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... ... @@ -1,3 +1,0 @@ 1 -====Their rights based framework reifies legal claims for inclusive personhood and statist anti-discrimination ensures there is a necessary outside==== 2 -**Weheliye 14** Alexander Weheliye, Associate Professor of African American Studies at Northwestern University, 2014, "Habeas Viscus: Racializing Assemblages, Biopolitics, and Black Feminist Theories of the Human," 3 -We are in dire need of alternatives to the legal conception of personhood that dominates our world, and, in addition, to not lose sight of what remains outside the law, what the law cannot capture, what it cannot magically transform into the fantastic form of property ownership. Writing about the connections between transgender politics and other forms of identity-based activism that respond to structural inequalities, legal scholar Dean Spade shows how the focus on inclusion, recognition, and equality based on a narrow legal framework (especially as it pertains to anti-discrimination and hate crime laws) not only hinders the eradication of violence against trans people and other vulnerable populations but actually creates the condition of possibility for the continued unequal "distribution of life chances." If demanding recognition and inclusion remains at the center of minority politics, it will lead only to a delimited notion of personhood as property that zeroes in comparatively on only one form of subjugation at the expense of others, thus allowing for the continued existence of hierarchal differences between full humans, not-quite-humans, and nonhumans. This can be gleaned from the "successes" of the mainstream feminist, civil rights, and lesbian-gay rights movements, which facilitate the incorporation of a privileged minority into the ethnoclass of Man at the cost of the still and/or newly criminalized and disposable populations (women of color, the black poor, trans people, the incarcerated, etc.). To make claims for inclusion and humanity via the US juridical assemblage removes from view that the law itself has been thoroughly violent in its endorsement of racial slavery, indigenous genocide, Jim Crow, the prison-industrial complex, domestical and international warfare, and so on, and that it continues to be one of the chief instruments in creating and maintaining the racializing assemblages in the world of Man. Instead of appealing to legal recognition, Julia Oparah suggests ~~we should be~~ counteracting the "racialized (trans)gender entrapment" within the prison-industrial complex and beyond with practices of "maroon abolition" (in reference to the long history of escaped slave contraband settlements in the Americas) to "foreground the ways in which often overlooked African diasporic cultural and political legacies inform and undergird anti-prison work," while also providing strategies and life worlds not exclusively center on reforming the law. Relatedly, Spade calls for a radical politics articulated from the "‘impossible’ worldview of trans political existence," which redefines "the insistence of government agencies, social service providers, media, and many nontrans activists and nonprofiteers that the existence of trans people is impossible." A relational maroon abolitionism beholden to the practices of black radicalism and that arises from the incompatibility of black trans existence with the world of Man serves as one example of how putatively abject modes of being need not be redeployed within hegemonic frameworks but can operationalized as variable liminal territories or articulated assemblages in movements to abolish the ground upon which all forms of subjugation are administered. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,3 +1,0 @@ 1 -====Relocation doesn’t solve, increases crime==== 2 -**Moser '12** ~~Whet, Assistant Digital Editor at Chicago Magazine "Did the Destruction of Chicago’s Public Housing Decrease Violent Crime, Or Just Move It Elsewhere?" Chicago Magazine, April 5, 2012 www.chicagomag.com/Chicago-Magazine/The-312/April-2012/Did-the-Destruction-of-Chicagos-Public-Housing-Decrease-Violent-Crime-Or-Just-Move-It-Elsewhere/ WHS//NAO~~ 3 -Partially in response to Rosin’s article, Popkin and a UI team undertook a systematic analysis of crime rates in neighborhoods in Chicago and Atlanta that once had public housing, and the neighborhoods that now house those former residents, with an attempt to predict what the crime rates would have been in the opposite scenario. The results are, in some respects, concerning: * Neighborhoods with a high density of relocated households (more than 14 per 1,000) have a violent and property crime rate 21 percent higher than it would have been without public-housing transformation. * Neighborhoods with moderate density (seven to 14 per 1,000) have a rate 13 percent higher. * Neighborhoods with low density (two to six per 1,000) have a rate five percent higher. On the other hand, crime in the former public-housing neighborhoods declined precipitously between 2000 and 2008: violent crime by 60 percent, property crime by 49 percent, and gun crime by 70 percent, compared to 13 and nine percent between 2002 and 2009 in similar neighborhoods in Atlanta (gun crime stats weren’t available for that city). But spread out citywide across Chicago, the results are small: a one percent net decrease in violent crime, and a 0.3 percent decrease in property crime, although gun crime, a particular problem in public housing, declined by 4.4 percent, while accounting for the overall drop in crime across the city. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,3 +1,0 @@ 1 -====Plan gets rolled back, look who’s in office==== 2 -**Rosenberg 3/7/**2017 ~~Zoe, News Editor at Curbed NY, Vox Media, Inc. "Feds slash New York City public housing funding by $35M" Curbed New York, March 7, 2017 ny.curbed.com/2017/3/7/14842060/nycha-funding-cuts-hud WHS//NAO~~ 3 -The funding rollback is expected to worsen under the new administration The Trump Administration has rolled out its first major cuts to the New York City Housing Authority, marking the most significant decrease in federal funding to the ailing agency in five years. The Wall Street Journal reports that NYCHA will receive at least $35 million less in federal aid this year. The figure represents the first of several anticipated funding cuts that are projected to total $150 million according to conversations between HUD and NYCHA officials cited by the Journal. Shola Olatoye, the Chair and CEO of NYCHA, says a reduction in funding of that magnitude would "evaporate" the progress made by the housing authority in the past three years. NYCHA, the largest affordable housing program in the country, which provides homes to more than 400,000 people, has an operating budget of $3.2 billion, $2 billion of which is funded by the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD, the federal agency now helmed by Ben Carson). A letter from HUD to NYCHA dated February 26—several days before Carson was approved as HUD secretary—notes that the department plans on slashing the agency’s funding by 5 percent, a whole 2 percent increase over what NYCHA has braced for. The Journal notes that an additional $7.7 million in cuts have been made to federal Section 8 programs by HUD since Trump’s election. Meanwhile, NYC Comptroller Scott Stringer is having none of it. In a statement issued by the comptroller’s office, Stringer writes: We all have long known that leadership in Washington seeks to shred the social safety net by slashing funding for those who need it most. Last year, we put out a report laying out those potential federal cuts to our city. Now, it's happening — and it's starting with NYCHA. The White House is actively targeting our most vulnerable citizens. It's wrong. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,3 +1,0 @@ 1 -====Trump administration will kill the aff. They completely ignore the right to housing==== 2 -**Semuels ’16** ~~Alana(Alana Semuels is a staff writer at The Atlantic. She was previously a national correspondent for the Los Angeles Times.) The Future of Housing Segregation Under Trump, The Atlantic, November 29,2016, Date Accessed 2/8/16 https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2016/11/the-future-of-desegregation-under-trump/509018/ WHS//NAO~~ 3 -No matter what one thinks of Obama, it’s hard to argue with the fact that his administration has done a great deal to further integrate America’s neighborhoods. It was while Obama was president that the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) released a new rule requiring cities to analyze racial and financial segregation among their residents. It was Obama’s solicitor general, Donald B. Verrilli, Jr., who filed an amicus brief on the side of fair-housing advocates in Texas Department of Community Affairs v Inclusive Communities, a landmark Supreme Court case about 1968’s Fair Housing Act. It was the Obama administration that proposed changes to the Section 8 housing-voucher program that would give low-income families who live in wealthier areas more money for their vouchers. Now, after the election, all of these accomplishments are at risk, and the policies that promote the concept of fair housing—essentially, making sure every American has equal access to safe and secure housing in good neighborhoods—may once again fall by the wayside. President-elect Donald J. Trump has not yet named a HUD secretary, but he has floated some potential appointees, including the retired neurosurgeon Ben Carson, who has called one plan for fair housing a "mandated social-engineering scheme." Trump himself has also expressed disdain for many of Obama’s housing policies, especially those trying to reduce segregation, which is perhaps not surprising for a man who got his start in real estate by refusing to rent to minorities in New York. It would be relatively easy for whoever Trump picks to reverse some of the accomplishments of the Obama administration. "The HUD Secretary can really set the tone in terms of making decisions about where resources are allocated, and where staff are provided to take on enforcement roles," said Robert Silverman, a professor of urban and regional planning at the University of Buffalo. He said that Trump could effectively nullify certain provisions by defunding their enforcement. Most at risk is a rule, released in July of 2015, requiring communities to "affirmatively further fair housing"—a provision of the Fair Housing Act of 1968 that had long been mostly ignored. Under the 2015 rule, cities are required to assess whether housing in their communities is racially segregated, and then release the results of that assessment every three to five years. Cities are encouraged, through financial incentives, to set desegregation goals, establish new low-income housing in integrated neighborhoods, and track their progress on those goals. The rule was widely panned by many conservatives, who saw it as government overreach. "The explicit purpose of HUD’s new rule is to empower federal bureaucrats to dictate where a community’s low-income residents will live," Republican Senator Mike Lee, of Utah, said on the Senate floor. Trump disliked the rule too, according to The Daily Caller. In a meeting last summer with Rob Astorino, a politician in Westchester, New York, who is battling the construction of affordable housing in his county, Trump reportedly said that he thought the rule took away the rights of local communities. Astorino later told reporters that Trump said that the rule "would not continue under the Trump administration." HUD has been adding staff to administer the rule and monitor communities’ process of evaluating their housing options. The easiest way for Trump to ensure the rule isn’t enforced would be to simply not provide funding or resources to hire the staff to make sure cities are carrying out these assessments, Silverman said. Trump could also rescind the rule entirely, though that would be a more radical approach. "I assume it would be more of a withering process, where the agency would be denied resources for things that the administration doesn’t prioritize," Silverman said. This happened in the Environmental Protection Agency after Reagan took office, he said, when the new administration simply didn’t provide the EPA with enough resources to do its regulatory work. For fair-housing advocates, disregarding the rule would be a major blow. It would take away a process that many saw as a major step in desegregating cities and counties, and revert back to how things used to be. Before the new rule, there was little incentive provided by the federal government for cities to assess whether they were becoming more or less segregated, and to do something about it. Some cities might have undertaken this process independently, but many were content to remain segregated, claiming it was what residents wanted. A Trump administration could also decide to scale down enforcement of the Fair Housing Act more generally, both through HUD actions and through the Department of Justice. Even before the rule, for example, HUD could revoke funding from communities that were perpetuating segregation. In Beaumont, Texas, for instance, after state and federal governments decided that the neighborhood the city had chosen for a new public-housing complex was too segregated, HUD took away the funding for the project. It told the city it could have the money back if it built the housing complex in a more integrated neighborhood. HUD, under Trump, could direct staffers to be less aggressive when responding to such cases. In addition, the attorney general and assistant attorney general for civil rights file lawsuits over issues of housing discrimination. Between 2012 and 2015, for example, the Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department filed more than 100 lawsuits to combat housing and lending discrimination. An administration under a president who has no stated interest in combating housing discrimination could see fewer such lawsuits. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,11 +1,0 @@ 1 -====the housing market is stable now ==== 2 -Cale **Thomas** 951-473-0390 cthomas@epdre.com 24910 Las Brisas Rd Suite 101 - Murrieta, CA 92562 ~| BRE~~# 01248699 Home Meet Our Team MLS Search For OC Realtors Articles and Information Contact Us Is the Housing Market Stable Right Now? http://www.elitepropertiesdirect.com/is-the-housing-market-stable-right-now/ 3 -If you are thinking about buying or selling a home, then you probably have a lot of questions about the current real estate market conditions. A stable housing market is important because it will affect the price of the home as well as the length of time that it takes to sell. In my opinion, housing is stable right now. These are a few reasons why: Financing Options to Buy a Home The current housing market is very different compared to the trends that were happening from 2003 – 2008. One of the big differences is financing. Everyone knows that it is difficult to get a home mortgage right now, especially since there aren’t any more "no-document" loans. Only fully amortized loans are offered, and the banks are careful to be sure that you aren’t putting yourself in a bad position. If the loan is fully amortized, then it means that the bank is going to force you to pay principle back to the loan every month. Previously, homeowners were using interest-only loans, which resulted in situations where they were upside-down on the properties that they owned. After the housing market crash, the banks changed their approach to protect homebuyers by avoiding these problems. Another reason the mortgages are more stable is that only fully documented loans are offered. So, the bank is going to look at your tax returns and pay stubs. It is likely that the bank will contact your employer to make sure that you will be able to continue paying the mortgage. These steps are designed to verify that your income number on your application is correct. Why Do Mortgage Practices Matter? The reason these details matter is because the mortgage industry has a direct impact on the real estate industry—they go hand-in-hand. Steady mortgage practices mean that housing isn’t going to shoot rapidly up in price like it did before. At the same time, the prices won’t fall quickly either. The market is stable, which means that things are only going to grow now with the pace of inflation. 4 - 5 -====Right to housing fails due to failed regulations. State centered housing rights also inflate markets, leading to collapse.==== 6 -**DeHaven ’09 **~~Three Decades of Politics and Failed Policies at HUD By Tad DeHaven November 23, 2009 WHS//NAO~~ 7 -The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development has long been plagued by scandals, mismanagement, and policy failures. Most recently, HUD’s subsidies and failed oversight of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac helped to inflate the housing bubble, which ultimately burst and cascaded into a major financial crisis. Given this giant policy blunder, now is a good time to review the many failures in HUD leadership over the years. This study discusses how HUD officials operate within a highly politicized environment, which is heavily influenced by the groups that HUD subsidizes and regulates, including the housing industry, financial institutions, and community activists. At the same time, HUD leaders often put their personal goals ahead of those of the general public. Recent HUD secretaries have focused on gaining private benefits while doing favors for business interests and political insiders. These leadership failures are illustrated in this study by profiles of four recent HUD secretaries: Samuel Pierce in the 1980s, Henry Cisneros and Andrew Cuomo in the 1990s, and Alphonso Jackson in the 2000s. These public officials touted seemingly noble goals while pursuing personal and political agendas that ended up harming taxpayers and the economy. Even if there were a need for federal housing programs, experience has shown that HUD could not implement such programs without mismanagement, cronyism, and other abuses. Federal housing policies illustrate broader realities of government intervention. When making decisions, policymakers usually have selfinterested goals that conflict with the broader interests of taxpayers and the general public. Furthermore, their visions for improving society with federal programs usually backfire because of the distortions that those programs create in the economy. Housing was traditionally a private concern, and it should be made so again because government involvement has done great damage. Alas, policymakers have not learned this lesson even after the recent housing boom and bust. Since the housing and financial meltdowns, federal intervention in housing markets has substantially increased, thus paving the way for further troubles down the road for taxpayers and the economy. 8 - 9 -====Housing meltdowns specifically cause massive harms to the developing world-mass poverty and malnutrition. This outweighs ==== 10 -**Klare ‘09** ~~ECONOMY Will Our Economic Collapse Cause the Death of Millions Abroad? As the wealthier nations cease investing in the developing world or acquiring its exports, the crisis is hitting them with a vengeance. By Michael T. Klare / Foreign Policy in Focus March 19, 2009 WHS//NAO~~ 11 -While the economic contraction is apparently slowing in the advanced industrial countries and may reach bottom in the not-too-distant future, it's only beginning to gain momentum in the developing world, which was spared the earliest effects of the global meltdown. Because the crisis was largely precipitated by a collapse of the housing market in the United States and the resulting disintegration of financial products derived from the "securitization" of questionable mortgages, most developing nations were unaffected by the early stages of the meltdown, for the simple reason that they possessed few such assets. But now, as the wealthier nations cease investing in the developing world or acquiring its exports, the crisis is hitting them with a vengeance. On top of this, conditions are deteriorating at a time when severe drought is affecting many key food-producing regions and poor farmers lack the wherewithal to buy seeds, fertilizers, and fuel. The likely result: A looming food crisis in many areas hit hardest by the global economic meltdown. Until now, concern over the human impact of the global crisis has largely been focused — understandably so — on unemployment and economic hardship in the United States, Europe, and former Soviet Union. Many stories have appeared on the devastating impact of plant closings, bankruptcies, and home foreclosures on families and communities in these parts of the world. Much less coverage has been devoted to the meltdown's impact on people in the developing world. As the crisis spreads to the poorer countries, however, it's likely that people in these areas will experience hardships every bit as severe as those in the wealthier countries — and, in many cases, far worse. The greatest worry is that most of the gains achieved in eradicating poverty over the last decade or so will be wiped out, forcing tens or hundreds of millions of people from the working class and the lower rungs of the middle class back into the penury from which they escaped. Equally worrisome is the risk of food scarcity in these areas, resulting in widespread malnutrition, hunger, and starvation. All this is sure to produce vast human misery, sickness, and death, but could also result in social and political unrest of various sorts, including riot, rebellion, and ethnic strife. The president, Congress, or the mainstream media are not, for the most part, discussing these perils. As before, public interest remains focused on the ways in which the crisis is affecting the United States and the other major industrial powers. But the World Bank, the Food and Agriculture Organization, and U.S. intelligence officials, in three recent reports, are paying increased attention to the prospect of a second economic shockwave, this time affecting the developing world. Sinking Back Into Penury In late February, the World Bank staff prepared a background paper for the Group of 20 (G-20) finance ministers meeting held near London on March 13 and 14. Entitled "Swimming Against the Tide: How Developing Countries Are Coping with the Global Crisis," it provides a preliminary assessment of the meltdown's impact on low-income countries (LICs). The picture, though still hazy, is one of deepening gloom. Most LICs were shielded from the initial impact of the sudden blockage in private capital flows because they have such limited access to such markets. "But while slower to emerge," the report notes, "the impact of the crisis on LICs has been no less significant as the effects have spread through other channels." For example, "many LIC governments rely on disproportionately on revenue from commodity exports, the prices of which have declined sharply along with global demand." Likewise, foreign direct investment is falling, particularly in the natural resource sectors. On top of this, remittances from immigrants in the wealthier countries to their families back home have dropped, erasing an important source of income to poor communities. Add all this up, and it's likely that "the slowdown in growth will likely deepen the deprivation of the existing poor." In many LICs, moreover, "large numbers of people are clustered just above the poverty line and are therefore particularly vulnerable to economic volatility and temporary slowdowns." As the intensity of the crisis grows, more and more of these people will lose their jobs or their other sources of income (such as those all-important remittances) and so be pushed from above the poverty line to beneath it. The resulting outcome: "The economic crisis is projected to increase poverty by around 46 million people in 2009." The picture provided in the Bank's G-20 report turns even darker when turning to an assessment of the capacity of affected LICs to address the needs of all these newly impoverished people. Because so much of the income of these countries derives from the sale of commodities — the demand for which has significantly diminished (thus lowering prices) — and because foreign loans and investment have largely dried up, the governments involved have precious little money left to provide emergency services for their country's growing legions of poor. The implications are ominous. "Absent ~~public~~ assistance, households may be forced into the additional sales of assets on which their livelihoods depend ~~e.g., farm implements and livestock~~, withdrawal of their children from school, reduced reliance on health care, inadequate diets and resulting malnutrition." The long-run consequences of these desperate actions can be severe: "The decline in nutritional and health status among children who suffer from reduced (or lower-quality) food consumption can be irreversible." Already, "estimates suggest that the food crisis has...caused the number of people suffering from malnutrition to rise by 44 million." These estimates — an increase in those forced into poverty by 46 million and those suffering from malnutrition by 44 million — far exceed anything reported anywhere else. And they must be viewed as preliminary figures, subject to recalibration based on the duration and severity of the global meltdown. If the Bank's prognostications on the likely impacts of the crisis on the LICs prove accurate, these figures could rise much higher. Looming Food Insecurity The spring growing season has now begun in many areas of the world, and worried agricultural experts are already calculating the p - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,3 +1,0 @@ 1 -====The AFF increases maintenance costs which makes their solvency self defeating. ==== 2 -**Husock ‘97** ~~Howard Husock, vice president for policy research at the Manhattan Institute, where he is also director of its Social Entrepreneurship Initiative and a contributing editor to the Institute's quarterly magazine, City Journal "We Don’t Need Subsidized Housing", Winter 1997, https://www.city-journal.org/html/we-don’t-need-subsidized-housing-11954.html WHS//NAO~~ 3 -Why does non-market housing founder? First, providing the poor with better housing than they can afford also saddles them with higher maintenance costs than they can afford. A newly announced state-financed "affordable housing" complex in Cambridge, Massachusetts, will cost $1.3 million—for eight units. That’s $162,500 per apartment. Recent subsidized projects in the Bronx and central Harlem cost $150,000 and $113,000 per unit, respectively. These apartments may be built to higher standards, but their fancier kitchens, more numerous bathrooms, and larger space mean more maintenance. Not surprisingly, limited rents can’t keep up with the need for service. The New York City Housing Partnership, which arranges private construction of housing for low-income buyers, has observed that nonprofit housing management groups in general "have no magic formula that allows them to manage property at less than cost. Ultimately they will need operating subsidies to remain viable." - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,7 +1,0 @@ 1 -====The "United States" is a meaningless term==== 2 -**FGF 9** ~~Family Guardian Fellowship, nonprofit religious ministry, "An Investigation Into the Meaning of the Term ‘United States’," http://famguardian.org/subjects/Taxes/ChallJurisdiction/Definitions/freemaninvestigation.htm WHS//NAO~~ 3 -Note that the Canal Zone is not a federal State, Territory, or possession of the U.S., but is still being classified as a State! But, then, you must always look at the title, chapter, section, subsection, or, sometimes even sentence, to determine the specific intent. Again, there is no ONE statutory United States. This is incontestable from the dozens and dozens of definitions of the United States in the statutes and codes. And yet one is usually thought weird to contest the underlying theme of the whole IRC namely, that there is only one United States the whole nation. This is fatuous, of course, when you really think about it which almost no one does. Not just because of the Hooven case, above, but because of the numbing number of variations on the definition of the United States in the IRC. Some say over 200, which is perhaps too many, but certainly more than one. In this title (12), Banks and Banking, they always seem to use the universally recognized restrictive word means, rather than the IRC s term of choice, includes, that has beguiled, deceived, deluded, hoodwinked, misdirected, and, most of all victimized, basically, the whole country. Such as in 215b(2) Definitions: 4 - 5 -====Courts can mean anything==== 6 -**Merriam webster defines** https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/court 7 -Definition of court 1 a : the residence or establishment of a sovereign or similar dignitary riding to the king's court b : a sovereign's formal assembly of councillors and officers The king held a general court. c : the sovereign and officers and advisers who are the governing power The court has decided against the alliance. d : the family and retinue of a sovereign The court enjoyed the tournament. e : a reception held by a sovereign 2 a (1) : a manor house or large building surrounded by usually enclosed grounds Hampton Court (2) : motel b : an open space enclosed wholly or partly by buildings or circumscribed by a single building the court at the center of the palace c : a quadrangular space walled or marked off for playing one of various games with a ball (as tennis, handball, or basketball); also : a division of such a court d : a wide alley with only one opening onto a street 3 a : an official assembly for the transaction of judicial business b : a session of such a court The court is now adjourned. c : a place (as a chamber) for the administration of justice sat quietly in the back of the court d : a judge or judges in session; also : a faculty or agency of judgment or evaluation … rest our case in the court of world opinion … — Leonard H. Marks 4 a : an assembly or board with legislative or administrative powers b : parliament, legislature 5 : conduct or attention intended to win favor or dispel hostility : homage pay court to the king - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,3 +1,0 @@ 1 -====Plan gets rolled back, heres more evidence==== 2 -**Chang 2/17**/2017 ~~Alvin, I'm a reporter at Vox. I usually cover public policy with data and cartoons. I've worked at the Boston Globe, ESPN, and Connecticut Mirror. I have a master's degree from NYU's Interactive Telecommunications Program. "How Republicans want to roll back Obama's fair housing legacy — and then some" Vox Feb 17, 2017 www.vox.com/2017/2/17/14610126/republicans-obama-housing-legacy-affh-data WHS//NAO~~ 3 -The US has a long history of discriminatory housing policies, which has entrenched communities of color in poor neighborhoods. And the one tool the federal government has to push back against these segregation patterns is the Fair Housing Act — specifically the part that says local communities that receive federal funds for affordable housing must "affirmatively further" fair housing. But for much of the law’s lifetime, advocates say it has been toothless. So two years ago, the Obama administration tackled this issue by creating a new rule that leveraged the growing amount of racial disparity data. This helped communities see invisible trends to set and meet fair housing goals, while also giving the feds a way to enforce the law. This has irked Republicans, who say this is essentially the federal involvement meddling in local zoning issues. Some, including Trump’s pick for the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), Ben Carson, go further and call this "social engineering." Rep. Paul Gosar (R-AZ) said this was President Obama forcing "his utopian ideology on American communities." So Gosar, along with Republican Sens. Mike Lee and Marco Rubio, introduced a bill, dubbed the Local Zoning Decisions Protection Act of 2017, that would roll back President Obama’s legacy on fair housing. Then it bars any similar rules from being created in the future. But then it goes further. The clever way Republicans are rolling back Obama’s efforts, and then some Given the importance of data in Obama’s fair housing rule, Republican lawmakers found a clever way to completely kick the legs out from under his initiatives: Notwithstanding any other provision of law, no Federal funds may be used to design, build, maintain, utilize, or provide access to a Federal database of geospatial information on community racial disparities or disparities in access to affordable housing. There is sweeping language in the bill that scares a broad range of people because it could undermine all federal geospatial data. But to be clear, both Lee’s and Gosar’s offices told me they’d be willing to focus the language so it doesn’t do that. Rather, their goal is to prevent the federal government from using racial disparity data to "blackmail local governments into changing their zoning laws," said Lee’s spokesperson Conn Carroll. Gosar’s communications director, Steven Smith, told me they want to "prevent the creation" of another custom data tool that pushes federal mandates on local zoning laws. But in addition to that, Carroll said the data section would ensure the federal government can’t use racial disparity data to threaten local communities with a Fair Housing Act violation. This is important because the Supreme Court recently affirmed that you can prove violations by showing that a community’s decisions had a "disparate impact" on a protected class of people. In other words, you don’t have to prove that a policy was intentionally discriminatory; you can just show its impact using data. "Data is really the way in which these institutions are held accountable, both in the courts and political processes," said Megan Haberle, who focuses on housing policy at the Poverty and Race Research Council. "So ~~this bill~~ would make bringing a disparate impact case more difficult." In short, the bill aims to strip HUD’s already weak power in dealing with residential segregation patterns. Why housing advocates believe the Fair Housing Act was impotent to start with The core reason fair housing laws exists is because this country's past is rife with discriminatory policies, like redlining, which systematically denied home loans to black families. That has had an outsize influence in shaping the racial geography of America — even today. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -2017-04-13 01:02:10.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -Tim Davies - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -Warren Okunlola Neg - Title
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... ... @@ -1,5 +1,0 @@ 1 -====The constitution does not grant a right to housing. Hartman.==== 2 -Hartman, Chester. "The Case for a Right to Housing." The Case for a Right to Housing. National Housing Institute, 2006. Web. 07 July 2016. JZ 3 -While the Constitution of the United States ensures citizens many rights, housing is not one of them - although such a right has been advocated for many years. Shelter force asked Chester Hartman and Rachel G. Bratt (co-editors of A Right To Housing, with Michael E. Stone) to discuss this notion of a "right to housing." Hartman, answering a series of questions, puts it into the context of other rights Americans expect. Bratt explains how a right to housing can advance the work of CDCs. The concept and reality of rights is, of course, an evolving drama, one that has played out in our nation's history. The right of slaves to be free of bondage was won via armed struggle and political action that produced amendments to our Constitution. The right of women to vote has a similar, albeit less violent, history. Workers won the right to organize, a right that was codified by federal legislation. The Civil Rights movement produced a set of legal rights that did not previously exist and changed profoundly public culture and practices with regard to race. Common to this evolution of rights was an appeal to this nation's higher sense of justice, to the fundamental principles of democracy and to the protections embodied in the foundational documents of this country. Also common was political struggle, buttressed by intellectual support. Entitlements, on the other hand, is a somewhat different, albeit related concept, having more to do with specific programs, such as Social Security, the Earned Income Tax Credit, food stamps, Medicaid/Medicare, school breakfasts and lunches, Supplementary Security Income and, of course, free K-12 public education. How have housing rights evolved in the United States? Some specific, although quite limited, rights/ entitlements exist in the housing area. Local housing codes (varying enormously with respect to coverage and standards) provide something of a right to decent physical conditions. But enforcement is a problem and market realities limit the benefits these regulations offer. A warranty of habitability and rent-withholding provisions exist in some jurisdictions. While this levels the playing field somewhat between landlord and tenant, it falls short of guaranteeing decent housing conditions and, as is true of housing codes, does not deal with the key issue of affordability. In those few areas that still have rent control, limits are placed on rent increases. Federal, state and local laws bar discrimination on the basis of race, ethnicity, disability and other personal characteristics, as well as source of income. But again, enforcement is far less than ideal, and more subtle forms of residential discrimination are hard to detect and prove. Due process must be followed in eviction and foreclosure proceedings. Relatedly, some jurisdictions provide protection to tenants against condominium conversions and demolitions. In a few areas, "just (good) cause" eviction statutes limit eviction to stipulated reasons.The US can opt out of any international agreement, organization, or law meaning that ilaw has no bindingness or obligating force. International Organizational Immunities Act. 4 -International Organizational Immunities Act. "22 U.S. Code § 288 - "International Organization" Defined; Authority of President." 22 U.S. Code § 288. Web. 17 Sept. 2015. https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/22/288. JZ 5 -For the purposes of this subchapter, the term "international organization" means a public international organization in which the United States participates pursuant to any treaty or under the authority of any Act of Congress authorizing such participation or making an appropriation for such participation, and which shall have been designated by the President through appropriate Executive order as being entitled to enjoy the privileges, exemptions, and immunities provided in this subchapter. The President shall be authorized, in the light of the functions performed by any such international organization, by appropriate Executive order to withhold or withdraw from any such organization or its officers or employees any of the privileges, exemptions, and immunities provided for in this subchapter (including the amendments made by this subchapter) or to condition or limit the enjoyment by any such organization or its officers or employees of any such privilege, exemption, or immunity. The President shall be authorized, if in his judgment such action should be justified by reason of the abuse by an international organization or its officers and employees of the privileges, exemptions, and immunities provided in this subchapter or for any other reason, at any time to revoke the designation of any international organization under this section, whereupon the international organization in question shall cease to be classed as an international organization for the purposes of this subchapter. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -2017-04-13 01:02:11.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -Tim Davies - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,3 +1,0 @@ 1 -====Turn: Empirically, public housing reduces the homes accessible to black communities ==== 2 -Edward **Goetz** 1, 20**11** ("Gentrification in Black and White: The Racial Impact of Public Housing Demolition in American Cities", http://usj.sagepub.com/content/48/8/1581.full.pdf) WHS//NAO 3 -The dismantling of public housing is not limited to HOPE VI projects, however. PHAs in cities like Atlanta, Memphis and Las Vegas have plans to demolish most or all of their public housing. Chicago’s Plan for Transformation calls for the demolition of more than 20 000 units and a net reduction of 13000, while in post-Katrina New Orleans, the local housing authority has demolished thousands of units that were kept vacant after the hurricane and flood. In these ways, housing policy and, more specifically, public housing demolition and dispersal has been employed as economic development strategies by local governments intent on finding and forcing new paths of neighbourhood change and gentrification (Newman, 2004). Cities in which market pressures for gentrification have been the strongest, for example, have been the most aggressive in tearing down public housing (Goetz, forthcoming). Public housing projects such as Earle Village in Charlotte, NC, Techwood Homes in Atlanta, Allen Parkway Village in Houston, St Thomas in New Orleans, Cabrini-Green in Chicago and Ellen Wilson in Washington, DC, have been demolished to make way for new development that has ignited significant private sector investment in housing and commercial markets nearby - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -2017-04-13 01:02:13.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -Tim Davies - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -Seven Lake JS - ParentRound
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -65 - Round
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -Warren Okunlola Neg - Title
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -8 - Case Offense - Black Communities - 1NC - TFA State Round 4 - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -TFA State
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... ... @@ -1,3 +1,0 @@ 1 -====Simply providing housing doesn’t reduce homelessness ==== 2 -Kevin Corinth 15 is a research fellow in economic policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute, where he focuses on homelessness and the programs and policies put in place to assist the homeless. "Does housing end homelessness?" November 5, 2015 https://www.aei.org/publication/does-housing-end-homelessness/ 3 -Housing people who are homeless makes them not homeless. It’s not just common sense – rigorous studies have shown that if you give homeless people housing, they usually stay in it. But housing homeless people doesn’t necessarily reduce the number of people who are homeless over the long run. How is that possible? The "homeless" are not a fixed set of people. If you put people into housing who otherwise would have made it on their own, the number of homeless people doesn’t fall. Up to now, there has been little nationwide evidence about how housing affects the number of homeless people. That hasn’t stopped the Obama administration from doubling down on housing as its key solution for ending homelessness. The number of permanent supportive housing beds for formerly homeless people has grown by more than 50 since 2007. In new research, however, I find no evidence that permanent housing for the homeless has reduced the number of homeless people. Communities that increased housing saw small immediate reductions in their homeless populations, but these reductions were wiped out after one year. Meanwhile, communities that cut shelters saw major reductions in homelessness with no additional people found sleeping on the street. Does this mean we should cut all housing and shelter programs for the homeless? Absolutely not. For one thing, the study has important limitations. The data I use are highly imperfect (although they are the same data used by the Obama administration to assess the nation’s success in ending homelessness). Counts of the unsheltered homeless are conducted on a single night in January by volunteers throughout the country, and many people may be missed. Also, it’s possible that the communities that added housing or shelter would have had even more people in shelters or on the streets had they not done so. But even if shelters do not significantly decrease the number of people literally sleeping on the street, and even if housing does not lead to major reductions in homelessness, they can still be good things. Shelters can provide respite from unsafe living conditions and offer needed supportive services. Permanent housing can serve as a platform for overcoming other challenges like addiction and untreated mental illness. The problem with evaluating our homeless assistance system solely based on how many homeless people we find is that we evaluate it less on how it actually assists the homeless. That’s not to say we shouldn’t try to count homeless people or that we shouldn’t study how housing and shelter affect how many there are. If more dollars are spent on housing without reductions in homeless populations, that means there will be less money to serve people in the future. My findings suggest this should be a major concern. But the solution is not to establish goals to end things; it is to customize assistance to each person based on how much help he or she truly needs. At the same time though, we shouldn’t lose sight of the bigger vision. A lot of programs for the homeless are expensive and offer extensive supportive services. For our most vulnerable brothers and sisters, this can be a worthy and necessary investment. But we have to worry a lot more about how well these services improve people’s lives and not just about how they affect the number of homeless people we can find. Otherwise, we may fail at accomplishing both goals. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -2017-04-13 01:02:14.123 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -Tim Davies - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -Warren Okunlola Neg - Title
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -7 - Case Defense - Homelessness - 1NC - TFA State Round 4 - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -56,57,58,59 - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -2017-04-13 00:53:27.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -Varad Agarwala - OpenSource
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/Warren/Okunlola+Neg/Warren-Okunlola-Neg-TFA%20State-Round2.dotx - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -Garland KP - Round
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -2017-04-13 01:02:05.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -Tim Davies - OpenSource
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/Warren/Okunlola+Neg/Warren-Okunlola-Neg-TFA%20State-Round4.docx - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -Seven Lake JS - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-03-10 07:35:29.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Tim Davies - OpenSource
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/Warren/Okunlola+Neg/Warren-Okunlola-Neg-TFA%20State-Round4.docx - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Seven Lake JS - Round
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