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+Russia’s economy is on the brink of collapse |
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+Motyl ‘16: Motyl, Alexander. “Lights Out for the Putin Regime.” Foreign Affairs, January 27, 2016. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/russian-federation/2016-01-27/lights-out-putin-regime. |
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+Russian President Vladimir Putin used to seem invincible. Today, he and his regime look enervated, confused, and desperate. Increasingly, both Russian and Western commentators suggest that Russia may be on the verge of deep instability, possibly even collapse. This perceptual shift is unsurprising. Last year, Russia was basking in the glow of its annexation of Crimea and aggression in the Donbas. The economy, although stagnant, seemed stable. Putin was running circles around Western policymakers and domestic critics. His popularity was sky-high. Now it is only Putin’s popularity that remains; everything else has turned for the worse. Crimea and the Donbas are economic hellholes and huge drains on Russian resources. The war with Ukraine has stalemated. Energy prices are collapsing, and the Russian economy is in recession. Putin’s punitive economic measures against Ukraine, Turkey, and the West have only harmed the Russian economy further. Meanwhile, the country’s intervention in Syria is poised to become a quagmire. Things are probably much worse for Russia than this cursory survey of negative trends suggests. The country is weathering three crises brought about by Putin’s rule—and Russia’s foreign-policy misadventures in Ukraine and Syria are only exacerbating them. |
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+Next, Russian Nuclear Energy Industry will be able to revitalize Russia’s Economy |
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+Khan ‘15: Taimoor Khan, 10-31-2015, "Russia Dominating Nuclear Energy Market," ValueWalk, http://www.valuewalk.com/2015/10/russia-dominating-nuclear-energy-market/ |
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+In short, Russian nuclear diplomacy has penetrated the international stage in such a manner that its nuclear energy provision capabilities are now in demand, and this demand will continue to grow as time progresses. It is also interesting to note that countries that have signed on to Rosatom nuclear agreements span across all corners of the globe except for North America and Australia. Moreover, every signatory is strategically placed, so there is definitely more than meets the eye to these deals. As of 2014, Russia had promised the construction of 29 reactors abroad, and Rosatom is confident that within a few years, the number will grow to around 80, which is not surprising to see considering how far ahead Russia is in nuclear energy provision. And although the likes of the United States and France have the right nuclear know-how to do exactly what Russia is doing, neither nation nor any entity outside of Russia has sought to really capitalize on the global demand for nuclear energy. Moreover, Russian dominance of the global nuclear energy sector has important geopolitical connotations, both in the medium and long term. Nuclear energy to revive its economy Russia’s success at maintaining pre-Fukushima nuclear power agreements means that it has been able to broaden its international NPP roll-out in a manner that has changed the notion of the supposed decline of nuclear energy that was much discussed following the Fukushima disaster. And Moscow’s success in securing several NPP contracts is a clear indicator that in the coming years, nuclear energy requirements will rise and match renewable energy requirements on an equal footing. Moreover, sending nuclear power to all corners of the globe gives Moscow plenty of economic gains. According to the U.S. Department of Commerce, Russia stands to gain around $740 billion in revenues through nuclear power technologies between now and 2025. Combined with the fact that Rosatom has no other comparable international competitor, it can make swaths of revenue for the Kremlin. Today, Russia’s otherwise-fractured economy is relying on oil and gas and now nuclear energy to hold things together. |
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+Affirming prohibits Russia from exporting and producing nuclear energy, thus the aff will push Russia’s econ over the brink and cause collapse |
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+Next, Russian economic downturn will disrupt the world economy and influence world oil prices |
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+Cooper ‘8: (William, Congressional Research Service Specialist in International Trade and Finance Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division, “Russia’s Economic Performance and Policies and Their Implications for the United States,” May 30, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL34512.pdf) |
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+The greater importance of Russia’s economic policies and prospects to the United States lie in their indirect effect on the overall economic and political environment in which the United States and Russia operate. From this perspective, Russia’s continuing economic stability and growth can be considered positive for the United States. Because financial markets are interrelated, chaos in even some of the smaller economies can cause uncertainty throughout the rest of the world. Such was the case during Russia’s financial meltdown in 1998. Promotion of economic stability in Russia has been a basis for U.S. support for Russia’s membership in international economic organizations, including the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and the World Trade Organization (WTO). As a major oil producer and exporter, Russia influences world oil prices that affect U.S. consumers. |
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+And, empirically econ collapse leads to food shortages and becomes a hopeless fight for the victim |
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+Holodny ‘16: Elena Holodny, 6-20-2016, "87 of Venezuelans say they don't have money to buy enough food," Business Insider, http://www.businessinsider.com/venezuela-economic-crisis-leads-to-food-shortages-2016-6 |
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+Venezuela's economic collapse has led to mass hunger in the country. In a bombshell New York Times report, Nicholas Casey notes that, according to the most recent assessment of living standards by Simón Bolívar University, a whopping 87 of Venezuelans now say that they don't have money to buy enough food. Moreover, he reports that 72 of monthly wages are being allocated just to food, according to the Center for Documentation and Social Analysis. And these numbers are translating into action. Casey reports that, over the last two weeks, there have been over 50 food riots, protests, and mass lootings in the country. "During Carnival, we used to throw eggs at each other just to have some fun," 24-year-old Gabriel Márquez told The Times. "Now an egg is like gold." The Times report comes at a time when Venezuela continues to struggle with an economic crisis resulting from a deadly cocktail of a mismanaged economy and lower oil prices. Venezuela, an OPEC member and keeper of the largest oil reserves in the world, heavily relies on the commodity for its export revenues. Things went south after oil prices collapsed in 2014, especially because higher prices previously funded many of the government's social programs. Over the last few months, President Nicolás Maduro has tried out some unorthodox things in response to the economic catastrophe, including changing the time zone to make more favorable daylight hours, urging women to cut use of hair dryers to save electricity, and forcing holidays for state employees. He also declared a 60-day state of emergency in mid-May because of "what he called plots from Venezuela and the United States to subvert him," according to Reuters. Notably, Venezuela's economic future is not looking very bright. Central-bank data suggests that Venezuela's gross domestic product contracted by 5.7 in 2015, and International Monetary Fund figures forecast that it will shrink by 8 in 2016. Inflation is around 180.9 — the second highest in the world — and is expected to rise to a mind-blowing 720 in 2016, according to a January estimate from the IMF. Plus, RBC Capital Markets' Helima Croft previously noted that the country is also flirting with a potential debt crisis. "Perhaps no country in OPEC has suffered such a severe economic shock amid the collapse in oil prices as Venezuela," she wrote in February. "Political challenges and mounting debt continue to stress an already challenging situation and there appears to be no end in sight," she added later in May. |
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+Next, Food Shortages increase structural violence |
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+Colbert ‘14: Colbert, Edward. “Violence and The Global Food Economy: Food Sovereignty as a Precondition for Genuine Food Security.” University of Leeds, 2014. http://www.polis.leeds.ac.uk/assets/files/students/student-journal/Summer-2014/Colbert-Violence-global-food-economy.pdf. |
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+This quote does not do justice to the force by which accumulation by dispossession occurs as it suggests that producers may choose to leave or sell their land, rather than facing forced evictions. Nonetheless its tone suggests that the reduction in production entitlements of the rural poor is an inevitable outcome of the continued growth of the global food economy. Although the FAO was cautious to commit to any certainty on agrarian questions it appears that at least some form of dispossession was planned. Escobar argues that ‘planning’, in the context of ‘progress’, “requires a degree of normalization and standardization of reality, which in turn entails injustice and the erasure of difference and diversity” (1992:147). Such thinking has become normalised as a result of the ideology of developmentalism imposed on countries in the Global South. This ideology is “exclusively concerned with the conversion of nature into a resource and the use of natural resources for commodity production and capital accumulation” and it “ignores the requirements of the huge numbers of people whose needs are not being satisfied through market mechanisms” (Shiva, 1992:239). Just as the English enclosure movement pushed people off the land as a planned means of controlling surplus people, this thinking informs current day food security policies and so continues to promote violence in the food system by disconnecting people from the land (Handy and Fehr 2010:45, 51). As the contemporary concept of food security has become ‘normalised’ during the latter half of the 20th century (Lang and Barling 2012:315), so too has the structural violence of the global food economy. Handy and Fehr put the point somewhat more bluntly in arguing that food securitisation, “confronts a crisis in food production by driving more producers from the land, addresses the fragility of the current system of agricultural production by advocating more of the same and combats rural poverty by turning the rural poor into even poorer urban dwellers!” (2010:45) The insistence that food security should be a matter of global rather than local concern is a further flaw in the fight against hunger. Global solutions for local problems reduce the genuine food security of people in different nations (Esteva and Prakash, 1997:280). Food security as a global policy encourages the growth of food for export (to feed the world) rather than domestic consumption and thus makes producers and consumers vulnerable to international price fluctuations. This policy favours large-scale producers and agribusinesses over indigenous people and small-scale farmers (Mittal and Krishnan, 1997:202). Food security is therefore concerned with the securitisation of exchange entitlements as a means to purchase food as a commodity. The fact that this commodity is of absolute necessity for life, yet access to it is dependent on adequate exchange entitlements, demonstrates the way in which ‘food security’ benefits winners at the expense of losers. In light of this paper’s definition of violence, food security can be seen to reduce life-sustaining processes by influencing the actions of individuals in a way that greatly diminishes their potential realisations (Galtung, 1969:168; Kim, 1984:181). Levels of exchange entitlements vary in different locations both domestically and globally. This means that an individual’s vulnerability to food insecurity is increased as a result of structural violence; however, this is not just a concern for the poorest populations of the Global South. The slow violence of food import dependencies across the Global North has shifted food policies away from encouraging production entitlements almost entirely towards a dependence on exchange entitlements. This reduction in the ability of a population to feed itself, coupled with the increased violence of the system towards producers of food in the Global South, hence creates vulnerability for future food shortages and thus greater violence. If food security supports the structural violence of the global food economy, and therefore promotes negative peace (Galtung, 1969), does food sovereignty offer an alternative for positive peace within the food supply chain? |