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1 +====My relationship to the other, although reciprocal, is irreversible and asymmetrical – meaning that I cannot know your perspective. ====
2 +
3 +
4 +====Young====
5 +**~~Iris Marion Young, University of Chicago, "ASYMMETRICAL RECIPROCITY: ON MORAL RESPECT, WONDER, AND ENLARGED THOUGHT". FEMINISM AND THE PUBLIC SPHERE. Constellations Volume 3, No 3, 1997~~**
6 +The theory of subjectivity Benhabib refers to in this passage holds that each person’s identity
7 +AND
8 +of experiences when I try to put myself in the other person’s place.
9 +
10 +====And, social groups and materiality are an integral part of an individual’s identity as these structures exist ontologically and temporally prior to the individual and condition them as a source of freedom and constraint; however, since they have agency, they can choose how they respond or relate to those conditions and groups. ====
11 +
12 +
13 +====Young 2====
14 +**~~Iris Marion Young, Professor of Political Science, University of Chicago, "INCLUSION AND DEMOCRACY", OXFORD POLITICAL THEORY, 2000~~**
15 +An important strand of social theory describes individual subjectivity and identity as constituted or ~~
16 +AND
17 +so on, which are sources of both possibilities of action and constraint.
18 +
19 +
20 +====Since, we cannot reverse perspectives, and because we are already committed to the ethical relationship in virtue of being social agents, the only possible ethical relationship is to aim to understand meaning we must recognize difference to enhance the perspectives available.====
21 +
22 +
23 +====Young 3====
24 +**~~Iris Marion Young, Professor of Political Science, University of Chicago, "INCLUSION AND DEMOCRACY", OXFORD POLITICAL THEORY, 2000~~**
25 +Inclusion of and attention to socially differentiated positions in democratic discussion tends to correct biases
26 +AND
27 +can lead to a better understanding of the requirements of justice.
28 +
29 +====Thus, the standard is embracing the inclusion of difference. ====
30 +
31 +
32 +====Prefer additionally because inclusion is a pre-requisite to solving oppression. ====
33 +
34 +
35 +====Young 4====
36 +**~~Iris Marion Young, Professor of Political Science, University of Chicago, "INCLUSION AND DEMOCRACY", OXFORD POLITICAL THEORY, 2000~~**
37 +Impedes political communication. In Chapter 1 I traced the circle that often goes from
38 +AND
39 +the problems they generate, and the priorities they should have for action.
40 +
41 +
42 +==Advocacy==
43 +
44 +
45 +====Resolved: Countries will phase out nuclear power by 2030. ====
46 +
47 +
48 +====Lucas 12====
49 +**~~Caroline Lucas 12 (MP for Brighton Pavilion and a member of the cross-party parliamentary environment audit committee). "Why We Must Phase Out Nuclear Power". The Gaurdian, 17 Feb 2012. https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2012/feb/17/phase-out-nuclear-power~~ RC**
50 +The inherent risk in the use of nuclear energy, as well as the related
51 +AND
52 +
53 +====Nuclear power requires that the interests of privileged groups be prioritized over those who are different from them. This not only physically marginalizes these groups, but it excludes their perspectives and ignores their voices in politics. Nuclear power is inextricably linked to the destruction of forms of knowledge. ====
54 +
55 +
56 +====Wise 93====
57 +**~~The WISE-Amsterdam Collective, "Environmental Racism and Nuclear Development," Nuclear Monitor Issue: ~~#387-388. March 28, 1993~~
58 +
59 +http://www.earthisland.org/journal/index.php/eij/article/letters_emails
60 +
61 +By another irony, it happens that the majority of the world's uranium reserves are
62 +AND
63 +lives and interests of those groups of people it considers of low value.
64 +
65 +
66 +====Exploitation occurs at all phases of the nuclear power production cycle. Stopping the production of nuclear power is a necessary step in forcing the governments and societies responsible for this exclusion to recognize these groups as agents worthy of being included. ====
67 +
68 +
69 +====Ferguson 11====
70 +**~~Laura Ferguson, environmental activist and editorialist. "Radioactive Racism" http://www.earthisland.org/journal/index.php/eij/article/letters_emails
71 +Stewart Brand’s promotion of atomic power, ("Nuclear Power is Safe, Sound and
72 +AND
73 +such issues and not be fooled by claims of "green and clean."
74 +
75 +
76 +====Those living in poverty are likely to bear the brunt of is problems associated with nuclear power, thus certain demographics are excluded from consideration and their perspectives are rendered irrelevant. This is empirically proven in the Fukushima Disaster. ====
77 +
78 +
79 +====Shrader-Frechette 12====
80 +**~~Kristin Shrader-Frechette. Dr. Shrader-Frechette is O’Neill Family Endowed Professor, Department of Biological Sciences and Department of Philosophy, and also the director of the Center for Environmental Justice and Children’s Health, at the University of Notre Dame in Indiana. "Nuclear Catastrophe, Disaster-Related Environmental Injustice, and Fukushima, Japan: Prima-Facie Evidence for a Japanese Katrina" ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE Volume 5, Number 3, 2012~~**
81 +University scientists, nuclear-industry experts, and physicians say FD radiation will cause
82 +AND
83 +are EI victims whose reactor proximity caused them also to become DREI victims.
84 +
85 +
86 +====Workers at nuclear facilities are often forced to work in dangerous conditions and face exclusion because of the nature of their work. ====
87 +
88 +
89 +====Shrader-Frechette 2====
90 +**~~Kristin Shrader-Frechette. Dr. Shrader-Frechette is O’Neill Family Endowed Professor, Department of Biological Sciences and Department of Philosophy, and also the director of the Center for Environmental Justice and Children’s Health, at the University of Notre Dame in Indiana. "Nuclear Catastrophe, Disaster-Related Environmental Injustice, and Fukushima, Japan: Prima-Facie Evidence for a Japanese Katrina" ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE Volume 5, Number 3, 2012~~ **
91 +Prima-facie evidence likewise shows buraku nuclear workers are both E~~nvironmetal~~
92 +AND
93 +be fulfilled—a fact also suggesting prima-facie DREI toward buraku.
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1 +My relationship to the other, although reciprocal, is irreversible and asymmetrical – meaning that I cannot know your perspective.
2 +Young
3 +~Iris Marion Young, University of Chicago, "ASYMMETRICAL RECIPROCITY: ON MORAL RESPECT, WONDER, AND ENLARGED THOUGHT". FEMINISM AND THE PUBLIC SPHERE. Constellations Volume 3, No 3, 1997~
4 +The theory of subjectivity Benhabib refers to in this passage holds that each person’s identity
5 +AND
6 +of experiences when I try to put myself in the other person’s place.
7 +
8 +And, social groups and materiality are an integral part of an individual’s identity as these structures exist ontologically and temporally prior to the individual and condition them as a source of freedom and constraint; however, since they have agency, they can choose how they respond or relate to those conditions and groups.
9 +Young 2
10 +~Iris Marion Young, Professor of Political Science, University of Chicago, "INCLUSION AND DEMOCRACY", OXFORD POLITICAL THEORY, 2000~
11 +An important strand of social theory describes individual subjectivity and identity as constituted or ~
12 +AND
13 +so on, which are sources of both possibilities of action and constraint.
14 +
15 +Since, we cannot reverse perspectives, and because we are already committed to the ethical relationship in virtue of being social agents, the only possible ethical relationship is to aim to understand meaning we must recognize difference to enhance the perspectives available.
16 +Young 3
17 +~Iris Marion Young, Professor of Political Science, University of Chicago, "INCLUSION AND DEMOCRACY", OXFORD POLITICAL THEORY, 2000~
18 +Inclusion of and attention to socially differentiated positions in democratic discussion tends to correct biases
19 +AND
20 +can lead to a better understanding of the requirements of justice.
21 +
22 +Thus, the standard is embracing the inclusion of difference.
23 +Prefer additionally because inclusion is a pre-requisite to solving oppression.
24 +Young 4
25 +~Iris Marion Young, Professor of Political Science, University of Chicago, "INCLUSION AND DEMOCRACY", OXFORD POLITICAL THEORY, 2000~
26 +Impedes political communication. In Chapter 1 I traced the circle that often goes from
27 +AND
28 +the problems they generate, and the priorities they should have for action.
29 +
30 +Advocacy
31 +Resolved: Countries will phase out nuclear power by 2030.
32 +Lucas 12
33 +~Caroline Lucas 12 (MP for Brighton Pavilion and a member of the cross-party parliamentary environment audit committee). "Why We Must Phase Out Nuclear Power". The Gaurdian, 17 Feb 2012. https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2012/feb/17/phase-out-nuclear-power~~ RC
34 +The inherent risk in the use of nuclear energy, as well as the related
35 +AND
36 +
37 +Nuclear power requires that the interests of privileged groups be prioritized over those who are different from them. This not only physically marginalizes these groups, but it excludes their perspectives and ignores their voices in politics. Nuclear power is inextricably linked to the destruction of forms of knowledge.
38 +Wise 93
39 +~The WISE-Amsterdam Collective, "Environmental Racism and Nuclear Development," Nuclear Monitor Issue: ~#387-388. March 28, 1993~
40 +
41 +http://www.earthisland.org/journal/index.php/eij/article/letters_emails
42 +
43 +
44 +By another irony, it happens that the majority of the world's uranium reserves are
45 +AND
46 +lives and interests of those groups of people it considers of low value.
47 +
48 +Exploitation occurs at all phases of the nuclear power production cycle. Stopping the production of nuclear power is a necessary step in forcing the governments and societies responsible for this exclusion to recognize these groups as agents worthy of being included.
49 +Ferguson 11
50 +~Laura Ferguson, environmental activist and editorialist. "Radioactive Racism" http://www.earthisland.org/journal/index.php/eij/article/letters_emails
51 +Stewart Brand’s promotion of atomic power, ("Nuclear Power is Safe, Sound and
52 +AND
53 +such issues and not be fooled by claims of "green and clean."
54 +
55 +
56 +====And, the prohibition is key. Norms of exclusion depend upon the reproduction of their usage through frames, such as the manipulation and underdetermination of data. Our stance must impede upon the reproduction of this frame, which requires we recognize that nuclear power is inseparable from its norms of usage. ====
57 +
58 +
59 +====Butler 09====
60 +**"Frames of War" by Judith Butler 2009 UH-DD**
61 +"The frame that seeks to contain, convey, and determine what is seen
62 +AND
63 +critical and exuberant release from the force of illegitimate authority?" 10-11
64 +
65 +
66 +====And, the prohibition is key. Historical injustice commits us to historical rectification. This means we undo what has historically caused the problem. ====
67 +
68 +
69 +====Mills 14====
70 +**("White Time: The chronic Injustice of Ideal Theory" Du Bois Review. 2014 )**
71 +"Would it be in the least surprising, then, if the version of
72 +AND
73 +altered not metaphysically but representationally, gated out of their moral consideration."
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1 +Framework
2 +Mutual recognition is a pre-requisite to ethical interactions. This entails that I recognize that to you I am “other” just as you are other to me– put simply; it requires that I recognize you as an agent and vice-versa. This structure of recognition is a necessary condition for communicative interaction, which is an intrinsic feature of ethics because these are inherently inter-subjective.
3 +
4 +My relationship to the other, although reciprocal, is irreversible and asymmetrical – meaning that I cannot know your perspective.
5 +Young
6 +Iris Marion Young, University of Chicago, “ASYMMETRICAL RECIPROCITY: ON MORAL RESPECT, WONDER, AND ENLARGED THOUGHT”. FEMINISM AND THE PUBLIC SPHERE. Constellations Volume 3, No 3, 1997
7 +The theory of subjectivity Benhabib refers to in this passage holds that each person’s identity is a product of her interactive relations with others. Through my interaction with others I experience how I am an “other” for them, and I internalize this objectification to myself through others in the formulation of my own self-conception. By this knowledge that they have a perspective on me that is different from my immediate experience of myself, I experience them as subjects, as ‘I’s. This relation of self and other, however, is specifically asymmetrical and irreversible, even though it is reciprocal. The reciprocal recognition by which I know that I am other for you just as you are other for me cannot entail a reversibility of perspectives, precisely because our positions are partly constituted by the perspectives each of us has on the others. Who we are is constituted to a considerable extent by the relations in which we stand to others, along with our past experience of our relations with others. Thus the standpoint of each of us in a particular situation is partly a result of our experience of the other people’s perspectives on us. It is hard to see how any of us could suspend our perspective mediated by our relations to others, in order to adopt their perspectives mediated by their relation to us. The infinity of the dialectical process of selves in relation to others both makes it impossible to suspend our own positioning, and leaves an excess of experiences when I try to put myself in the other person’s place.
8 +
9 +This means that there is no neutral point of view since our relation to the others always influences our perspective. Even in trying to understand the other by identifying common features and experiences we are relating them to our own experience and perspective. This means it is not similarity that is important in understand, rather difference is what is relevant to gaining insight on the perspective of the other and undergoing mutual recognition with them. It is how we are able to identity ourselves in relation with the other.
10 +
11 +Additionally, any attempt to reverse perspectives is an attempt at impartiality because it requires the agent ignore their own biases and recognize the differences of all others, which is impossible. Only an oppressor is in a position that allows them to impose their partial view as impartial. Thus, attempting to reverse perspectives is an attempt to dominate.
12 +
13 +And, social groups and materiality are an integral part of an individual’s identity as these structures exist ontologically and temporally prior to the individual and condition them as a source of freedom and constraint; however, since they have agency, they can choose how they respond or relate to those conditions and groups.
14 +Young 2
15 +Iris Marion Young, Professor of Political Science, University of Chicago, “INCLUSION AND DEMOCRACY”, OXFORD POLITICAL THEORY, 2000
16 +An important strand of social theory describes individual subjectivity and identity as constituted or is conditioned by the social relations into which a person is born and grows up, and through which he or she moves in his or her life. Social relationships, institutions, and structures are prior to individual subjects, both temporally and ontologically. A person encounters an already structured configuration of power, resource allocation, status norms, and culturally differentiated practices. Particular individuals occupy particular positions in these fields. The positioning of individuals occurs through processes of communicative interaction in which persons identify one another as belonging to certain social categories, as standing in specific relations to themselves or others, and enforce norms and expectations in relation to one another. While no individual is in exactly the same position as any other, agents are ‘closer’ or ‘farther’ from one another in their location with respect to the relations that structure that field. Agents who are similarly positioned experience similar constraints or enablements, particular modes of expression and affinity, in social relations. Persons are thrown into a world with a given history of sedimented meanings and material landscape, and interaction with others in the social field locates us in terms of the given meanings, expected activities, institutional rules, and their consequences. We find ourselves positioned in relations of class, gender, race, nationality, religion, and so on, which are sources of both possibilities of action and constraint.
17 +
18 +Since, we cannot reverse perspectives, and because we are already committed to the ethical relationship in virtue of being social agents, the only possible ethical relationship is to aim to understand meaning we must recognize difference to enhance the perspectives available.
19 +Young 3
20 +Iris Marion Young, Professor of Political Science, University of Chicago, “INCLUSION AND DEMOCRACY”, OXFORD POLITICAL THEORY, 2000
21 +Inclusion of and attention to socially differentiated positions in democratic discussion tends to correct biases and situate the partial perspective of participants in debate. Confrontation with different perspectives, interests, and cultural meanings teaches each the partiality of their own and reveals to them their own experience as perspectival. Listening to those differently situated from myself and my close associates teaches me how my situation looks to them, in what relation they think I stand to them. Such a contextualizing of perspective is especially important for groups that have power, authority, or privilege. Those in structurally superior positions not only take their experience, preferences, and opinions to be general, uncontroversial, ordinary, and even an expression of suffering or disadvantage, as we all do, but also have the power to represent these as general norms. Having to answer to others who speak from different, less privileged, perspectives on their social relations exposes their partiality and relative blindness. By including multiple perspectives, and not simply two that might be in direct contention over an issue, we take a giant step towards enlarging thought. Where there are differences in interests, values, or judgements between members of two interdependent but differently positioned groups, the fact that both must be accountable to differently situated others further removed from those relations can motivate each to reflect on fairness to all. Where such exposure to the public judgement and criticism of multiply situated others does not lead them to shut down dialogue and instead leads some to try to force their preferences on policy, this process can lead to a better understanding of the requirements of justice.
22 +
23 +Thus, the standard is embracing the inclusion of difference.
24 +
25 +Standard Analysis: The framework isn’t concerned with consequences; rather it values our efforts to orient ourselves to a more inclusive mindset. It is concerned with the removal of structural barriers that exclude certain perspectives.
26 +
27 +The role of the ballot is to endorse the best methodology for including difference.
28 +Young 4
29 +Iris Marion Young, Professor of Political Science, University of Chicago, “INCLUSION AND DEMOCRACY”, OXFORD POLITICAL THEORY, 2000
30 +As I indicated earlier, the third major question this book takes up concerns the scope of the polity. I agree that societies and political institutions enact some of their most grievous exclusions by the way they define political jurisdictions themselves—who has a right to influence their operations and who does not. Chapter 6 examines how local politics often perpetuates segregation and other harms by allowing discrete autonomous municipalities within regions of significant interdependence. Chapter 7 argues along with Goodin and others that the nation-state is an inappropriately exclusive political form, and that inclusive politics in our world normatively requires a more open system of global regulation and local and regional interaction. There is also some point to the objection that much of the way contemporary social critics call for inclusion seems to cover too much. Especially in Europe a myriad of problems seem to come under the general umbrella of ‘social exclusion’, and this language of exclusion sometimes seems to be a euphemism for the presence of misfits, particularly immigrants experienced as racially or culturally different and unemployed youth. The promotion of inclusion in some of this discourse, or ‘social cohesion’, as it is sometimes called, refers to a diverse set of policies, social services, and civic education aimed to support such populations and ease their interaction with better-off citizens. Policies and policy proposals in this context, however, sometimes appear to aim at making social and economic deviants fit into dominant norms and institutions, as well as to give them opportunities for political participation, educational development, and welfare benefits. Suspicion of such attitudes that require adjustment returns us to the first objection. The concepts of exclusion and inclusion lose meaning if they are used to label all problems of social conflict and injustice. Where the problems are racism, cultural intolerance, economic exploitation, or a refusal to help needy people, they should be so named. My subject in this book is political exclusion and marginalization in particular, and I aim to theorize principles and ideals of political inclusion based on common critical reactions to such political exclusion. I focus on political processes that claim to be democratic but which some people reasonably claim are dominated by only some of those whose interests are affected by them. If inclusion in decision-making is a core of the democratic ideal, then, to the extent that such political exclusions exist, democratic societies do not live up to their promise. Cultural intolerance, racism, sexism, economic exploitation and deprivation, and other social and economic inequalities help to account for these political exclusions. For the most part this book assumes such causal relations between social and economic inequality, on the one hand, and political in equality, on the other, without theorizing those other inequalities in any detail.
31 +
32 +Prefer additionally because inclusion is a pre-requisite to solving oppression.
33 +Young 5
34 +Iris Marion Young, Professor of Political Science, University of Chicago, “INCLUSION AND DEMOCRACY”, OXFORD POLITICAL THEORY, 2000
35 +Impedes political communication. In Chapter 1 I traced the circle that often goes from structural social inequality to political inequality, so that a formally democratic process often operates to reinforce structural inequality. Formally democratic processes do seem often to reinforce rather than undermine the harms of segregation, partly because the processes exclude and marginalize members of segregated groups from political influence.21 To the extent that privileged groups often dominate the public policy process, these policies often fail to notice and address the harms of segregation; as we have seen above, often public policies sometimes even magnify the harms of segregation. In earlier chapters I have argued that inclusive communicative democracy is one of the only ways to break this circle by which formally democratic politics reinforces structural social inequality. The theory of communicative democracy says that policy change to undermine structural inequality is more likely to occur if subordinated groups are politically mobilized and included as equals in a process of discussing issues and problems that lead to decisions. If some people suffer injustices, the first step in redressing them is being able to make claims upon others in a shared public forum that together they should take action to address these problems. If those with such claims can participate equally with members of dominant groups in political discussion and decision-making, they may be able to change the way others see the social relations in which they stand together, the problems they generate, and the priorities they should have for action.
36 +
37 +Advocacy
38 +Resolved: Countries will phase out nuclear power by 2030.
39 +Lucas 12
40 +Caroline Lucas 12 (MP for Brighton Pavilion and a member of the cross-party parliamentary environment audit committee). “Why We Must Phase Out Nuclear Power”. The Gaurdian, 17 Feb 2012. https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2012/feb/17/phase-out-nuclear-power RC
41 +The inherent risk in the use of nuclear energy, as well as the related proliferation of nuclear technologies, can and does have disastrous consequences. The only certain way to eliminate this potentially devastating risk is to phase out nuclear power altogether. Some countries appear to have learnt this lesson. In Germany, the government changed course in the aftermath of Fukushima and decided to go ahead with a previously agreed phase out of nuclear power. Many scenarios now foresee Germany sourcing 100 of its power needs from renewables by 2030. Meanwhile Italian citizens voted against plans to go nuclear with a 90 majority. The same is not yet true in Japan. Although only three out of its 54 nuclear reactors are online and generating power, while the Japanese authorities conduct "stress tests", the government hopes to reopen almost all of these and prolong the working life of a number of its ageing reactors by to up to 60 years.
42 +However, implementation is irrelevant to the framework, so I’ll be willing to concede any reasonable interps in CX to avoid frivolous theory.
43 +Offense
44 +Nuclear power requires that the interests of privileged groups be prioritized over those who are different from them. This not only physically marginalizes these groups, but it excludes their perspectives and ignores their voices in politics. Nuclear power is inextricably linked to the destruction of forms of knowledge.
45 +Wise 93
46 +The WISE-Amsterdam Collective, “Environmental Racism and Nuclear Development,” Nuclear Monitor Issue: #387-388. March 28, 1993 https://www.wiseinternational.org/nuclear-monitor/387-388/about-issue
47 +https://www.wiseinternational.org/nuclear-monitor/387-388/about-issue
48 +By another irony, it happens that the majority of the world's uranium reserves are on traditional lands. In the US, on what land is left to the Navajos, there were at one time a total of 42 uranium mines in operation, in addition to seven uranium mills. Shiprock Mine, formerly operated by the Kerr-McGee corporation, employed Navajo miners at two-thirds the normal pay rate. By 1960 radiation levels in the Shiprock mine were 90 times the permissible level. 'Diseconomies' of uranium closed the mine in 1970, causing the loss of any health insurance the miners might have had. A world glut of uranium supplies then closed most of the other mines. But the damage had already been done. By 1980, of the 150 Navajo miners employed by Kerr-McGee 38 were already dead of cancer and another 95 had cancer and lung diseases. Meanwhile, Kerr-McGee had left behind 70 acres of raw uranium tailings (which retain 85 of their radioactivity) just 60 feet from the community's only significant water supply. People continue to sicken and die. They lose the ability to bear children. Reproductive cancer among Navajo teenagers is 17 times the national average. This same scenario is elsewhere being played out again and again. On Aboriginal lands in Australia, the Kokotha are fighting exploitation and development of uranium resources on their lands by Australian and French mining companies. In Namibia, while still under illegal occupation by South Africa, uranium was mined and other resources plundered with the help of the British-based multinational Rio Tinto Zinc. Even now, three years after independence from occupation by South Africa, the mining continues. In Canada, because of destruction of their lands from uranium mining by Canadian corporations, Adele Ratt of the Cree Nation in La Ronge declared the entire north of Saskatchewan to be in a state of emergency. In the Pacific, the Tahitians and other Pacific Islanders are still feeling the devastating effects of French nuclear weapons testing, despite the current moratorium. Elsewhere in the Pacific, in the Marshall Islands, already devastated by US nuclear tests, the islanders' homes are being considered by the US as a dump site for nuclear wastes from the US mainland. In the former Soviet Union information is slowly coming to light about the effects of its nuclear weapons testing program on the Kazakh minority living near the Semipalatinsk test site, and on tribal societies such as the Samoyeds, Khanty, Mansi, Evenks and Chukchee, among others, living to the north of the Novaya Zemlya test site in Siberia. In addition, it only recently became known that there had been a secret nuclear weapons testing site in Chukotka during the 1950's and 1960's, further exposing the Chukchee people to fallout. The mortality rate resulting from cancer among the Chukchee is thought to be the highest in the world. The fact that the much of the information concerning the effects on these peoples has only recently come to light is not surprising. Racism produces disinformation ~-~- precisely about those groups that it marginalizes. How much more do we not know, for instance about the conditions in the uranium mines in Argentina, in the Andes (the last refuge for traditional land holders in that region)? Or in Columbia, where holes drilled by companies exploring for uranium were left open, but only the local people know about it because the companies simply forgot about it when they found they could not exploit the uranium economically? Or in Brazil? In Morocco? At any rate, all of the above examples clearly illustrate the term "environmental racism" as it is currently defined. But we would like to broaden that definition, thereby broadening the discussion. Racism, by itself, is a symptom of the deep sickness at the heart of our society. But racism never exists by itself. The sickness of which it is a symptom is rooted in the shattering of what was once a strong connection the people who walked the earth had with the land and all living systems. To understand this rupture ~-~- a rupture which underlies the entwined oppressions of race, sex, class and ecological destruction ~-~- we need to look at two things: first, at the current model of development, then at the history of the last 500 years which led to this model. The current model of development includes a system that benefits a relatively small part of the world's population who can be found in the industrialized countries and in the local elites of Central and Eastern Europe and the South. For this model to operate, political choices have to be made. In the case of nuclear development, one of the choices has been to ignore the social costs. When social costs are ignored, selected groups of people are made victims. This is marginalization. More is involved here than even the marginalization of people. Knowledge is also marginalized, set aside, lost. Traditional ways of thinking and practical knowledge disappear forever. With the development of a nuclear (nuclearized?) society, we are becoming poorer in knowledge and solutions. We have lost wisdom, impoverishing ourselves by cutting ourselves off from receiving what Starhawk, author of Dreaming the Dark, calls "the rich gifts of vision that come from those who see from a different vantage point." This model also compartmentalizes and divides. It restricts our thinking and our actions for change. To illustrate this in relation to environmental racism and nuclear development, it gives us two movements: the anti-racist movement and the environmentalist movement. With its specialization and compartmentalization, the current model pushes us to be nuclear and racist, or anti-nuclear, or anti-racist. By accepting its divisions, we find ourselves still caught within its confines. In this way we play the game of those enforcing this model, of those in power. We need to be creative and change the rules. We must redefine power and reshape it. We must see that it becomes something shared with others, something empowering, and not something exercised over them or used against them. And we need to link these two movements, now separated under the current model, and move together to create a healthy society, based on justice, equality and sustainability, where people are no longer afraid of differences in others, or afraid to be different. But to do that, we first have to make the connections between all systems of domination. And we must recognize that the dominant culture is willing ~-~- to a frightening extent ~-~- to write off the lives and interests of those groups of people it considers of low value.
49 +
50 +Exploitation occurs at all phases of the nuclear power production cycle. Stopping the production of nuclear power is a necessary step in forcing the governments and societies responsible for this exclusion to recognize these groups as agents worthy of being included.
51 +Ferguson 11
52 +Laura Ferguson, environmental activist and editorialist. “Radioactive Racism” http://www.earthisland.org/journal/index.php/eij/article/letters_emails
53 +Stewart Brand’s promotion of atomic power, (“Nuclear Power is Safe, Sound and Green,” Plus/Minus, Winter) fails to recognize or address one of the most significant problems of nuclear energy: environmental racism. In order to have nuclear energy, you have to have three things: uranium, nuclear power plants, and a place to store the waste. Where do these exist? Overwhelmingly, on or near Native American reservations. Look at the history of nuclear development in the United States and you will find that throughout the West, Native American reservations (or lands adjacent to them) They are the main places where uranium is mined, power plants are located, and nuclear waste is stored. Why? Because there are fewer people per square mile, meaning is less potential for political resistance; because, as a whole, Native Americans on reservations are impoverished to a much greater extent than other Americans and, therefore, more vulnerable to development deals that promise economic benefits; and because they are “expendable” populations in the eyes of the United States. While coal does need to be phased out – no arguments there – creating new, harmful energy sources at the expense of Native Americans and their culture, livelihood, and natural environments is not the answer. Indigenous peoples depend up on their natural environments being intact for their continued cultural and spiritual existence – in other words, for their continued existence as Indigenous peoples. I hope environmentalists and Earth Island Institute will take a strong stand against environmental racism and work to educate people about such issues and not be fooled by claims of “green and clean.”
54 +
55 +Those living in poverty are likely to bear the brunt of is problems associated with nuclear power, thus certain demographics are excluded from consideration and their perspectives are rendered irrelevant. This is empirically proven in the Fukushima Disaster.
56 +Shrader-Frechette 12
57 +Kristin Shrader-Frechette. Dr. Shrader-Frechette is O’Neill Family Endowed Professor, Department of Biological Sciences and Department of Philosophy, and also the director of the Center for Environmental Justice and Children’s Health, at the University of Notre Dame in Indiana. “Nuclear Catastrophe, Disaster-Related Environmental Injustice, and Fukushima, Japan: Prima-Facie Evidence for a Japanese Katrina” ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE Volume 5, Number 3, 2012
58 +University scientists, nuclear-industry experts, and physicians say FD radiation will cause at least 20,000- 60,000 premature-cancer deaths. Japanese poor people are among the hardest hit by FD DREI because, like those abandoned after Hurricane Katrina, Japan’s poor they received inadequate post-FD-disaster assistance. Abandoned by government and ‘‘marooned’’ for weeks without roads, electricity, or water, many poor people had no medical care, transportation, or heat—despite frigid, snowy conditions. At least four reasons suggest prima-facie evidence that Japanese poor near FD have faced DREI. One prima-facie reason is that because poor people tend to live near dangerous facilities, like reactors, they face the worst accident risks. Within weeks after the FD accident began, long-lived cesium-134 and other radioactive isotopes had poisoned soils at 7.5 million times the regulatory limit; radiation outside plant boundaries was equivalent to getting about seven chest X-rays per hour. Roughly 19 miles Northwest of FD, air-radiation readings were 0.8 mSv per hour; after 10 days of this exposure, IARC dose- response curves predict 1 in 5 fatal cancers of those exposed would be attributable to FD; two-months exposure would mean most fatal cancers were caused by FD. Such exposures are likely because many near-Fukushima residents were too poor to evacuate. Farther outside the evacuation zone—less than two weeks after the accident began—soil 25 miles Northwest of FD had cesium-137 levels ‘‘twice as high as the threshold for declaring areas uninhabitable around Chernobyl,’’ suggesting ‘‘the land might need to be abandoned. Not until a month after US and international agencies recommended expanding FD evacuation zones, did Japanese-government officials consider and reject expanding evacuation. A second prima-facie reason for Fukushima DREI is that poor people, living near reactors, have higher probabilities of being hurt by both normal and disaster-related radiation releases. Reactors normally cause prima facie EI because they release allowable radiation that increases local cancers and mortality, especially among infants/ children. Because zero is the only safe dose of ionizing radiation (as the US National Academy of Sciences warns), its cumulative LNT (Linear, No Threshold for increased risk) effects are worst closer to reactors, where poor people live. The US EPA says even normal US radiation releases, between 1970–2020, could cause up to 24,000 additional US deaths. A third prima-facie reason for Fukushima DREI is that although nearby (poor) people bear both higher preaccident and post-accident risks, others receive little/no risks and most benefits. Wealthier Tokyo residents—140 miles away—received virtually all FD electricity, yet virtually no EI or DREI. A fourth prima-facie reason for DREI burdens on FD poor is that their poverty/powerlessness arguably forced them into EI and accepting reactor siting. Companies hoping to site nuclear facilities target economically depressed areas, both in Japan and elsewhere. Thus, although FD-owner Tokyo Electric Company (TECO) has long-term safety and ‘‘cover-up scandals,’’ Fukushima residents agreed to accept TECO reactors in exchange for cash. With Fukushima $121 million in debt, in 2007 it approved two new reactors in exchange for ‘‘$45 million from the government.60 percent’’ of total town revenue. Yet if economic hardship forced poor towns to accept reactors in exchange for basic-services monies, they likely gave no informed consent. Their choice was not voluntary, but coerced by their poverty. Massive Japanese-nuclear-industry PR and media ads also have thwarted risk-disclosure, thus consent, by minimizing nuclear risks. 60–62 Scientists say neither industry nor government disclosed its failure to (1) test reactor-safety equipment; (2) thwart many natural-event disasters; (3) withstand seismic events worse than those that already had occurred; (4) withstand Fukushima-type disasters; (5) admit that new passive-safety reactors require electricity to cool cores and avoid catastrophe; or (6) and base reactor safety on anything but cost-benefit tests. Thus, because prima facie evidence suggests Fukushima poor people never consented to FD siting, they are EI victims whose reactor proximity caused them also to become DREI victims.
59 +
60 +Workers at nuclear facilities are often forced to work in dangerous conditions and face exclusion because of the nature of their work.
61 +Shrader-Frechette 2
62 +Kristin Shrader-Frechette. Dr. Shrader-Frechette is O’Neill Family Endowed Professor, Department of Biological Sciences and Department of Philosophy, and also the director of the Center for Environmental Justice and Children’s Health, at the University of Notre Dame in Indiana. “Nuclear Catastrophe, Disaster-Related Environmental Injustice, and Fukushima, Japan: Prima-Facie Evidence for a Japanese Katrina” ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE Volume 5, Number 3, 2012
63 +Prima-facie evidence likewise shows buraku nuclear workers are both Environmetal Injustice and DREI victims. Internationally, nuclear workers are prominent EI victims because even without accidents, they are allowed to receive ionizing radiation doses (50 mSv annually) 50 times higher than those received by the public. Yet, only low socioeconomic-status people—like buraku—tend to take such risks. This double standard is obviously ethically questionable, given that many developed nations (e.g., Germany, Scandinavian countries) prohibit it because it encourages EI—workers’ trade trading health for paid work, and innocent worker-descendants’ (future generations’) dying from radiation-induced genomic instability. Thus, both buraku children and their distant descendents face EI—higher radiation-induced death/disease. Prima-facie evidence shows, second, that FD-buraku nuclear workers also are EI and DREI victims because they likely consented to neither normal, nor accident level, radiation exposures. Why not? Under normal conditions, 90 percent of all 83,000 Japanese nuclear workers are temporary-contract workers who receive about 16 times more radiation than the already-50-times-higher than-public doses received by normal radiation workers. For non-accident exposures, buraku receive $350–$1,000 per day, for several days of high-radiation work. They have neither full-time employment, nor adequate compensation, nor union representation, nor health benefits, nor full dose disclosure, yet receive the highest workplace-radiation risks. Why? Industry is not required to ‘‘count’’ temporary workers’ radiation exposures when it calculates workers’ average-radiation doses for regulators. However, even if buraku were told their nonaccident doses/risks, they could not genuinely consent. They are unskilled, socially shunned, temporary laborers who are forced by economic necessity to accept even deadly jobs. This two-tier nuclear-worker system—where buraku bear most (unreported) risks, while highly-paid employees bear little (reported) risk—’’ ‘is the hidden world of nuclear power’ said a former Tokyo University physics professor.’’ In 2010, 89 percent of FD nuclear workers were temporary-contract employees, ‘‘hired from construction sites,’’ local farms, or ‘‘local gangsters.’’ With a ‘‘constant fear of getting fired,’’ they hid their injuries/ doses—to keep their jobs. Among post-FD-accident buraku, lack of adequate consent also caused prima-facie DREI because government raised workers’ allowable, post-accident-radiation doses to 250 mSv/year—250 times what the public may receive annually. Yet IARC says each 250-MSv FD exposure causes 25 percent of fatal cancers. Two-years’ exposure (500 MSv) would cause 50 percent of all fatal cancers. Given such deadly risks and the dire economic situation of buraku, their genuine consent is unlikely. Still another factor thwarting FD-buraku consent—and indicating prima-facie DREI—is that FD workers likely received higher doses than government admitted. ‘‘The company refused to say how many FD contract workers had been exposed to post-disaster radiation’’; moreover, nuclear-worker-protective clothing and respirators, whether in the US or Japan, protect them only from skin/lung contamination; no gear can stop gamma irradiation of their entire bodies. Neither TECO, nor Japanese regulators, nor IAEA has released statistics on post-FD radiation exposures, especially to buraku inside the plant. IAEA says merely: ‘‘requirements for occupational exposure of remediation workers can be fulfilled’’ at FD, not that they have been or will be fulfilled—a fact also suggesting prima-facie DREI toward buraku.
64 +
65 +And, the prohibition is key. Norms of exclusion depend upon the reproduction of their usage through frames, such as the manipulation and under-determination of data. Our stance must impede upon the reproduction of this frame, which requires we recognize that nuclear power is inseparable from its norms of usage.
66 +Butler 09
67 +“Frames of War” by Judith Butler 2009 UH-DD
68 +“The frame that seeks to contain, convey, and determine what is seen (and sometimes, for a stretch, succeeds in doing precisely that) depends upon the conditions of reproducibility in order to succeed. And yet, this very reproducibility entails a constant breaking from context, a constant delimitation of new context, which means that the "frame" does not quite contain what it conveys, but breaks apart every time it seeks to give definitive organization to its content. In other words, the frame does not hold anything together in one place, but itself becomes a kind of perpetual breakage, subject to a temporal logic by which it moves from place to place. As the frame constantly breaks from its context, this self-breaking becomes part of the very definition. This leads us to a different way of understanding both the frame's efficacy and its vulnerability to reversal, to subversion, even to critical instrumentalization. What is taken for granted in one instance becomes thematized critically or even incredulously in another. This shifting temporal dimension of the frame constitutes the possibility and trajectory of its affect as well. Thus the digital image circulates outside the confines of Abu Ghraib, or the poetry in Guantanamo is recovered by constitutional lawyers who arrange for its publication throughout the world. The conditions are set for astonishment, outrage, revulsion, admiration, and discovery, depending on how the content is framed by shifting time and place. The movement of the image or the text outside of confinement is a kind of "breaking out," so that even though neither the image nor the poetry can free anyone from prison, or stop a bomb or, indeed, reverse the course ofthe war, they nevertheless do provide the conditions for breaking out of the quotidian acceptance of war and for a more generalized horror and outrage that will support and impel calls for justice and an end to violence. Earlier we noted that one sense of "to be framed" means to be subject to a con, to a tactic by which evidence is orchestrated so to make a false accusation appear true. Some power manipulates the terms of appearance and one cannot break out of the frame; one is framed, which means one is accused, but also judged in advance, without valid evidence and without any obvious means of redress. But if the frame is understood as a certain "breaking out," or "breaking from," then it would seem to be more analogous to a prison break. This suggests a certain release, a loosening of the mechanism of control, and with it, a new trajectory of affect. The frame, in this sense, permits-even requires-this breaking out. This happened when the photos of Guantanamo prisoners kneeling and shackled were released to the public and outrage ensued; it happened again when the digital images from Abu Ghraib were circulated globally across the internet, facilitating a widespread visceral tum against the war. What happens at such moments? And are they merely transient moments or are they, in fact, occasions when the frame as a forcible and plausible con is exposed, resulting in a critical and exuberant release from the force of illegitimate authority?” 10-11
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