to the Associated Press, Eric Garner’s family has filed suit against the city, the NYPD and the six officers involved for $75 million dollars. ThinkProgress reports six protesters in Ferguson are suing for $40 million in the first of many federal lawsuits expected to be filed. It is unclear how Ferguson will handle the financial burden – the figure dwarfs the city’s revenues for the fiscal year, and ThinkProgress reports the city is already budgeting for the fallout. Solutions for the problem are unclear. Schwartz told City Lab municipalities don’t necessarily need to eliminate indemnification, but suggests that holding more officers financially accountable for their actions would be a step in the right direction.
9 -Cities make police more aggressive, they’re forced to issue more tickets to make up for budget deficits – turns case.
10 -Vibes 14. John Vibes is an author, researcher and investigative journalist who takes a special interest in the counter culture and the drug war. In addition to his writing and activist work he is also the owner of a successful music promotion company. In 2013, he became one of the organizers of the Free Your Mind Conference, which features top caliber speakers and whistle-blowers from all over the world. You can contact him and stay connected to his work at his Facebook page. You can find his 65 chapter Book entitled “Alchemy of the Timeless Renaissance” at bookpatch.com. , 12-15-2014, "Ferguson to Solve Budget Crisis by Ordering Their Police to be More Aggressive," Free Thought Project, http://thefreethoughtproject.com/ferguson-police-ordered-start-writing-tickets-solve-citys-budget-crisis/#D9HXDXvtpXzikWDF.99. //RS
11 -While controversy about the police killing of teenager Michael Brown has been the primary focus in Ferguson this year, the city’s government is also facing a massive budget crisis, which they are hoping to solve by ordering their police officers to write more tickets. Many residents in Ferguson have already pointed out that once this policy is implemented, it will strain the already high tensions between the community and the police. In a telephone interview with Bloomberg News this week, Ferguson’s finance director, Jeffrey Blume explained that in order for the city’s government to stay above their budget, the police would have to write millions of dollars in tickets for small, non-violent infractions. “There are a number of things going on in 2014 and one is a revenue shortfall that we anticipate making up in 2015. There’s about a million-dollar increase in public-safety fines to make up the difference,” Blume said. Police generated revenue from writing tickets is already the city’s second larges source of revenue after sales taxes, and the money brought in through the police departments is expected to grow with these new guidelines. “They said they weren’t going to go after poor people, so to speak, to fund their budget, but I guess that’s changed,” Tim Fischesser, executive director of the St. Louis Municipal League told Bloomberg. Some state politicians are worried that this could contribute to further unrest so they are seeking to limit how much money the local government can draw from police generated revenue. A number of state senators have filed two bills that would put these types of limits on the local government in Ferguson. “For Ferguson to respond to all of this and say that increasing ticketing was a good idea is outrageous,” one of the bill’s sponsors, Scott Sifton said. According to Sifton, the bills will be voted on sometime after January 7th, and if approved the limits would not go into effect until at least August. Missouri State Treasurer Clint Zweifel, also spoke in opposition of the new policies, saying that a strong focus on revenue generating does not make communities any safer. “Increasing reliance on such fines is the wrong way to go, period. Residents and neighborhoods are safer when police can focus on public safety, not a municipality’s need to protect a revenue stream,” Zweifel said.
12 -Tickets perpetuate structural inequalities – turns case.
13 -Solon 14. Sarah Solon: Communications Strategist, ACLU, 6-18-2014, "Preying on the Poor: For-Profit Probation Edition," American Civil Liberties Union, https://www.aclu.org/blog/preying-poor-profit-probation-edition //RS
14 -Welcome to Alabama, the state of the never-ending seat belt ticket. Hali Wood is 17. She's applied to work at several grocery stores in her home town of Columbiana, but none are hiring. A few months back, cops ticketed Hali for not wearing a seat belt. The fine: $41. Hali has paid $41 and then some, but she's still hundreds of dollars in debt. Why? Because the court contracts with JCS, a for-profit probation company that forces Hali to choose between paying their exorbitant fees and going to jail. Here's how the scheme works: Privacy statement. This embed will serve content from youtube.com Borrowing from the payday lender playbook, companies like JCS often sign contracts in cities and counties strapped for cash. For the county, the deal seems like a sweet one: The company will collect outstanding court debts for free and make all their profits from charging probationers fees. But the problem is that many of these people were put on probation because they were too poor to pay their fine in the first place and for them, the additional fees are huge. People find themselves scrambling for money they don't have and forgoing basic necessities to avoid being thrown behind bars for missing a payment. The impact on communities, especially low-income communities of color, is devastating. Sadly, the for-profit probation business is booming. Every year, hundreds of thousands of people are sentenced to probation, often for misdemeanors including unpaid parking tickets. Instead of being able to just pay those fines and move on with their lives, many get sucked into spiraling debt traps they cannot escape. There are hundreds of thousands of people like Hali out there, for whom small court fines have ballooned into hundreds of dollars of debt. The for-profit probation racket isn't benefiting society; it's only benefiting these companies' bottom line. We need to remember two things: 1) If probationers miss a payment and end up behind bars, taxpayers foot the bill for this imprisonment; and 2) Our communities are not better off when we force people in poverty to choose between their liberty and putting food on their table —and needlessly lining the pockets of for-profit probation companies in the process. Counties and courts do not need to contract with these debt collectors on steroids. Publicly run probation exists, and it works while doing much less damage to communities. It's time to urge courts to cut their ties with the for-profit probation industry.
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1 -I value morality as per the evaluative term “ought” in the resolution, which is defined as “used to express duty or moral obligation”. By Merriam-Webster.
2 -The standard is minimizing structural violence
3 -Structural violence is bad for equality – inclusion is an epistemological prerequisite to forming cohesive moral theories that can be justified to the public.
4 -1. Structural violence is based in moral exclusion, which is fundamentally flawed because exclusion is not based on dessert but rather on arbitrary difference.
5 -Winter and Leighton 1. Winter, D. D., and Dana C. Leighton." Structural violence." Peace, conflict and violence: Peace psychology for the 21st century (2001): 99-101.
6 -Finally, to recognize the operation of structural violence forces us to ask questions about how and why we tolerate it, questions which often have painful answers for the privileged elite who unconsciously support it. A final question of this section is how and why we allow ourselves to be so oblivious to structural violence. Susan Opotow offers an intriguing set of answers, in her article Social Injustice. She argues that our normal perceptual cognitive processes divide people into in-groups and out-groups. Those outside our group lie outside our scope of justice. Injustice that would be instantaneously confronted if it occurred to someone we love or know is barely noticed if it occurs to strangers or those who are invisible or irrelevant. We do not seem to be able to open our minds and our hearts to everyone, so we draw conceptual lines between those who are in and out of our moral circle. Those who fall outside are morally excluded, and become either invisible, or demeaned in some way so that we do not have to acknowledge the injustice they suffer. Moral exclusion is a human failing, but Opotow argues convincingly that it is an outcome of everyday social cognition. To reduce its nefarious effects, we must be vigilant in noticing and listening to oppressed, invisible, outsiders. Inclusionary thinking can be fostered by relationships, communication, and appreciation of diversity. Like Opotow, all the authors in this section point out that structural violence is not inevitable if we become aware of its operation, and build systematic ways to mitigate its effects. Learning about structural violence may be discouraging, overwhelming, or maddening, but these papers encourage us to step beyond guilt and anger, and begin to think about how to reduce structural violence. All the authors in this section note that the same structures (such as global communication and normal social cognition) which feed structural violence, can also be used to empower citizens to reduce it. In the long run, reducing structural violence by reclaiming neighborhoods, demanding social jus- tice and living wages, providing prenatal care, alleviating sexism, and celebrating local cultures, will be our most surefooted path to building lasting peace.
7 -2. Theories that can’t account for the reality we live in fail as normative guides to action.
8 -Farrely 7. Colin Farrelly, 2007, Professor of Political Studies, Queen's University, "Justice in Ideal Theory: A Refutation", Political Studies, 2007. RFK
9 -Political philosophers have recently begun to take seriously methodological questions concerning what a theoretical examination of political ideals (e.g. justice) is supposed to accomplish and how effective theorizing in ideal theory is in securing those aims. Andrew Mason (2004) and G. A. Cohen (2003), for example, believe that the fundamental principles of justice are logically independent of issues of feasibility and questions about human nature. Their position contrasts sharply with political theorists like John Dunn (1990) and Joseph Carens (2000) who believe that normative theorizing must be integrated with an appreciation of the empirical realities of one’s society. Rather than bracket questions of feasibility and human nature, empirically oriented political theorists believe that real, non-ideal considerations (like our historical circumstances, problems of institutional design, etc.) must be taken seriously when deriving normative theories of justice.1 And some justice theorists, most notably John Rawls (1971; 1996), attempt to occupy a middle position that acknowledges some moderate feasibility constraints (e.g. pluralism) but also employs a number of idealizing assumptions (e.g. society is closed, full compliance, etc.) when deriving the principles of justice. The disagreement between those political philosophers who feel inclined to invoke highly abstract hypotheticals when deriving the principles of justice, and those political theorists who take seriously real, non-ideal considerations, is a disagreement over how fact-sensitive a theory of distributive justice ought to be. Mason raises a challenge for the more empirically grounded political theorists when he asks: ‘what reason do we have for thinking that any adequate analysis of an ideal such as justice must be conducted in the light of an investigation of what is feasible?’ (Mason, 2004, p. 255). In this article I hope to provide a compelling response to Mason’s question. I believe there is some conceptual incoherence involved in saying ‘This is what justice involves, but there is no way it could be implemented’ (Mason, 2004, p. 255).This incoherence stems from the fact that a theory of social justice, and the principles of justice it endorses, must function as an adequate guide for our collective action. A theory of social justice that yields impotent or misguided practical prescriptions is a deficient theory of justice. If the collective aspiration to implement the conclusions of a theory would not result in any noticeable increase in the justness of one’s society, then it fails as a normative theory. In this article I argue that theorising about justice at the level of ideal theory is inherently flawed and thus has impoverished liberal egalitarianism. I believe that moderate ideal theorists, such as Rawls and Ronald Dworkin, are actually much closer to the idealizing end of the spectrum and thus their theories are not adequately fact-sensitive to be considered realistically utopian.2 Ideal theorists (falsely) assume that a political philosopher can easily determine (or has privileged access to) what constitutes the ‘best foreseeable conditions’. Furthermore, by assuming full compliance, ideal theorists violate the constraints of a realistic utopia. Determining what is feasible in partially compliant societies that exist in the modern area of rapid globalisation is perhaps one of the major sources of political disagreement in contemporary democratic societies. Rather than side-stepping such disagreement, political philosophers should advance theories of justice that adopt a critically reflective attitude towards their own background empirical assumptions concerning what is realistically possible. The moderate ideal theories of Rawls and Dworkin fail to internalize such a reflective attitude. By illustrating the shortcomings of Rawls and Dworkin I hope to convince political philosophers that they need to take the empirical realities of real societies more seriously. Rather than moving in the direction advocated by Cohen and Mason (i.e. towards a more extreme idealized position) political philosophers should take more seriously non-ideal theory. This will help equip them with a theory of justice that can provide some normative guidance for real, non-ideal societies. More specifically, I argue that liberal egalitarians who function at the level of ideal theory adopt a cost-blind approach to rights and a narrow view of possible human misfortune. The former issue leads liberal egalitarians to give priority to a serially ordered principle of equal basic liberties (Rawls, 1971; 1996) or to treat rights as ‘trumps’ (Dworkin, 1978); and the latter to a stringent prioritarian principle (Rawls’ difference principle) or luck egalitarianism. Taken together, the costblind approach to rights, coupled with the narrow view of human misfortune, mean the liberal egalitarian theories of justice cannot address the issue of tradeoffs that inevitably arises in real non-ideal societies that face the fact of scarcity. This makes liberal egalitarianism an ineffective theory of social justice. Liberal egalitarian theories of justice are theories that typically function at the level of ideal theory. The distinction between ideal and non-ideal theory is not given rigorous classification in the existing literature. As Mason (2004, p. 265) notes, this distinction is employed by Rawls in The Law of Peoples. An account of justice in ideal theory must recognize ‘some moderately strong feasibility constraints which require it to be realistic in the best of foreseeable conditions’ (Mason, 2004, p. 265). Rawls describes ideal theory as being realistically utopian. Political philosophy is realistically utopian ‘when it extends what are ordinarily thought of as limits of practical political possibility’ (Rawls, 1999a, p. 6). This contrasts with non-ideal theory, which is concerned with problems of noncompliance or unfavourable (historical, social or economic) conditions.
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1 -Winston Churchill

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