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+ANALYTICS |
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+Taking up a subject position makes us violently categorize and objectify Others instead of being independent creators of value. PARRISH: |
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+Derrida`s Economy of Violence in Hobbes` Social Contract, Richard Parrish |
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+But this argument AND as a Face. |
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+Three impacts: a) Analytic b) Analytic c) because we are bound by perspectival experiences, any claim of justice must be created by humans, not systems of duties. PARRISH 2: |
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+Derrida`s Economy of Violence in Hobbes` Social Contract, Richard Parrish |
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+Perhaps the single AND as extrinsic facts. |
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+And, we must always be aware that there is a radical possibility of failure and violence inherent in the heart of identity and responsibility. Denying this denies the basis of morality itself. HAGGLUND: |
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+Hagglund, Martin. 2006. “The Necessity of Discrimination: Disjoining Derrida and Levinas.” diacritics 34 (1): 40–71. |
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+The utopian dream AND himself be guided. |
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+Two impacts: ANALYTICS |
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+However, individual people can’t truly define meaning because anyone solving for violence defines terms to help themself, but doesn’t allow for communal norms sharing. The responsibility to reconcile different ideologies of just and unjust falls onto the most powerful entity. This sovereign must reconcile differences and dictate the normative system. PARRISH 3: |
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+Derrida`s Economy of Violence in Hobbes` Social Contract, Richard Parrish |
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+All of the AND the natural condition. |
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+Therefore, the standard is consistency with the will of the sovereign. Prefer it additionally, 2 reasons: |
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+1) It’s impossible to escape the aff framework, because whenever a sovereign is removed, each person becomes their own sovereign and must attempt to force others under their will until someone prevails and becomes the sovereign. PARRISH 4: |
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+Derrida`s Economy of Violence in Hobbes` Social Contract, Richard Parrish |
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+But even more AND creator of meaning. |
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+Three impacts: ANALYTICS |
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+2)ANALYTICS |
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+I advocate that the maxim of lifting restrictions on constitutionally protected speech in public colleges and universities of the United States and all relevant territories ought to be adopted generally. I defend the intent of lifting restrictions on constitutionally protected speech, so consequences are irrelevant, but I will accept neg preferences on specificity and implementation if you ask in CX or prep as long as it doesn’t abandon the maxim of the 1AC. |
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+Now affirm: |
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+Public colleges and universities are owned by the sovereign. DOUGLAS: |
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+M. Douglas, 3-6-2006, "Public and Private: What's the Difference?," , https://www.insidehighered.com/views/2006/03/06/lombardi |
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+American colleges and AND private and public entities. |
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+And, the Constitution represents the will of the sovereign. CORNELL: |
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+James Madison "United States Constitution" Sep 17, 1787 Article VI https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/articlevi |
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+This Constitution, and AND the contrary notwithstanding. |
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+This affirms- First Amendment proves. CORNELL 2: |
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+United States Congress "Bill of Rights" Sep 17, 1787 First Amendment https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/first_amendment |
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+Congress shall make AND redress of grievances. |
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+Implications: |
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+ANALYTICS |
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+2 Saying the sovereign has the obligation to keep restrictions is incoherent- the sovereign’s only obligation is to define our ethical beliefs. Due to this the sovereign is necessarily above the law and has absolute power. This means that even if they prove that the sovereign restrict speech codes, the sovereign’s keeping restrictions is merely permissible, not the result of an obligation. HOBBES: |
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+Thomas Hobbes — philosopher, historian, ethicist, geometrician, squarer of the circle — Leviathan, selected variants from the Latin edition of 1668, ed. w/ intro by Edwin Curley, Hackett. p. 133 |
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+This is absolute AND the legislative power. |