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Cites

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1		-Counterplan Text: Indigenous communities should individually decide for themselves whether they want to prohibit the production of nuclear power in their area, and the US should step out totally. Mutually exclusive: they decide for themselves, so they don’t actually necessarily ban. The perm is severance.
2		-CP solves best- you cannot make rulings over the needs of the oppressed without reifying their oppression. Friere 68 PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED Paulo Freire. 1968.
3		-It is essential for the oppressed to realize that when they accept the struggle for humanization they also accept, from that moment, their total responsibility for the struggle. They must realize that they are fighting not merely for freedom from hunger, but for freedom to create and to construct, to wonder and to ven­ ture. Such freedom requires that the individual be active and responsible, not a slave or a well-fed cog in the machine. . . . It is not enough that men are not slaves; if social conditions further the existence of automatons, the result will not be love of life, but love of death. The oppressed, who have been shaped by the death-affirming cli­ mate of oppression, must find through their struggle the way to life- affirming humanization, which does not lie simply in having more to eat (although it does involve having more to eat and cannot fail to include this aspect). The oppressed have been destroyed precisely because their situation has reduced them to things. In order to regain their humanity they must cease to be things and fight as men and women. This is a radical requirement. They cannot enter the struggle as objects in order later to become human beings. The struggle begins with men's recognition that they have been destroyed. Propaganda, management, manipulation—all arms of domination—cannot be the instruments of their rehumanization. The only effective instrument is a humanizing pedagogy in which the revolutionary leadership establishes a permanent relationship of dialogue with the oppressed. In a humanizing pedagogy the method ceases to be an instrument by which the teachers (in this instance, the revolutionary leadership) can manipulate the students (in this instance, the oppressed), because it expresses the consciousness of the students themselves. The method is, in fact, the external form of consciousness manifest in acts, which takes on the fundamental property of consciousness—its intentionality. The essence of consciousness is being with the world, and this behavior is permanent and unavoidable. Accordingly, consciousness is in essence a way to­ wards something apart from itself, outside itself, which surrounds it and which it apprehends by means of its ideational capacity. Consciousness is thus by definition a method, in the most general sense of the word. A revolutionary leadership must accordingly practice co-inten- tional education. Teachers and students (leadership and people), co- intent on reality, are both Subjects, not only in the task of unveiling that reality, and thereby coming to know it critically, but in the task of re-creating that knowledge. As they attain this knowledge of real­ ity through common reflection and action, they discover themselves as it£ permanent re-creators. In this way, the presence of the op­ pressed in the struggle for their liberation will be what it should be: not pseudo-participation, but committed involvement.
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5		-Making blanket claimes over what Natives want ignores the actual voices of the oppressed- you literally just make assumptions and ignore native groups who actually like nuclear power. This is a form of papering over identities which just reinforces colonialism. Yamamoto 99
6		-Yamamoto, Eric (Professor of Law, University of Hawai'i Law School; Visiting Professor of Law, Boalt Hall School of Law, University of California at Berkeley, 1999.)., and Jen-L. W. Lyman. "Racializing environmental justice." U. Colo. L. Rev. 72 (2001): 311.
7		-The framework, however, at times also undercuts environmental justice struggles by racial and indigenous communities because it tends to foster misassumptions about race, culture, sovereignty, and the importance of distributive justice. Those misassumptions sometimes lead environmental justice scholars and activists to miss what is of central importance to affected communities. The first misassumption is that for all racialized groups in all situations, a hazard-free physical environment is their main, if not only, concern.4 ' Environmental justice advocates foster this notion by placing emphasis on "high quality environments" 4' and the adverse health effects caused by exposure to air pollutants and hazardous waste materials. Not all facility sitings that pose health risks, however, warrant full-scale opposition by host communities. Some communities, on balance, are willing to tolerate these facilities for the economic benefits they confer or in lieu of the cultural or social disruption that might accompany large-scale remedial efforts. Other communities, struggling to deal with joblessness, inadequate education, and housing discrimination, indeed with daily survival, prefer to devote most of their limited time and political capital to those challenges. In these situations, racial and indigenous communities may have pressing needs and long-range goals beyond the re-siting of polluting facilities. For example, as Native communities endeavor to ameliorate conditions of poverty and social dislocation by encouraging the economic development of tribal lands, some increasingly find themselves in conflict with environmentalists, who are sometimes but not always environmental justice advocates. In the mining industry, several Native American tribes are attempting to tap mineral resources on their reservations. ° Urged by the increased emphasis on economic selfdetermination in federal Native American policy in the 1970s, the tribes formed the Council of Energy Resource Tribes to deal with both the siting of new mines on Native American lands and the environmental and the cultural problems that might result.51 Those efforts met stiff opposition from some environmental groups concerned mainly with land degradation and pollution. The environmentalists' seeming lack of understanding of the economic and cultural complexity of the Native American groups' decisions have led some Native Americans to express cynicism about environmentalists who sometimes treat them as mascots for the environmental cause.
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9		-This means your movement just harms traditional groups, such as indigenous people- turns case and no solvency.
10		-Yamamoto 01, Eric (Professor of Law, University of Hawai'i Law School; Visiting Professor of Law, Boalt Hall School of Law, University of California at Berkeley, 1999.)., and Jen-L. W. Lyman. "Racializing environmental justice." U. Colo. L. Rev. 72 (2001): 311.
11		-James Huffman also criticizes the traditional environmental justice framework, but from the perspective of Native American economic development. He identifies three assumptions of modern environmental thought that work against Native interests.' First, orthodox environmentalism assumes the existence of a scientifically "correct" natural condition and thus tends toward oppressive command and control methods.'65 The second assumption is that regulations must limit development and growth.166 Finally, in marked contrast to arguments that anthropocentrism in American environmentalism clashes with Native cultural beliefs, Huffman asserts that American environmentalism assumes a "biocentric" approach fundamentally opposed to economic development, even when necessary for Native survival.16 7 He criticizes environmental protection as a "luxury good" enjoyed by wealthier societies1 68 that promotes the idea that "the poverty and economic depression of the reservations is not only inevitable but desired." 69
12		-Huffman's critique is harsh: "Native Americans, more than any other segment of American society, will suffer at the altar of environmentalism worshipped in their name."'7 ° Commentator Conrad Huygen arrives at a similar conclusion: "We have romanticized indigenous cultures in a manner that threatens to stifle development on reservations and perpetuate the poverty that permeates them."'7' In more measured terms, Tsosie agrees with Huffman's view that "national implementation of centralized policies (whatever their origin and content) often disregards tribal sovereignty and the special interests of indigenous peoples."'72
13		- From these varied visions of Native American scholars emerges a point of commonality: traditional environmentalism and, by extension, the established environmental justice framework, do not necessarily work well for Native Americans or for other racial and indigenous groups.'73 In light of the philosophical and practical limitations of the established environmental justice framework, the writings of Professors Chang, Williams, Shutkin, Tsosie, and Huffman illuminate an indigenous American cultural perspective on the environment, race, and sovereignty. They demonstrate how the dominant environmental justice narrative tends to ignore or even undermine that perspective.

EntryDate

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1		-2016-10-14 16:26:02.0

Judge

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1		-Chase Hamilton

Opponent

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1		-Marlborough GK

ParentRound

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1		-19

Round

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1		-5

Team

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1		-Strake Jesuit Chen Neg

Title

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1		-SO - CP - Consult v2

Tournament

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1		-Greenhill