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-CP Text: Aff actors ought to adopt the Cincinnati Model of policing while maintaining qualified immunity – this entails |
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-A) Community problem-oriented policing |
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-B) A system that allows complaints against officers, and discipline for those officers |
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-C) Press conferences immediately following police shootings to communicate with the public |
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-Semeuls 15: Semeuls, Alana Contributor, The Atlantic “How to Fix a Broken Police Department.” The Atlantic. May 2015. |
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-Some of the changes were small: The police department vowed to hold a press conference within 12 hours of any officer-involved shooting and to provide information as well as camera footage from the event. It agreed to track officers who received an inordinate number of complaints or who violated policies, and take disciplinary action if needed. It established a Citizen Complaint Authority with investigative and subpoena powers over police. It adopted new use-of-force policies, changed guidelines on when to use chemical spray, and established a mental-health response team to deal with incidents in which a suspect may have mental-health problems. But those changes were tiny in contrast to what Herold and others say completely altered the department over the course of a decade: the adoption of a new strategy for how to police. The settlement agreement for the ACLU lawsuit, dubbed the Collaborative, required Cincinnati police to adopt community problem-oriented policing, or CPOP. The strategy required them to do fewer out-and-out arrests, and instead focus on solving the problems that cause people to commit crimes in the first place. |
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-You don’t get the perm: |
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-A) Analytic |
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-B) Analytic |
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-C) Analytic |
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-Problem oriented policing solves the ROOT CAUSE of poverty and stops police brutality. Semeuls 2 |
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-Semeuls: Semeuls, Alana Contributor, The Atlantic “How to Fix a Broken Police Department.” The Atlantic. May 2015. |
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-Problem-oriented policing was developed in 1979 by Herman Goldstein, a University of Wisconsin professor, and was first adopted in Newport News, Virginia. Other police departments, such as Baltimore, have used the method and then abandoned it, said John Eck, a criminologist at the University of Cincinnati who helped the city adopt problem-oriented policing (which it calls Community Problem-Oriented Policing). The strategy suggests that police should not just respond to calls for service. It says they should also look for patterns in these calls to service, determine what is causing the patterns and then implement solutions to solve them, he said. If hospitals notice an inordinate number of emergency patients coming in with facial injuries due to glass beer bottles being broken over their heads in fights, as was the case in on British precinct, police work with the bottle manufacturer to make bottles are made out of material that won’t break, he said. If police notice a woman is a repeat victim of domestic violence because her partner breaks into her ground-floor apartment, they work with the landlord to move her to a higher floor, link her to a social-services agency and help her find free daycare so she doesn’t have to rely on her abusive spouse for help. In another example, when police noticed an increase in metal thefts in a neighborhood, they worked with property owners to paint their copper pipes green, posted signs about the pipes being painted green and then informed scrap yards of the program to gain support, which led to a reduction in copper thefts. The strategy requires that police intimately know members of the community and listen to their concerns, even if doing so doesn’t lead to arrests. It requires that they get out of their cars and walk the streets, and it requires that they reach out to partners they traditionally would battle, such as the owners of buildings in high-crime spots, or community groups like Legal Aid. New policing approaches come and go, seemingly every year, but leaders such as Herold say that problem-oriented policing differs in important ways from other strategies. Broken-windows policing, for example, holds that police can prevent bigger crimes by cracking down on disorder and small crimes in a neighborhood. But law-enforcement officers often end up just making a lot of arrests with broken-windows policing, instead of addressing the problems that lead to small or big crimes in the first place. Similarly, Compstat, which was pioneered in New York City in the 1990s, uses statistics and mapping to identify crime patterns and direct resources there. It’s been credited with lowering crime in New York City, but also criticized by some criminologists for focusing on the numbers of arrests different officers make, rather than on protecting residents with the help of community input. Hot-spots policing uses data to deploy officers to areas where crime and disorder are concentrated, but its effects are usually short-term because the approach rarely focuses on the causes of the crime, Eck said. “Most cops, in any organization, have seen the reform du jour come through, and it varies from wearing your hats in a certain way to something more sophisticated,” Eck told me. “Police chiefs come, polices chiefs go, just as dumb ideas come, dumb ideas go.” When I asked Eck how he knew that problem-oriented policing, which is also called problem-solving, isn’t just another fad, he admitted that sometimes he wonders the same thing. But when he tries to think of an alternative, he always comes back to the fact that unlike Compstat or other approaches, problem-solving deals with the complexity of what’s going on in a community. The police department, he says, is the only government institution that has a strong hierarchy and works around the clock, and so it can most effectively marshal resources and other departments to solve difficult problems. |
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-Few Implications: |
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-A) Analytic |
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-B) Analytic |
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-C) Analytic |
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-Metastudy proves that problem oriented policing has empirically led to reduction in crime. Weisburd 10 |
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-David Weisburd 2010 American Society of Criminology Hebrew University, George Mason University “Is problem-oriented policing effective in reducing crime and disorder http://www.smartpolicinginitiative.com/sites/all/files/POP20Weisburd_et_al.pdf |
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-As noted, we also collected pre/post studies that did not have a control or comparison condition. Typically, these studies examined official crime data before and after a POP intervention to determine how the POP project affected crime. These studies rarely took statistical steps to account for “history”—the idea that crime rates might be rising or falling independent of the specific POP project. We should note that these studies vary somewhat in methodological quality and not all can be categorized as “simple pre-post.”18 These studies also covered various problems that ranged from neighborhood disorder to homicide. As with our main analyses, responses also varied greatly but frequently included a combination of increased community involvement, targeted enforcement, and situational/environmental improvements (see Weisburd et al., 2008, for more information on each study). Thirty two of the 45 studies come from Goldstein or Tilley Award submissions. The fact that more than 70 of the studies are submissions for an award leads to a potential publication bias (Rothstein, 2008) or, rather, to a “nonpublication” bias. In our case, these nonpublished award submissions would be expected to be more positive than the published literature. We will address this issue later. In Figure 7, we use a bar graph to display the percent change in crime and disorder reported in each study. When more than one primary outcome was present in a study, we averaged to create a single outcome. The results are overwhelmingly in favor of POP effectiveness. Of our 45 pre/post studies, 43 report a decline in crime or disorder after the POP intervention. Thus, even though 32 of our studies were award submissions, and 31 of these showed a positive impact, 12 of our 13 other studies also reported a beneficial impact of POP. Only one study (Maguire and Nettleton, 2003) reported an increase in crime after using POP. The average percent change in crime across all studies was a sizeable 44.45 decrease. To account for variation in sample size (i.e., crime incidents or calls for service) between studies, we calculated a weighted average percent change by weighting each study by the in verse of its variance and assuming crime follows a Poisson distribution.19 With this sampling variance, we constructed a confidence interval around the percentage change for each study. A plot of proportion change with confidence intervals is presented in Figure 8. After weighting each study by the inverse of its variance, we recalculated the average percent change. Even with weighting, the average decrease in crime was still 32.49. Accordingly, although these before and after studies did not employ the methodological rigor of a randomized experiment, they did show consistently a substantial impact of POP on crime and disorder in both the award submissions and the published journal articles. |
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-Multiple reasons to prefer the study |
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-A) Analytic |
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-B) Analytic |
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-C) Analytic |