Changes for page Warren Okunlola Neg
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,3 @@ 1 +====Their rights based framework reifies legal claims for inclusive personhood and statist anti-discrimination ensures there is a necessary outside==== 2 +**Weheliye 14** Alexander Weheliye, Associate Professor of African American Studies at Northwestern University, 2014, "Habeas Viscus: Racializing Assemblages, Biopolitics, and Black Feminist Theories of the Human," 3 +We are in dire need of alternatives to the legal conception of personhood that dominates our world, and, in addition, to not lose sight of what remains outside the law, what the law cannot capture, what it cannot magically transform into the fantastic form of property ownership. Writing about the connections between transgender politics and other forms of identity-based activism that respond to structural inequalities, legal scholar Dean Spade shows how the focus on inclusion, recognition, and equality based on a narrow legal framework (especially as it pertains to anti-discrimination and hate crime laws) not only hinders the eradication of violence against trans people and other vulnerable populations but actually creates the condition of possibility for the continued unequal "distribution of life chances." If demanding recognition and inclusion remains at the center of minority politics, it will lead only to a delimited notion of personhood as property that zeroes in comparatively on only one form of subjugation at the expense of others, thus allowing for the continued existence of hierarchal differences between full humans, not-quite-humans, and nonhumans. This can be gleaned from the "successes" of the mainstream feminist, civil rights, and lesbian-gay rights movements, which facilitate the incorporation of a privileged minority into the ethnoclass of Man at the cost of the still and/or newly criminalized and disposable populations (women of color, the black poor, trans people, the incarcerated, etc.). To make claims for inclusion and humanity via the US juridical assemblage removes from view that the law itself has been thoroughly violent in its endorsement of racial slavery, indigenous genocide, Jim Crow, the prison-industrial complex, domestical and international warfare, and so on, and that it continues to be one of the chief instruments in creating and maintaining the racializing assemblages in the world of Man. Instead of appealing to legal recognition, Julia Oparah suggests ~~we should be~~ counteracting the "racialized (trans)gender entrapment" within the prison-industrial complex and beyond with practices of "maroon abolition" (in reference to the long history of escaped slave contraband settlements in the Americas) to "foreground the ways in which often overlooked African diasporic cultural and political legacies inform and undergird anti-prison work," while also providing strategies and life worlds not exclusively center on reforming the law. Relatedly, Spade calls for a radical politics articulated from the "‘impossible’ worldview of trans political existence," which redefines "the insistence of government agencies, social service providers, media, and many nontrans activists and nonprofiteers that the existence of trans people is impossible." A relational maroon abolitionism beholden to the practices of black radicalism and that arises from the incompatibility of black trans existence with the world of Man serves as one example of how putatively abject modes of being need not be redeployed within hegemonic frameworks but can operationalized as variable liminal territories or articulated assemblages in movements to abolish the ground upon which all forms of subjugation are administered. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,3 @@ 1 +====Relocation doesn’t solve, increases crime==== 2 +**Moser '12** ~~Whet, Assistant Digital Editor at Chicago Magazine "Did the Destruction of Chicago’s Public Housing Decrease Violent Crime, Or Just Move It Elsewhere?" Chicago Magazine, April 5, 2012 www.chicagomag.com/Chicago-Magazine/The-312/April-2012/Did-the-Destruction-of-Chicagos-Public-Housing-Decrease-Violent-Crime-Or-Just-Move-It-Elsewhere/ WHS//NAO~~ 3 +Partially in response to Rosin’s article, Popkin and a UI team undertook a systematic analysis of crime rates in neighborhoods in Chicago and Atlanta that once had public housing, and the neighborhoods that now house those former residents, with an attempt to predict what the crime rates would have been in the opposite scenario. The results are, in some respects, concerning: * Neighborhoods with a high density of relocated households (more than 14 per 1,000) have a violent and property crime rate 21 percent higher than it would have been without public-housing transformation. * Neighborhoods with moderate density (seven to 14 per 1,000) have a rate 13 percent higher. * Neighborhoods with low density (two to six per 1,000) have a rate five percent higher. On the other hand, crime in the former public-housing neighborhoods declined precipitously between 2000 and 2008: violent crime by 60 percent, property crime by 49 percent, and gun crime by 70 percent, compared to 13 and nine percent between 2002 and 2009 in similar neighborhoods in Atlanta (gun crime stats weren’t available for that city). But spread out citywide across Chicago, the results are small: a one percent net decrease in violent crime, and a 0.3 percent decrease in property crime, although gun crime, a particular problem in public housing, declined by 4.4 percent, while accounting for the overall drop in crime across the city. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,3 @@ 1 +====Plan gets rolled back, look who’s in office==== 2 +**Rosenberg 3/7/**2017 ~~Zoe, News Editor at Curbed NY, Vox Media, Inc. "Feds slash New York City public housing funding by $35M" Curbed New York, March 7, 2017 ny.curbed.com/2017/3/7/14842060/nycha-funding-cuts-hud WHS//NAO~~ 3 +The funding rollback is expected to worsen under the new administration The Trump Administration has rolled out its first major cuts to the New York City Housing Authority, marking the most significant decrease in federal funding to the ailing agency in five years. The Wall Street Journal reports that NYCHA will receive at least $35 million less in federal aid this year. The figure represents the first of several anticipated funding cuts that are projected to total $150 million according to conversations between HUD and NYCHA officials cited by the Journal. Shola Olatoye, the Chair and CEO of NYCHA, says a reduction in funding of that magnitude would "evaporate" the progress made by the housing authority in the past three years. NYCHA, the largest affordable housing program in the country, which provides homes to more than 400,000 people, has an operating budget of $3.2 billion, $2 billion of which is funded by the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD, the federal agency now helmed by Ben Carson). A letter from HUD to NYCHA dated February 26—several days before Carson was approved as HUD secretary—notes that the department plans on slashing the agency’s funding by 5 percent, a whole 2 percent increase over what NYCHA has braced for. The Journal notes that an additional $7.7 million in cuts have been made to federal Section 8 programs by HUD since Trump’s election. Meanwhile, NYC Comptroller Scott Stringer is having none of it. In a statement issued by the comptroller’s office, Stringer writes: We all have long known that leadership in Washington seeks to shred the social safety net by slashing funding for those who need it most. Last year, we put out a report laying out those potential federal cuts to our city. Now, it's happening — and it's starting with NYCHA. The White House is actively targeting our most vulnerable citizens. It's wrong. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,3 @@ 1 +====Trump administration will kill the aff. They completely ignore the right to housing==== 2 +**Semuels ’16** ~~Alana(Alana Semuels is a staff writer at The Atlantic. She was previously a national correspondent for the Los Angeles Times.) The Future of Housing Segregation Under Trump, The Atlantic, November 29,2016, Date Accessed 2/8/16 https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2016/11/the-future-of-desegregation-under-trump/509018/ WHS//NAO~~ 3 +No matter what one thinks of Obama, it’s hard to argue with the fact that his administration has done a great deal to further integrate America’s neighborhoods. It was while Obama was president that the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) released a new rule requiring cities to analyze racial and financial segregation among their residents. It was Obama’s solicitor general, Donald B. Verrilli, Jr., who filed an amicus brief on the side of fair-housing advocates in Texas Department of Community Affairs v Inclusive Communities, a landmark Supreme Court case about 1968’s Fair Housing Act. It was the Obama administration that proposed changes to the Section 8 housing-voucher program that would give low-income families who live in wealthier areas more money for their vouchers. Now, after the election, all of these accomplishments are at risk, and the policies that promote the concept of fair housing—essentially, making sure every American has equal access to safe and secure housing in good neighborhoods—may once again fall by the wayside. President-elect Donald J. Trump has not yet named a HUD secretary, but he has floated some potential appointees, including the retired neurosurgeon Ben Carson, who has called one plan for fair housing a "mandated social-engineering scheme." Trump himself has also expressed disdain for many of Obama’s housing policies, especially those trying to reduce segregation, which is perhaps not surprising for a man who got his start in real estate by refusing to rent to minorities in New York. It would be relatively easy for whoever Trump picks to reverse some of the accomplishments of the Obama administration. "The HUD Secretary can really set the tone in terms of making decisions about where resources are allocated, and where staff are provided to take on enforcement roles," said Robert Silverman, a professor of urban and regional planning at the University of Buffalo. He said that Trump could effectively nullify certain provisions by defunding their enforcement. Most at risk is a rule, released in July of 2015, requiring communities to "affirmatively further fair housing"—a provision of the Fair Housing Act of 1968 that had long been mostly ignored. Under the 2015 rule, cities are required to assess whether housing in their communities is racially segregated, and then release the results of that assessment every three to five years. Cities are encouraged, through financial incentives, to set desegregation goals, establish new low-income housing in integrated neighborhoods, and track their progress on those goals. The rule was widely panned by many conservatives, who saw it as government overreach. "The explicit purpose of HUD’s new rule is to empower federal bureaucrats to dictate where a community’s low-income residents will live," Republican Senator Mike Lee, of Utah, said on the Senate floor. Trump disliked the rule too, according to The Daily Caller. In a meeting last summer with Rob Astorino, a politician in Westchester, New York, who is battling the construction of affordable housing in his county, Trump reportedly said that he thought the rule took away the rights of local communities. Astorino later told reporters that Trump said that the rule "would not continue under the Trump administration." HUD has been adding staff to administer the rule and monitor communities’ process of evaluating their housing options. The easiest way for Trump to ensure the rule isn’t enforced would be to simply not provide funding or resources to hire the staff to make sure cities are carrying out these assessments, Silverman said. Trump could also rescind the rule entirely, though that would be a more radical approach. "I assume it would be more of a withering process, where the agency would be denied resources for things that the administration doesn’t prioritize," Silverman said. This happened in the Environmental Protection Agency after Reagan took office, he said, when the new administration simply didn’t provide the EPA with enough resources to do its regulatory work. For fair-housing advocates, disregarding the rule would be a major blow. It would take away a process that many saw as a major step in desegregating cities and counties, and revert back to how things used to be. Before the new rule, there was little incentive provided by the federal government for cities to assess whether they were becoming more or less segregated, and to do something about it. Some cities might have undertaken this process independently, but many were content to remain segregated, claiming it was what residents wanted. A Trump administration could also decide to scale down enforcement of the Fair Housing Act more generally, both through HUD actions and through the Department of Justice. Even before the rule, for example, HUD could revoke funding from communities that were perpetuating segregation. In Beaumont, Texas, for instance, after state and federal governments decided that the neighborhood the city had chosen for a new public-housing complex was too segregated, HUD took away the funding for the project. It told the city it could have the money back if it built the housing complex in a more integrated neighborhood. HUD, under Trump, could direct staffers to be less aggressive when responding to such cases. In addition, the attorney general and assistant attorney general for civil rights file lawsuits over issues of housing discrimination. Between 2012 and 2015, for example, the Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department filed more than 100 lawsuits to combat housing and lending discrimination. An administration under a president who has no stated interest in combating housing discrimination could see fewer such lawsuits. - EntryDate
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