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Summary

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1 +Framework
2 +
3 +The value is morality because ought indicates a moral obligation. It is the verb of the resolution so it tells us how to weigh.
4 +Burton's Legal Thesaurus, 4E. Copyright © 2007 by William C. Burton. Used with permission of The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.
5 +
6 +The criterion is minimizing anti-black racism because challenging institutional racism is a prior ethical question— racism violates all conceptions of morality, justice, and what it means to be human.
7 +Albert Memmi 2k, Professor Emeritus of Sociology @ U of Paris, Naiteire, Racism, Translated by Steve Martinot, p. 163-165
8 +The struggle against racism will be long, difficult, without intermission, without remission
9 +AND
10 +. True, it is a wager, but the stakes are irresistible.
11 +
12 +Links
13 +Their optimism regarding society reifies the rationale of institutions which can never be ethically redeemable for blackness- -time does not progress but accumulates and repeats -from the chattel slave system to convict-lease to the modern prison system-black death and enslavement are endemic features of civil society which are covered up and only mutated by reforms -means it’s try or die for pessimism- Black social life and agency is found within a refusal of civil society
14 +Dillon 2013 Stephen. Stephen Dillon, assistant professor of Queer Studies at Hampshire College, holds a B.A. from the University of Iowa and a Ph.D. in American Studies with a minor in Critical Feminist and Sexuality Studies from the University of Minnesota. “Fugitive Life: Race, Gender, and the Rise of the Neoliberal-Carceral State.” Ph.D Dissertation. https://conservancy.umn.edu/bitstream/handle/11299/153053/Dillon_umn_0130E_13833.pdf?sequence=1. SH
15 +In one of the first lines of the film, a state newscaster covering the
16 +AND
17 +what the future will be. The future will be what was before.
18 +
19 +Impact
20 +Antiblackness produces genocide and distributes death through racial and heterosexist violence-prefer our impacts-slow death positions blackness as disposable and already dead to support the life of civil society- rather that legitimizing it, we need to challenge the systems that make populations disposable and violence possible.
21 +Dillon 12 Stephen, Ph.D. candidate in American Studies at the University of Minnesota. August 28, 2012. darkmatter Journal. Genearl Issue 7. http://www.darkmatter101.org/site/2012/08/28/book-review-state-of-white-supremacy-darkmatter-journal/. SH
22 +The terrifying brilliance of contemporary white supremacy is that its breathtaking uneven distribution of life and death operates under an epistemological structure of invisibility. Premature death is cloaked under the rubric of choice, obscured by stories of personal failure, and narrated into naturalness by discourses of inevitability. For example, from 1991-2000 nearly one million African-American deaths could have been prevented were they provided the same access to medical technologies as their white counterparts.1 These deaths were not the outcome of random chance. As the authors of a 2004 article published in the American Journal of Public Health observe, the U.S. health system focuses more on medical advances than equity in care. While advances in medical technology in the 1990s averted 176,633 deaths, the deaths of 886,202 black people would have been prevented had systems of medical care been equalized instead of improved.2 The magnitude of these “slow deaths” confounds response because it is difficult to say exactly what happened and who is responsible.3 There is no sovereign issuing decrees requiring the eradication of unwanted populations, no solider gone wild with racist rage, and no legal system mandating segregation, neglect, or maltreatment. These deaths are forms of killing composed of “an agentless slow death” where the everyday drifts toward a premature ending: stress leads to one more drink, poverty to malnutrition, overwork to an unexpected sickness, quiet neglect to a small pain in the chest.4 An unimaginable system of racialized power makes slow death follow a rhythm that seems natural. The deaths of nearly one million people become inevitable in their normality, and invisible in their banality. How does one undo, let alone comprehend, a system of such ordinary and dispersed yet targeted racial violence? The power and urgency of the collection State of White Supremacy: Racism, Governance, and the United States, edited by Moon-Kie Jung, João H. Costa Vargas, and Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, becomes clear in this context. In an era when racism is imagined to be a relic of a past left behind by the enlightened progress of the post-Civil Rights state, the collection names white supremacy as a structural and animating logic to discursive, institutional, and interpersonal life in the United States. Perhaps most critically, the collection centers the state in its definition of white supremacy, which contributor Dylan Rodríguez calls an “internally complex, historically dynamic … substructure of social organization, state craft, and nation-building” (47-48). By understanding white supremacy as colluding with — but ultimately distinct from other analytics like heteropatriarchy and capitalism — the contributors explore how white supremacy affects immigration, education, popular culture, the war on terror, hate crimes legislation, and of course, the racial state. The essays are divided into three sections: “Genealogies of Racial Rule,” “Politics of Privilege and Punishment,” and “Territory and Terror”; the first section on genealogy offers a foundation for the subsequent sections. As Rodríguez observes, the study of race is often abstracted from “its constituting logic of white supremacist social dominance” (48) produced by a past that is often wished away by dominant thought. The collection centers studies of race within the larger structure of white supremacy that spans time and space, ensuring that race does not become naturalized or normalized. To that end, the introduction by editor Moon-Kie Jung provides an outline for the project as a whole by analyzing the development of what he calls the “U.S. empire-state.” By centering Empire in a reading of the Dred Scott case, Jung observes that a ruling concerning the citizenship of black people led to a reconsideration of the governance of Native and Mexican peoples. As he writes, “The racial subjection of one was related to the racial subjection of the other, evidencing a common field of white supremacy” (13). Thus, settler-colonialism and Empire were central to the domestic management of racialized populations, while the domestic was also central to racial rule abroad. Although it is not always clear how the concept of “empire-state” connects to the concerns of many of the essays, the introduction nevertheless makes a powerful argument for the use of the concept, and provides a broader historical backdrop to the collection as a whole. The first section builds off the introduction by continuing its concern with genealogy. However, the genealogies of racial domination outlined in the section’s three chapters lead to drastically different arguments. For example, Charles Mills argues that liberalism has always been a racial project and notes that for the concept to be recuperated, one must expose its racist foundations so that a “genuinely racially inclusive” liberalism can be reconstituted. In this way, a critical genealogy of liberalism that makes visible its intensely racialized logics can lead to a “revisionist liberalism” (45). Similarly, Eduardo Bonilla-Silva and Sarah Mayorga argue that, like liberalism, citizenship has always functioned as a racial apparatus for distributing material resources, safety, and belonging. For them, as long as the racial state exists, the citizen will bear “the mark of whiteness” (88). Like Mills, they call for the use of the category of citizenship in “the struggle for ultimate equality” where all “souls will truly become universal” (90). In contrast to these calls for reform, inclusion, and recuperation, Rodríguez offers a damning (and convincing) indictment of the category “human,” and implicitly, citizenship and liberalism. After offering a comparative analysis of Reconstruction-era testimonials of the Freedman’s Bureau and military testimonials concerning the colonization of the Philippines, Rodríguez argues that the death of the slave, the native, and the human Other is necessary to—and symbiotic with—the life of the white subject (or citizen and human). White supremacy continuously renders the deaths of the Other tolerable, acceptable, comfortable, and even joyful to liberalism, the citizen, and the human. Ending this relationship will not arrive by expanding the human, opening citizenship, or reforming liberalism. Instead, Rodríguez argues for the abolition of all three categories. If the citizen, liberalism, and the human are the products of white supremacy (and continue to reproduce white supremacy) then there is nothing to redeem. Instead of reforming technologies of subjection and subjugation, everything connected to white supremacy (or everything we know) must come to an end. Rodríguez’s call for a politics of abolition is complemented and extended by the essays in the second section, “Politics of Privilege and Punishment.” Here, the first two essays discuss racial discrimination in education. George Lipsitz provides a masterful reading of U.S. court cases (including a powerful rereading of Brown v. Board of Education) concerning racial discrimination in education to highlight how racism continues under the names equality, desegregation, and protection. As Lipsitz observes, the wording of Brown allows school districts to declare non-discriminatory intentions without taking reparative action. In this way, the state uses laws intended to end white supremacy in order to preserve it. Thus, the law (like the citizen and the human) is a not a vehicle of liberation but a tool of subjection. Lipsitz’s analysis of legal white supremacy authorized by Civil Rights legislation is complemented by the work of Sanford Schram, Richard Fording, and Joe Soss on what they term “neoliberal-paternalism.” Neoliberal paternalism apprehends the ways contemporary forms of poverty governance resurrect older modes of population management in order to connect them to more recent neoliberal modes of governance. Past forms of racialized state violence become sutured to newer forms of control and punishment. As more and more poor people of color abandoned by neoliberal restructuring are captured by an unprecedented regime of incarceration, welfare has increasingly mimicked the penal sphere. We might add the education system to the massive network of racialized state power outlined by Schram, Fording, and Soss. This almost unimaginable regime of racialized management and control produces a system where, as Joy James writes, “Whites are to be protected, and Black life is to be contained in order to protect whites and their property (both personal and public or institutional)” (169). These critiques of the state are powerfully extended by the work of Andrea Smith and João H. Costa Vargas in the book’s final section. Smith continues the collection’s critique of the law by observing that “genocide has never been against the law in the United States” because “Native Genocide has been expressly sanctioned as the law” (231). Like Rodríguez, Smith argues for a politics of abolition and undoing rather than reform and inclusion. In her analysis of hate crimes legislation, Smith argues that instead of making racialized and gendered violence illegal (given that racialized and gendered violence is already executed through the law in the prison, reservation, and the ghetto), we must make our organizing, theorizing, and teaching against the law. If the state is foundational to racialized, gendered, and heterosexist violence, then the state should not be the mediator of pain and grievance because “the state is now going to be the solution to the problem it created in the first place” (232). The work of João H. Costa Vargas complements this analysis by making clear the ways the law produces anti-black genocide. For Vargas, the black diaspora is a “geography of death” where the premature and preventable deaths of black people are authorized by a “cognitive matrix” that systematically renders black life devalued. Vargas would surely understand the preventable deaths produced by the medical industry as a form of genocide, namely because intent is not central to his theorization of the concept. Instead, creating or tolerating conditions that produce mass-based uneven vulnerability to premature death is genocidal, making white supremacy itself a genocidal project. Accordingly, genocide is at the core of our ethical standards, is foundational to modern politics, and is central to our cognitive apparatuses (269). To challenge genocide we must undo the epistemologies that support systems of value and disposability and make possible the slow deaths that are the “condition of possibility for our present subjectivities and modern politics” (269).
23 +
24 +Alt
25 +
26 +The alternative is to reject the aff and demand the end of the world. Only a constant refusal of the political coherence of civil society can articulate a response to antiblackness. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction and blackness can only be the total disconfiguration of civil society-not an alternative politics but the end of politics.
27 +Wilderson 2007 Frank B., “The Prison Slave as Hegemony’s Silent Scandal” in Warfare in the American Homeland ed. Joy James, p. 31-2
28 +Slavery is the great leveler of the black subjects positionality. The black American subject
29 +AND
30 +not by an unabashed revolutionary polemic, then certainly by a revolutionary zeitgeist.
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1 +Free speech on college campuses for white people is rooted in white supremacy and creates the myth of a post racial America.
2 +Downey 14 ~R. Jamaal Downey is a doctoral student at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst.~ 3-11-2014, "The Paradox of Free Speech within the Context of White Supremacy -," Racism Review, http://www.racismreview.com/blog/2014/03/11/paradox-free-speech-within-context-white-supremacy/ HSLASC
3 +
4 +The ability of some white people to shout a single word to enact such rage AND must succumb to their freedom of speech embedded in White Supremacy.
5 +
6 +Allowing free speech on college campuses gives people the ability to say and thus do offensive stuff to oppressed people without suffering consequences. Their claims to social change are a joke, even if they open the potential for change, look at America, what’s really gonna happen when we open the floodgates for speech,
7 +Raible 09 ~Dr. John W. Raible received his doctorate from the University of Massachusetts Amherst in Teacher Education and Curriculum Studies, concentrating in Language, Literacy, and Culture.~ 3-18-2009, "‘White people have no freedom of speech’," Resist racism, https://resistracism.wordpress.com/2009/03/18/white-people-have-no-freedom-of-speech/ HSLASC
8 +
9 +So why do white people want freedom of speech? AND a headdress and dance around barefoot.
10 +
11 +The idea that white people can say and do what they want reinforces a heteropatriarchal racist culture in white men in specific that legitimizes sexual and racial violence against women, black men and muslims. This is specifically true on college campuses.
12 +Kohn 16 Sally Kohn, Cnn Political Commentator, 3-27-2015, "The danger society doesn't talk about," CNN, http://www.cnn.com/2015/03/19/opinions/kohn-young-white-men/index.html
13 +Police in Pennsylvania are investigating the Delta Kappa Rho fraternity at Penn State University regarding
14 +AND
15 +of a broader, troubling trend that has for too long been overlooked.
16 +
17 +Alt- Do the aff except restrict free speech for bougie straight white men on college campuses. Sally Kohn a CNN editor is the solvency advocate- this is the best methodology for making people in power check their privilege
18 +Berrien 16 ~Hank Berrien, The Daily Wire is an American news and conservative opinion website founded in 2015 by political commentator Ben Shapiro, who currently serves as Editor-in-chief.~ 9-18-2016, "Sally Kohn Rips Free Speech For Whites," Daily Wire, http://www.dailywire.com/news/9236/sally-kohn-rips-free-speech-whites-hank-berrien HSLASC
19 +Leftist CNN contributor Sally Kohn revealed how clearly the left hates free speech on Friday
20 +AND
21 +or the greatness and exceptionalism of America. I’m happy that’s under assault.”
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