Summary

• Objects (1 modified, 1 added, 0 removed)
  • Caselist.CitesClass[13]
  • Caselist.CitesClass[14]

Details

Caselist.CitesClass[13]

EntryDate

...	...	@@ -1,1 +1,1 @@
1		-2017-04-12 18:59:45.353
	1	+2017-04-12 18:59:45.0

Caselist.CitesClass[14]

Cites

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,3 @@
	1	+====Environmental protection and conservation is based on a white body politic that protects only spaces that are "white"- leads to the degradation of the environment of racialized communities turning case====
	2	+**Mills ‘1** (Charles W. Professor of Philosophy at the University of Illinois, Chicago, "Faces of Environmental Racism: Confronting Issues of Global Justice 2^^nd^^ edition)
	3	+Mainstream environmentalism is thus the environmentalism appropriate to this body—the normative body, the white body. Since white space has been historically privileged, white environmentalists can place their emphases on preservation and conservation, slogans appropriate for those whose spaces have benefited from full incorporation into the white macrobody. If the role of the sovereign, as "soul" (Hobbes) of the body politic, is to maintain the body’s health, then the role of the white sovereign is to ensure the health of the white body. For a state founded on the racial contract, this will mean the differential allocation of resources to the creation and protection of white spaces. And historically, the state has in fact made both space and race, through demarcating by law the populations coded as races, through enforcing segregation, and through divergent treatment of the respective divided spaces. Desmond King, an English political scientist, points out the disingenuousness of a mainstream U.S. political theory that "little acknowledges" the obvious fact that the federal government "constituted a powerful institution upholding arrangements privileging Whites and discriminating against Blacks."34 The racial state acts on behalf of the white citizenry, pouring resources into the privileged white spaces—schools, infrastructure, job creation, highways, mortgage assistance, police protection—since they are our spaces, the spaces that we, the full citizens of the polity, inhabit. So there is no common space, as in the mythical raceless social contract. Rather, there are our spaces and their spaces. But even their spaces are in a sense ours—they are the spaces we concede to them, insofar as (short of outright expulsion) they have to occupy some space. Originally, it is explicit, then, that blacks do not have free range over the topography of the body politic. Rather, they are restricted to second-class spaces, as befitting their second-class, subperson status: Niggertown, Darktown, Bronzeville, the black belt, the ghetto, the inner city, in housing arrangements; and, when they are allowed to enter the public white space, the back of the bus, the seats in the balcony, the crowded car at the end of the train. These spaces become identified as black spaces, and are derogated as such, signaling their nomncorporation in the respectable flesh of the white body politic. King describes how: Prior to the end of segregation, the United States was subnationally a divided polity. Two political systems, mirroring two societies, the one democratic and the other oligarchic, existed side by side. . . . Segregation was an arrangement whereby Black Americans, as a minority, were systematically treated in a separate, but constitutionally sanctioned way. As the NAACP observed, they were treated "almost as lepers."35 And this leprous flesh, the boundary of political, moral, and spatial exclusion from the body politic proper, marks the limits of the sovereign’s full responsibilities. As derogated space, inhabited by beings of lesser worth, it is a necessary functionalist space analogous to the body parts below the belt, the ones we keep hidden. Since the normative body is the white body, the black body, or the unavoidable black parts of the white body—its waste products, its excreta—need to be kept out of white sight. White space needs to be maintained in its character as white and preserved from contamination by the ever- threatening dark space—evil, shitty, savage, subproletananized. On the collective white macro-body, these spaces are literally blots on the landscape that we have to tolerate but that must not be allowed to trespass beyond their borders. The politics of racial space then requires that the line be drawn, the boundaries not crossed. These spaces must stay in their place. The racial contract is in part an agreement to maintain certain spatial relations, a certain spatial regime, the incarnation of the white body politic, the physical manifestation of the white Leviathan. In this revised conceptual framework, then, it becomes unsurprising that the United Church of Christ’s Commission for Racial Justice found in the first national study on the topic (1987):   Race is "the single most important factor (i.e., more important than income, home ownership rate, and property values) in the location of abandoned toxic waste sites."36   Some black residents of these areas feel "We don’t have the complexion for protection."37   A national investigation (1992) by the National Law Journal of Enviromnental Protection Agency cleanup efforts concluded "that the average fine imposed on polluters in white areas was 506 percent higher than the average fine imposed in minority communities" and that "cleanup took longer in minority communities, even though the efforts were often less intensive than those performed in white neighborhoods."38   Mainstream white environmentalists are perceived as caring more about parks and owls than people of color.39   "Institutional resistance to providing information ~~on environmental issues~~ is likely to be greater for groups such as racial minorities."   In general, "Public officials and private industry have, in many cases, responded to the NIMBY ~~Not in My Black Yard~~ phenomenon using the ‘PIBBY’ principle, ‘Place in Blacks’ Back Yards.’ "41 In effect, then, these spaces can be written off because these people can be written off. The devalued space interacts with its devalued inhabitants. They are "outside" the boundaries of empathy, not like us, not an equally valued body in the intercorporeal community that is the collective white body. As Bill Lawson points out in chapter 3, "Living for the City: Urban United States and Environmental Justice" (p. 41): "~~R~~acial and spatial difference marks important differences that must be given weight in our moral deliberation.. . . Environmentalists have a natural conception of pollution as a negative norm. If a place is thought to be already polluted by racial identifiers, we need to contain the pollution by keeping it in that area." Since these are already waste spaces, it is only appropriate that the waste products of industrialization should be directed toward them. Like seeks like—throwaways on a throwaway population, dumping on the white body’s dumpsite. So the "environment" is not the same for these distinct and spatially segregated communities. Black relations to nature have always been mediated by white power, the sinews and tendons running through the white body. The combination of environmental with social justice concerns—so strange and radical from the point of view of traditional white environmentalism—then is simply a recognition of this fact. Conservation cannot have the same resonance for the racially disadvantaged, since they are at the ass end of the body politic § Marked 19:43 § and want their space upgraded. For blacks, the "environment" is the (in part) white-created environment, where the waste products of white space are dumped and the costs of white industry externalized. Insofar as the mainstream environmentalist framing of issues rests on the raceless body of the colorless social contract, it will continue to mystify and obfuscate these racial realities. "Environmentalism" for blacks has to mean not merely challenging the patterns of waste disposal, but also, in effect, their own status as the racialized refuse, the black trash, of the white body politic.

EntryDate

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
	1	+2017-04-12 18:59:46.5

Judge

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
	1	+Ryan Stephens, Bryant Andrade, Forgot Last one

Opponent

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
	1	+Reagan RV

ParentRound

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
	1	+49

Round

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
	1	+Semis

Team

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
	1	+Warren Okunlola Neg

Title

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
	1	+5 - K - Afropessmism - Environment Link - 1NC - Brandeis Semis

Tournament

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
	1	+Brandeis