Changes for page St Andrews Bhatt Neg

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1 -====I negate and value morality. Moral rules and norms aren’t static – declaring something bad and moving on results in rules formed in bias. We must constantly inquire and innovate in order to update moral rules and norms. Anderson 14:====
2 -Elizabeth, Arthur F. Thurnau Professor and John Dewey Distinguished University Professor of Philosophy and Women's Studies at University of Michigan. “Dewey’s Moral Philosophy” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2014 Edition). SA-IB
3 -
4 -Habits are socially shaped dispositions to particular ... enables habits to incorporate intelligence.
5 -
6 -====Being able to engage in experimentation is key to testing beliefs and solving problems that hurt us as a society – we shouldn’t foreclose a possible solution. Anderson II:====
7 -Elizabeth, Arthur F. Thurnau Professor and John Dewey Distinguished University Professor of Philosophy and Women's Studies at University of Michigan. “The Quest for Free Labor Pragmatism and Experiments in Emancipation” Amherst Lecture in Philosophy. 2014 SA-IB
8 -
9 -Because individuals occupy different social positions, are affected ... ambitious ideal of what would solve it.
10 -
11 -====Thus the standard is consistency with pragmatic experimentation, meaning giving ourselves the ability to experiment, inquire, and innovate with means to solve our problems.====
12 -
13 -
14 -====I contend we shouldn’t foreclose the possibility of experimentation with nuclear energy. We should instead innovate and improve production of nuclear power.====
15 -
16 -====Nuclear energy is our only way forward – maintaining the ability for innovation is key. The affirmative overreacts – we need to develop safety and new measures, not foreclose the possibility. OECD 07:====
17 -Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development, Nuclear Energy Agency. “Innovation in Nuclear Energy Technology” 2007 SA-IB
18 -
19 -Considering the world energy prospects and related ... scientists and engineers and to retain them in the nuclear business.
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1 -====Interpretation: The affirmative must directly defend that countries prohibit the production of nuclear power.====
2 -
3 -====Prohibitions are formal through law. Oxford:====
4 -Oxford Dictionaries. “Definition of Prohibit in English.” No date.
5 -
6 -VERB (prohibits, prohibiting, prohibited) WITH OBJECT ... the budget agreement had prohibited any tax cuts
7 -
8 -====A country is a government, in the context of an actor. Google:====
9 -Google: nd https://www.google.com/webhp?sourceid=chrome-instantandion=1andespv=2andie=UTF-8#q=countries20definition
10 -
11 -a nation with its own government, occupying a particular territory.
12 -
13 -====Violation: They define country as people and defend that people orient themselves away from nuclear====
14 -
15 -====Standards====
16 -1 Real World
17 -
18 -2 Ground
19 -
20 -====T is a voter====
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1 -====Prohibiting nuclear power means coal replacement – Japan empirically proves – emissions are multiplied twenty times over. Baum 15:====
2 -Seth, executive director of Global Catastrophic Risk Institute (think tank) and researches the risk, ethics, and policy about major threats to the world. “Japan should restart more nuclear power plants” Oct 20, 2015. http://thebulletin.org/japan-should-restart-more-nuclear-power-plants8817 SA-IB
3 -
4 -In August, a Japanese utility company … option for Japan and for the world.
5 -
6 -====Warming causes mass violence and leads to extinction – natural disasters, sea levels, and food security. Sharp and Kennedy 14:====
7 -(Associate Professor Robert (Bob) A. Sharp is the UAE National Defense College Associate Dean for Academic Programs and College Quality Assurance Advisor. He previously served as Assistant Professor of Strategic Security Studies at the College of International Security Affairs (CISA) in the U.S. National Defense University (NDU), Washington D.C. and then as Associate Professor at the Near East South Asia (NESA) Center for Strategic Studies, collocated with NDU. Most recently at NESA, he focused on security sector reform in Yemen and Lebanon, and also supported regional security engagement events into Afghanistan, Turkey, Egypt, Palestine and Qatar; Edward Kennedy is a renewable energy and climate change specialist who has worked for the World Bank and the Spanish Electric Utility ENDESA on carbon policy and markets; 8/22/14, “Climate Change and Implications for National Security,” International Policy Digest, http://intpolicydigest.org/2014/08/22/climate-change-implications-national-security/)
8 -
9 -Our planet is 4.5 billion years old… and political decisions; it will be hard to fix!
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1 -====Interpretation: The affirmative must defend implementation of the resolution and may only garner offense from hypothetical enactment of the resolution. The interpretation doesn’t require any specific form of evidence or type of style – only that we debate the resolution.====
2 -
3 -====Resolved’ denotes a proposal to be enacted by law. Words and Phrases 64:====
4 -Words and Phrases 64 Permanent Edition
5 -
6 -Definition of the word “resolve,” ... meaning “to establish by law”.
7 -
8 -====Country is defined as a government. Oxford:====
9 -http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/us/definition/american_english/country
10 -
11 -a nation with its own government, occupying a particular territory.
12 -
13 -====Violation:====
14 -
15 -====Standards:====
16 -
17 -====1 Limits – by not defending the topic they explode the number of affs to an infinite number – broad topics and non-existence limits turn their solvency arguments and scholarship impacts. Rowland 84:====
18 -(Robert C., Baylor U., “Topic Selection in Debate”, American Forensics in Perspective. Ed. Parson, p. 53-4)
19 -
20 -The first major problem identified by … schools to cancel their programs.
21 -
22 -====2 Stable Advocacy and Engagement – debate requires a specific point of difference to be successful – an argument like “racism bad,” while true, misses the point of debate and turns solvency for case. Steinberg and Freeley 13:====
23 -David, Lecturer in Communication studies and rhetoric. Advisor to Miami Urban Debate League. Director of Debate at U Miami, Former President of CEDA. And Austin, attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, JD, Suffolk University, Argumentation and Debate, Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making, 121-4
24 -
25 -Debate is a means of settling … be outlined in the following discussion.
26 -
27 -====Topical version of the aff solves all of their offense –====
28 -
29 -====T is a voter.====
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1 -====Counterplan text: We call for the entirety of the affirmative sans their use of ableistic rhetoric. Net benefits:====
2 -
3 -====The use of blindness discourse is problematic – it perpetuates ableism and the idea that blindness implies moral inferiority. Treiman 11:====
4 -Treiman 11 Shelley Tremain (University of Toronto, Social Justice Education). “Ableist language and philosophical associations.” 2011, http://www.newappsblog.com/2011/07/ableist-language-and-philosophical-associations.html
5 -
6 -Over the last couple of decades, … inflicting harm in this way.
7 -
8 -====“Blind” implies being incapable of planning, being unable to comprehend information and regularly misunderstanding the motives of others. Kali 10:====
9 -Brilliant Mind Broken Body: Living with Ehlers-Danlos Syndrome, “I am not your Metaphor,” October 17, 2010, http://brilliantmindbrokenbody.wordpress.com/2010/10/17/i-am-not-your-metaphor/
10 -
11 -Blind - I bet you can’t … issues that have NOTHING to do with sight!
12 -
13 -====Your role is an educator whose job is to challenge dominant ableist mindsets, endorsing our methodology causes a spillover into our everyday lives. Beckett 13:====
14 -Beckett 13’- Angharad Anti-oppressive pedagogy and¶ disability: possibilities and challenges, School of Sociology and Social Policy, University of Leeds
15 -
16 -Serious and systemic disability discrimination …‘foot in both camps’ i.e.¶ ‘oppressed’ and ‘privileged’.
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1 -====The 1AC’s utopian imagination in which structures of oppression don’t exist anymore is oppressive – that kind of abstraction distracts us from actual solutions. Curry 14:====
2 -Curry, Dr. Tommy J. Associate Professor of Philosophy, Affiliated Professor of Africana Studies, and a Ray A. Rothrock Fellow at Texas AandM University; first Black JV National Debate champion (for UMKC) and was half of the first all Black CEDA team to win the Pi Kappa Delta National Debate Tournament “The Cost of a Thing: A Kingian Reformulation of a Living Wage Argument in the 21st Century.”
3 -
4 -Despite the pronouncement of debate … among our ideological tendencies and politics.
5 -
6 -====Vote neg to rupture the whiteness of the utopia of the affirmative. Curry 13:====
7 -Dr. Tommy J. Curry 13, Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy, Texas AandM, "In the Fiat of Dreams: The Delusional Allure of Hope, the Reality of Anti-Black Violence and the Demands of the Anti-Ethical", 2013
8 -
9 -Anti-ethics; the call to … melaninated bodies and nigger-souls, is totalizing.
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1 -====CP: Public colleges and universities in the United States ought to only restrict constitutionally protected journalist speech in order to establish survivor-based control over information about sexual harassment cases released by school newspapers. Tyler-March 16:====
2 -Mary, reporter at the Student Press Law Center, an advocate for student First Amendment rights, for freedom of online speech, and for open government on campus. The SPLC provides information, training and legal assistance at no charge to student journalists and the educators who work with them. "University of Kentucky victims seek to join lawsuit against student newspaper" November 17, 2016. http://www.splc.org/article/2016/11/university-of-kentucky-victims-seek-to-join-lawsuit-against-student-newspaper SA-IB
3 -
4 -KENTUCKY—Two of the … always been what is at stake in this litigation."
5 -
6 -====It competes because it places a restriction on what newspapers can report – newspapers have free speech to report sexual assault right now and the ability to set their own policy on sexual assault reporting and the CP has colleges enforce a survivor based control policy on student newspapers. ====
7 -
8 -====Survivor based control is key – journalists should not identify names in cases of sexual assault nor should they report details that could lead to the survivor’s identity being discovered unless the survivor says so. Doing otherwise can lead to massive public shame and backlash. NAESV 17:====
9 -National Alliance to End Sexual Violence. "Naming Victims in the Media" 2017. http://endsexualviolence.org/where-we-stand/naming-victims-in-the-media SA-IB
10 -
11 -Some people argue that journalists …with sensitivity toward the stigma associated with being publicly named.
12 -
13 -====They specifically don’t get a perm because their AFF author, Frank Lomonte, says that student newspapers should have the freedom to report whatever they want about sexual assault under free speech. The newspaper case the CP is based on, the Kentucky Kernel, is uncontestably a free speech issue. Saul 16: ====
14 -Stephanie, winner of the 1995 Pulitzer Prize and 2010 Society of Professional Journalists Award for Science Reporting, a University of Mississippi graduate, investigative reporter for the New York Times since 2008, investigations focus on science and technology issues in various fields, including those related to pharmaceuticals, psychology, health and fertility innovations. "Campus Press vs. Colleges: Kentucky Suit Highlights Free-Speech Fight" December 02, 2016. The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/02/us/kentucky-student-journalism-free-speech.html SA-IB
15 -
16 -Campus Press vs. Colleges: Kentucky Suit …to fend off funding cuts that students believe were in retaliation for controversial articles.
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1 -====Endless moral circularizing is immoral – the only productive strategy is to analyze instance of oppression from an anti-ethical standpoint. Curry 14:====
2 -Dr. Tommy J, Associate Professor of Philosophy, Affiliated Professor of Africana Studies, and a Ray A. Rothrock Fellow at Texas AandM University; first Black JV National Debate champion (for UMKC) and was half of the first all Black CEDA team to win the Pi Kappa Delta National Debate Tournament. “The Cost of a Thing: A Kingian Reformulation of a Living Wage Argument in the 21st Century.” 2014. SA-IB
3 -
4 -Despite the pronouncement of debate as an activity and intellectual exercise pointing to the real world consequences of dialogue, thinking, and (personal) politics when addressing issues of racism, sexism, economic disparity, global conflicts, and death, many of the discussions concerning these ongoing challenges to humanity are fixed to a paradigm which sees the adjudication of material disparities and sociological realities as the conquest of one ideal theory over the other. In “Ideal Theory as Ideology,” Charles Mills outlines the problem contemporary theoretical-performance styles in policy debate and value-weighing in Lincoln-Douglass are confronted with in their attempts to get at the concrete problems in our societies. At the outset, Mills concedes that “ideal theory applies to moral theory as a whole (at least to normative ethics as against metaethics); since ethics deals by definition with normative/prescriptive/evaluative issues, it is set against factual/descriptive issues.” At the most general level, the conceptual chasm between what emerges as actual problems in the world (e.g.: racism, sexism, poverty, disease, etc.) and how we frame such problems theoretically—the assumptions and shared ideologies we depend upon for our problems to be heard and accepted as a worthy “problem” by an audience—is the most obvious call for an anti-ethical paradigm, since such a paradigm insists on the actual as the basis of what can be considered normatively. Mills, however, describes this chasm as a problem of an ideal-as-descriptive model which argues that for any actual-empirical-observable social phenomenon (P), an ideal of (P) is necessarily a representation of that phenomenon. In the idealization of a social phenomenon (P), one “necessarily has to abstract away from certain features” of (P) that is observed before abstraction occurs. This gap between what is actual (in the world), and what is represented by theories and politics of debaters proposed in rounds threatens any real discussions about the concrete nature of oppression and the racist economic structures which necessitate tangible policies and reorienting changes in our value orientations. As Mills states: “What distinguishes ideal theory is the reliance on idealization to the exclusion, or at least marginalization, of the actual,” so what we are seeking to resolve on the basis of “thought” is in fact incomplete, incorrect, or ultimately irrelevant to the actual problems which our “theories” seek to address. Our attempts to situate social disparity cannot simply appeal to the ontologization of social phenomenon—meaning we cannot suggest that the various complexities of social problems (which are constantly emerging and undisclosed beyond the effects we observe) are totalizable by any one set of theories within an ideological frame be it our most cherished notions of Afro-pessimism, feminism, Marxism, or the like. At best, theoretical endorsements make us aware of sets of actions to address ever developing problems in our empirical world, but even this awareness does not command us to only do X, but rather do X and the other ideas which compliment the material conditions addressed by the action X. As a whole, debate (policy and LD) neglects the need to do X in order to remedy our cast-away-ness among our ideological tendencies and politics.’
5 -
6 -====Their position ignores identity, yet speaks for all from a view from nowhere – this ignores the way people are raced. Yancy 05:====
7 -George, associate professor of philosophy. “Whiteness and the Return of the Black Body” The Journal of Speculative Philosophy. 2005.
8 -
9 -I write out of a personal existential context. This context is a profound source of knowledge connected to my "raced" body. Hence, I write from a place of lived embodied experience, a site of exposure. In philosophy, the only thing that we are taught to "expose" is a weak argument, a fallacy, or someone's "inferior" reasoning power. The embodied self is bracketed and deemed irrelevant to theory, superfluous and cumbersome in one's search for truth. It is best, or so we are told, to reason from nowhere. Hence, the white philosopher/author presumes to speak for all of "us" without the slightest mention of their his or her "raced" identity. Self-consciously writing as a white male philosopher, Crispin Sartwell observes:¶ Left to my own devices, I disappear as an author. That is the "whiteness" of my authorship. This whiteness of authorship is, for us, a form of authority; to speak (apparently) from nowhere, for everyone, is empowering, though one wields power here only by becoming lost to oneself. But such an authorship and authority is also pleasurable: it yields the pleasure of self-forgetting or apparent transcendence of the mundane and the particular, and the pleasure of power expressed in the "comprehension" of a range of materials. 1998, 6) To theorize the Black body one must "turn to the Black body as the radix for interpreting racial experience" (Johnson 1993, 600).1 It is important to note that this particular strategy also functions as a lens through which to theorize and critique whiteness; for the Black body's "racial" experience is fundamentally linked to the oppressive modalities of the "raced" white body. However, there is no denying that my own "racial" experiences or the social performances of whiteness can become objects of critical reflection. In this paper, my objective is to describe and theorize situations where the Black body's subjectivity, its lived reality, is reduced to instantiations of the white imaginary, resulting in what I refer to as "the phenomenological return of the Black body."2 These instantiations are embedded within and evolve out of the complex social and historical interstices of whites' efforts at self-construction through complex acts of erasure vis-à-vis Black people. These acts of self-construction, however, are myths/ideological constructions predicated upon maintaining white power. As James Snead has noted, "Mythification is the replacement of history with a surrogate ideology of white elevation or Black demotion along a scale of human value" (Snead 1994, 4). How I understand and theorize the body relates to the fact that the body—in this case, the Black body—is capable of undergoing a sociohistorical process of "phenomenological return" vis-à-vis white embodiment. The body's meaning—whether phenotypically white or black—its ontology, its modalities of aesthetic performance, its comportment, its "raciated" reproduction, is in constant contestation. The hermeneutics of the body, how it is understood, how it is "seen," its "truth," is partly the result of a profound historical, ideological construction. "The body" is positioned by historical practices and discourses. The body is codified as this or that in terms of meanings that are sanctioned, scripted, and constituted through processes of negotiation that are embedded within and serve various ideological interests that are grounded within further power-laden social processes. The historical plasticity of the body, the fact that it is a site of contested meanings, speaks to the historicity of its "being" as lived and meant within the interstices of social semiotics. Hence: a) the body is less of a thing/being than a shifting/changing historical meaning that is subject to cultural configuration/reconfiguration. The point here is to interrogate the "Black body" as a "fixed and material truth" that preexists "its relations with the world and with others"3 ; b) the body's meaning is fundamentally symbolic (McDowell 2001, 301), and its meaning is congealed through symbolic repetition and iteration that emits certain signs and presupposes certain norms; and, c) the body is a battlefield, one that is fought over again and again across particular historical moments and within particular social spaces. "In other words, the concept of the body provides only the illusion of self-evidence, facticity, 'thereness' for something End Page 216 fundamentally ephemeral, imaginary, something made in the image of particular social groups" (301). On this score, it is not only the "Black body" that defies the ontic fixity projected upon it through the white gaze, and, hence, through the episteme of whiteness, but the white body is also fundamentally symbolic, requiring demystification of its status as norm, the paragon of beauty, order, innocence, purity, restraint, and nobility. In other words, given the three suppositions above, both the "Black body" and the "white body" lend themselves to processes of interpretive fracture and to strategies of interrogating and removing the veneer of their alleged objectivity. To have one's dark body invaded by the white gaze and then to have that body returned as distorted is a powerful experience of violation. The experience presupposes an anti-Black lived context, a context within which whiteness gets reproduced and the white body as norm is reinscribed.The late writer, actor, and activist Ossie Davis recalls that at the age of six or seven two white police officers told him to get into their car. They took him down to the precinct. They kept him there for an hour, laughing at him and eventually pouring cane syrup over his head. This only created the opportunity for more laughter, as they looked upon the "silly" little Black boy. If he was able to articulate his feelings at that moment, think of how the young Davis was returned to himself: "I am an object of white laughter, a buffoon." The young Davis no doubt appeared to the white police officers in ways that they had approved. They set the stage, created a site of Black buffoonery, and enjoyed their sadistic pleasure without blinking an eye. Sartwell notes that "the white oppressor seeks to constrain the oppressed Blacks to certain approved modes of visibility (those set out in the template of stereotype) and then gazes obsessively on the spectacle he has created" (1998, 11). Davis notes that he "went along with the game of black emasculation, it seemed to come naturally" (Marable 2000, 9). After that, "the ritual was complete" (9). He was then sent home with some peanut brittle to eat. Davis knew at that early age, even without the words to articulate what he felt, that he had been violated. He refers to the entire ritual as the process of "niggerization." He notes: The culture had already told me what this was and what my reaction to this should be: not to be surprised; to expect it; to accommodate it; to live with it. I didn't know how deeply I was scarred or affected by that, but it was a part of who I was. (9) Davis, in other words, was made to feel that he had to accept who he was, that "niggerized" little Black boy, an insignificant plaything within a system of ontological racial differences. This, however, is the trick of white ideology; it is to give the appearance of fixity, where the "look of the white subject interpellates the black subject as inferior, which, in turn, bars the black subject from seeing him/herself without the internalization of the white gaze" (Weheliye 2005, 42). On this score, it is white bodies that are deemed agential. They configure "passive" End Page 217 Black bodies according to their will. But it is no mystery; for "the Negro is interpreted in the terms of the white man. White-man psychology is applied and it is no wonder that the result often shows the Negro in a ludicrous light" (Braithwaite 1992, 36). While walking across the street, I have endured the sounds of car doors locking as whites secure themselves from the "outside world," a trope rendering my Black body ostracized, different, unbelonging. This outside world constitutes a space, a field, where certain Black bodies are relegated. They are rejected, because they are deemed suspicious, vile infestations of the (white) social body. The locks on the doors resound: Click. Click. Click. Click. Click. Click. ClickClickClickClickClickClickClick! Of course, the clicking sounds are always already accompanied by nervous gestures, and eyes that want to look, but are hesitant to do so. The cumulative impact of the sounds is deafening, maddening in their distorted repetition. The clicks begin to function as coded sounds, reminding me that I am dangerous; the sounds create boundaries, separating the white civilized from the dark savage, even as I comport myself to the contrary. The clicking sounds mark me, they inscribe me, they materialize my presence in ways that belie my intentions. Unable to stop the clicking, unable to establish a form of recognition that creates a space of trust and liminality, there are times when one wants to become their fantasy, to become their Black monster, their bogeyman, to pull open the car door: "Surprise. You've just been carjacked by a ghost, a fantasy of your own creation. Now, get the fuck out of the car." I have endured white women clutching their purses or walking across the street as they catch a glimpse of my approaching Black body. It is during such moments that my body is given back to me in a ludicrous light, where I live the meaning of my body as confiscated. Davis too had the meaning of his young Black body stolen. The surpluses being gained by the whites in each case are not economic. Rather, it is through existential exploitation that the surpluses extracted can be said to be ontological—"semblances of determined presence, of full positivity, to provide a sense of secure being" (Henry 1997, 33). When I was about seventeen or eighteen, my white math teacher initiated such an invasion, pulling it off with complete calm and presumably self-transparency. Given the historical construction of whiteness as the norm, his own "raced" subject position was rendered invisible. After all, he lived in the real world, the world of the serious man, where values are believed anterior to their existential founding. As I recall, we were discussing my plans for the future. I told him that I wanted to be a pilot. I was earnest about this choice, spending a great deal of time reading about the requirements involved in becoming a pilot, how one would have to accumulate a certain number of flying hours. I also read about the dynamics of lift and drag that affect a plane in flight. After no doubt taking note of my firm commitment, he looked at me and implied that I should be realistic (a code word for realize that I am Black) about my goals. He said that I should become a carpenter or a bricklayer. I was exposing myself, telling a trusted teacher what I wanted to be, and he returned me to myself as something End Page 218 that I did not recognize. I had no intentions of being a carpenter or a bricklayer (or a janitor or elevator operator for that matter). The situation, though, is more complex. It is not that he simply returned me to myself as a carpenter or a bricklayer when all along I had this image of myself as a pilot. Rather, he returned me to myself as a fixed entity, a "niggerized" Black body whose epidermal logic had already foreclosed the possibility of being anything other than what was befitting its lowly station. He was the voice of a larger anti-Black racist society that "whispers mixed messages in our ears" (Marable 2000, 9), the ears of Black people who struggle to think of themselves as a possibility. He mentioned that there were only a few Black pilots and that I should be more realistic. (One can only imagine what his response would have been had I said that I wanted to be a philosopher, particularly given the statistic that Black philosophers constitute about 1.1 of philosophers in the United States). Keep in mind that this event did not occur in the 1930s or 1940s, but around 1979. The message was clear. Because I was Black, I had to settle for an occupation suitable for my Black body,4 unlike the white body that would no doubt have been encouraged to become a pilot. As with Davis, having one's Black body returned as a source of impossibility, one begins to think, to feel, to emote: "Am I a nigger?" The internalization of the white gaze creates a doubleness within the psyche of the Black, leading to a destructive process of superfluous self-surveillance and self-interrogation. This was indeed a time when I felt ontologically locked into my body. My body was indelibly marked with this stain of darkness. After all, he was the white mind, the mathematical mind, calculating my future by factoring in my Blackness. He did not "see" me, though. Like Ellison's invisible man, I occupied that paradoxical status of "visible invisibility." Within this dyadic space, my Black body phenomenologically returned to me as inferior. To describe the phenomenological return of the Black body is to disclose how it is returned as an appearance to consciousness, my consciousness. The (negatively) "raced" manner in which my body underwent a phenomenological return, however, presupposes a thick social reality that has always already been structured by the ideology and history of whiteness. More specifically, when my body is returned to me, the white body has already been constituted over centuries as the norm, both in European and Anglo-American culture, and at several discursive levels from science to philosophy to religion. In the case of my math teacher, his whiteness was invisible to him as my Blackness was hyper-visible to both of us. Of course, his invisibility to his own normative here is a function of my hyper-visibility. It is important to keep in mind that white Americans, more generally, define themselves around the "gravitational pull," as it were, of the Black.5 The not of white America is the Black of white America. This not is essential, as is the invisibility of the negative relation through which whites are constituted. All of embodied beings have their own "here." My white math teacher's racist social performances (for example, his "advice" to me), within the context of a End Page 219 white racist historical imaginary and asymmetric power relations, suspends and effectively disqualifies my embodied here. What was the message communicated? Expressing my desire to be, to take advantage of the opportunities for which Black bodies had died in order to secure, my ambition "was flung back in my face like a slap" (Fanon 1967, 114). Fanon writes: The white world, the only honorable one, barred me from all participation. A man was expected to behave like a man. I was expected to behave like a black man—or at least like a nigger. I shouted a greeting to the world and the world slashed away my joy. I was told to stay within bounds, to go back where I belonged. (114–15) According to philosopher Bettina Bergo, drawing from the thought of Emmanuel Levinas, "perception and discourse—what we see and the symbols and meanings of our social imaginaries—prove inextricably the one from the other" (2005, 131). Hence, the white math teacher's perception, what he "saw," was inextricably linked to social meanings and semiotic constructions and constrictions that opened up a "field of appearances" regarding my dark body. There is nothing passive about the white gaze. There are racist sociohistorical and epistemic conditions of emergence that construct not only the Black body, but the white body as well. So, what is "seen" when the white gaze "sees" "my body" and it becomes something alien to me?
10 -
11 -====By defining the “civil” society of Europe in opposition to the uncivilized state of nature, social contract theory justifies the exclusion of non-white peoples from the state—creates colonialism, genocide, and total war. Henderson 98:====
12 -James. "The context of the state of nature." Reclaiming indigenous voice and vision (2000): 11. Senior Administrator and Research Director of the Native Law Centre at the University of Saskatchewan
13 -Hobbes did not assert the universality of the state of nature. He did not believe that the state of nature "ever generally" existed "over all the world."" Instead, he asserted that there were "many places" where the state of nature did exist: "the savage people in many places of America, except the government of small Families, the concord whereof dependeth on naturall lust, have no government at all; and live at this day in that brutish manner, as I said before.” Hobbes used savages in America to illustrate the universal negative standards of primal chaos. and the natural state of war." The savage state envisioned by Hobbes provided more than the force creating and sustaining law and political society, however; it also created a spectacular repository of negative values attributed to Indigenous peoples. Hobbes asserted that the state of nature and civil society are opposed to one another. The state of nature has a right of nature (“ius naturale"): "the liberty each man has to use his own power, as he will himself, for the preservation of his own nature, that is to say, his own life; and consequently, of doing any thing which in his own judgment and reason he shall conceive to be the aptest means thereto." By the right of nature, "every man has a right to every thing, even to one another’s body. " This reinforced the wretched and dangerous condition of the state of nature. Hobbes emphasized the tendency toward the state of nature in European society by noting the existing civil wars. He thought that these wars testified to the fact that European sovereigns remained in a state of nature toward each other as well as toward their subjects. He also believed that, with the separation between political and ecclesiastical authority in European society, the whole of Europe was not far from falling into the state of nature or the image of civil war, much in the same way as the ancient republics had been transformed into "anarchies." After Hobbes made this distinction between the state of nature and civil society, the state of nature became the starting point in Eurocentric discussions. of government and politics. The state of nature was the conditionality or the assumption or the given upon which the idea of the modern state or civil society was constructed. Those who attempted to construct a rational theory of the state began from Indigenous peoples in a state of nature being the antithesis of civilized society. These political philosophers ranged from Spinoza to Locke, from Pufendorf to Rousseau to Kant. These philosophers created the natural-law theory of the modern state. Hegel eliminated the state of nature as the original condition of humans but merged the theory in the relations among states. By the early eighteenth century, the usual explanation of the origin of the state, or “civil society," began by postulating an original state of nature in which primitive humans lived on their own and were subject to neither government nor law.” As the first systematic theorist of the philosophy of Liberalism and Hobbes's greatest immediate English successor, John Locke took up where Hobbes left off. In 1690, Locke published Two Treatises of Government.” Like Hobbes, he started with the state of nature. However, he opposed Hobbes's view that the state of nature was "solitary, poore, nasty, brutish, and short" and maintained instead that the state of nature was a happy and tolerant one. He argued that humans in the state of nature are free and equal yet insecure and dangerous in their freedom. Like Hobbes, Locke had no proof of his theory. Indeed, there is no proof that the state of nature was ever more than an intellectual idea, since no historical or social information about it has ever existed.” Of course, there was nothing to disprove the idea either, and Locke simply stated that "It is not at all to be wonder’d that History gives us but a very little account of Men, that lived together in the State of Nature. " Following Hobbes, he argued that government and political power emerged out of the state of nature. “In the beginning," Locke wrote, "all the World was America/ That America is “still a Pattern of the first Ages of Asia and Europe” and the relationship between the Indigenous peoples and the Europeans in America is "perfectly in a State of Nature." Thus, Locke, despite his differences with Hobbes on the state of nature itself, used the idea to justify European settlement in America” and to give Europeans the right to wage war “against the Indians, to seek Reparation upon any injury received from them."
14 -
15 -====The alternative is anti-ethics – a demystifying of white people’s control over the world – their ethics can no longer dismiss liberation strategies. Curry 13:====
16 -Dr. Tommy J, Associate Professor of Philosophy, Affiliated Professor of Africana Studies, and a Ray A. Rothrock Fellow at Texas AandM University; first Black JV National Debate champion (for UMKC) and was half of the first all Black CEDA team to win the Pi Kappa Delta National Debate Tournament. "In the Fiat of Dreams: The Delusional Allure of Hope, the Reality of Anti-Black Violence and the Demands of the Anti-Ethical", 2013
17 -
18 -Anti-ethics; the call to demystify the present concept of man as illusion, as delusion, and as stratagem, is the axiomatic rupture of white existence and the multiple global oppressions like capitalism, militarism, genocide, and globalization, that formed the evaluative nexus which allows whites to claim they are the civilized guardians of the world’s darker races. It is the rejection of white virtue, the white’s axiomatic claim to humanity that allows the Black, the darker world to sow the seeds of consciousness towards liberation from oppression. When white (in)humanity is no longer an obstacle weighed against the means for liberation from racism, the oppressed are free to overthrow the principles that suggest their paths to liberation are immoral and hence not possible. To accept the oppressor as is, the white made manifest in empire, is to transform white western (hu)man from semi-deitous sovereign citizen to contingent, mortal, and un-otherable. Exposing the inhumanity of white humanity is the destruction/refusal of the disciplinary imperative for liberal reformism and dialogue as well as a rejection of the social conventions that dictate speaking as if this white person, the white person and her white people before you are in fact not racist white people, but tolerable—not like the racist white people abstracted from reality, but really spoken of in conversations about racism. The revelatory call, the coercively silenced but intuitive yearning to describe the actual reality set before Black people in an anti-Black society, is to simply say there is no negotiating the boundaries of anti-Blackness or the horizons of white supremacy. Racism, the debasement of melaninated bodies and nigger-souls, is totalizing.
19 -
20 -====Structures of anti blackness are sustained by cultural representations and analysis of blackness. Scott 14:====
21 -Darieck, Professor of African Diaspora Studies at Cal Berkeley University 2010; “Extravagant Abjection: Blackness, Power, and Sexuality in the African American Literary Imagination”
22 -
23 -The figure of the Negro, Fanon says, is “woven… out of a thousand details, anecdotes, stories.” Blackness is lived, but it is a representation. Even if, as we believe, all identities and subjectivities are falsities of this sort, imagos as hollow as old bones that language or father or the forces of economic production generate, blackness is a representation of rather recent historical vintage, unlike far older and presumably transcultural representations such as “woman.” The historical proximity of its provenance makes tangible to us, visible, the operation of sociogenesis by which all of our human world comes into being. If blackness functions as the dark distorted mirror of the (thus whitened) Western self, reflecting its fears and obsessions concerning the body, sexuality, and morality, then that blackness exists and that it is possible to historicize its mirrors for us the process by which the terms of self and socius have been constructed. In this way we can read blackness as a patchwork of narratives condensed on the skin of the blackened and referenced in the images ascribed to them, an articulation of meaning to image, the circulation of which occurs in the symbolic, a realm both collective (as all that we might call culture) and idiosyncratic (as what we deem the individual unconscious). What emerges most forcefully from Fanon’s ruminations in Black Skin, White Masks is the idea that blackness is an artifact of the symbolic, one of the clever deceptions of language as it attempts to give substance to the void that it is and as it vainly attempts to impose order on the riotously excessive world with which it is confronted. Like all language, then, blackness is code. And as with all language, this encoding can by its proliferating processes of abstraction and association virally replicate itself; it generates more encoded language-and thus more knowledge, more of a something which it codes-otherwise unavailable. Artistry that makes language its primary medium of creation explores and exploits language’s essential coding: it does so through metonymy. Such art generates “insight” (or, strictly speaking, a new or different idea) by combining, collapsing, conflating in some jarring or beautiful or shocking way things, ideas, memes, that were heretofore not in contiguity or not placed in contiguity in that way. Thus, language art-trope work-routinely conducts a thought-experiment in the manner we ascribe generically to speculative fiction, by creating seemingly impossible, or at least difficult to imagine, conjunctions: conjunctions not unlike those troublesome “contradictions” we find lurking in Fanon’s corpus, such as the paradoxes of the rigid black(ened) body that is both living and dead and both inert and in movement, the facticity of human freedom as its imprisonment, the decidedly nonlinear temporality that folds a past as future anterior under and over a future as past posterior.
EntryDate
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1 -2017-04-29 17:06:31.993
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1 -Hunt
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1 -Lexington RW
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1 -92
Round
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1 -1
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1 -St Andrews Bhatt Neg
Title
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1 -0 - anti-ethics k
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1 -toc
Caselist.RoundClass[89]
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1 -177,178,179
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1 -2017-04-26 14:34:14.0
Judge
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1 -Samorian, Damerdji
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Sophomore%20RR-Round5.docx
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1 -Valley JM
Round
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1 -5
RoundReport
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1 -1AC
2 -- Actualism FW
3 -- People should orient themselves away from nuclear power with a waste advantage
4 -1NC
5 -- Pragmatism NC
6 -- Thorium and SSD CP
7 -- T - Countries
8 -2NR
9 -- T
10 -- NC
Tournament
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1 -Sophomore RR
Caselist.RoundClass[90]
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1 -180,181,182
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1 -2017-04-26 14:35:00.0
Judge
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1 -Carlson
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Valley-Round5.docx
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1 -Evanston GH
Round
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1 -5
RoundReport
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1 -1AC
2 -- Agrilologistics
3 -1NC
4 -- Framework
5 -- Ableism PIK
6 -- Abstraction K
7 -2NR
8 -- Ableism PIK
Tournament
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1 -Valley
Caselist.RoundClass[91]
Cites
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1 -183
EntryDate
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1 -2017-04-28 16:38:46.0
Judge
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1 -Brundage
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Barkley%20Forum-Round3.docx
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1 -Harvard-Westlake IP
Round
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1 -3
RoundReport
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1 -1ac
2 -- journalism plan
3 -1nc
4 -- survivors pic
5 -- pics good defense
6 -2nr
7 -- pic
Tournament
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1 -Barkley Forum
Caselist.RoundClass[92]
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1 -2017-04-29 17:06:30.0
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1 -Hunt
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1 -Lexington RW
Round
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1 -1
RoundReport
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1 -1ac
2 -- kant
3 -1nc
4 -- anti-ethics k
5 -- oppression nc
6 -- guns da
7 -2nr
8 -- nc and da
Tournament
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1 -toc
Caselist.CitesClass[126]
Cites
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1 +====Interpretation: The affirmative must defend implementation of the resolution and may only garner offense from hypothetical enactment of the resolution. The interpretation doesn’t require any specific form of evidence or type of style – only that we debate the resolution.====
2 +
3 +====Resolved’ denotes a proposal to be enacted by law. Words and Phrases 64:====
4 +Words and Phrases 64 Permanent Edition
5 +
6 +Definition of the word “resolve,” ... meaning “to establish by law”.
7 +
8 +====Country is defined as a government. Oxford:====
9 +http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/us/definition/american_english/country
10 +
11 +a nation with its own government, occupying a particular territory.
12 +
13 +====Violation:====
14 +
15 +====Standards:====
16 +
17 +====1 Limits – by not defending the topic they explode the number of affs to an infinite number – broad topics and non-existence limits turn their solvency arguments and scholarship impacts. Rowland 84:====
18 +(Robert C., Baylor U., “Topic Selection in Debate”, American Forensics in Perspective. Ed. Parson, p. 53-4)
19 +
20 +The first major problem identified by … schools to cancel their programs.
21 +
22 +====2 Stable Advocacy and Engagement – debate requires a specific point of difference to be successful – an argument like “racism bad,” while true, misses the point of debate and turns solvency for case. Steinberg and Freeley 13:====
23 +David, Lecturer in Communication studies and rhetoric. Advisor to Miami Urban Debate League. Director of Debate at U Miami, Former President of CEDA. And Austin, attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, JD, Suffolk University, Argumentation and Debate, Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making, 121-4
24 +
25 +Debate is a means of settling … be outlined in the following discussion.
26 +
27 +====Topical version of the aff solves all of their offense –====
28 +
29 +====T is a voter.====
EntryDate
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1 +2016-12-13 17:44:11.0
Judge
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1 +Carlson
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1 +Evanston GH
ParentRound
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1 +65
Round
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1 +5
Team
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1 +St Andrews Bhatt Neg
Title
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1 +1 - Framework
Tournament
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1 +Valley
Caselist.CitesClass[127]
Cites
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1 +====Counterplan text: We call for the entirety of the affirmative sans their use of ableistic rhetoric. Net benefits:====
2 +
3 +====The use of blindness discourse is problematic – it perpetuates ableism and the idea that blindness implies moral inferiority. Treiman 11:====
4 +Treiman 11 Shelley Tremain (University of Toronto, Social Justice Education). “Ableist language and philosophical associations.” 2011, http://www.newappsblog.com/2011/07/ableist-language-and-philosophical-associations.html
5 +
6 +Over the last couple of decades, … inflicting harm in this way.
7 +
8 +====“Blind” implies being incapable of planning, being unable to comprehend information and regularly misunderstanding the motives of others. Kali 10:====
9 +Brilliant Mind Broken Body: Living with Ehlers-Danlos Syndrome, “I am not your Metaphor,” October 17, 2010, http://brilliantmindbrokenbody.wordpress.com/2010/10/17/i-am-not-your-metaphor/
10 +
11 +Blind - I bet you can’t … issues that have NOTHING to do with sight!
12 +
13 +====Your role is an educator whose job is to challenge dominant ableist mindsets, endorsing our methodology causes a spillover into our everyday lives. Beckett 13:====
14 +Beckett 13’- Angharad Anti-oppressive pedagogy and¶ disability: possibilities and challenges, School of Sociology and Social Policy, University of Leeds
15 +
16 +Serious and systemic disability discrimination …‘foot in both camps’ i.e.¶ ‘oppressed’ and ‘privileged’.
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1 +2016-12-13 17:44:11.0
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Round
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1 +0 - Ableism PIK
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1 +Valley
Caselist.CitesClass[128]
Cites
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1 +====The 1AC’s utopian imagination in which structures of oppression don’t exist anymore is oppressive – that kind of abstraction distracts us from actual solutions. Curry 14:====
2 +Curry, Dr. Tommy J. Associate Professor of Philosophy, Affiliated Professor of Africana Studies, and a Ray A. Rothrock Fellow at Texas AandM University; first Black JV National Debate champion (for UMKC) and was half of the first all Black CEDA team to win the Pi Kappa Delta National Debate Tournament “The Cost of a Thing: A Kingian Reformulation of a Living Wage Argument in the 21st Century.”
3 +
4 +Despite the pronouncement of debate … among our ideological tendencies and politics.
5 +
6 +====Vote neg to rupture the whiteness of the utopia of the affirmative. Curry 13:====
7 +Dr. Tommy J. Curry 13, Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy, Texas AandM, "In the Fiat of Dreams: The Delusional Allure of Hope, the Reality of Anti-Black Violence and the Demands of the Anti-Ethical", 2013
8 +
9 +Anti-ethics; the call to … melaninated bodies and nigger-souls, is totalizing.
EntryDate
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1 +2016-12-13 17:44:12.0
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1 +Carlson
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1 +Evanston GH
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1 +65
Round
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1 +5
Team
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1 +St Andrews Bhatt Neg
Title
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1 +0 - Abstraction K
Tournament
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1 +Valley
Caselist.CitesClass[143]
Cites
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1 +====CP: Public colleges and universities in the United States ought to only restrict constitutionally protected journalist speech in order to establish survivor-based control over information about sexual harassment cases released by school newspapers. Tyler-March 16:====
2 +Mary, reporter at the Student Press Law Center, an advocate for student First Amendment rights, for freedom of online speech, and for open government on campus. The SPLC provides information, training and legal assistance at no charge to student journalists and the educators who work with them. "University of Kentucky victims seek to join lawsuit against student newspaper" November 17, 2016. http://www.splc.org/article/2016/11/university-of-kentucky-victims-seek-to-join-lawsuit-against-student-newspaper SA-IB
3 +
4 +KENTUCKY—Two of the … always been what is at stake in this litigation."
5 +
6 +====It competes because it places a restriction on what newspapers can report – newspapers have free speech to report sexual assault right now and the ability to set their own policy on sexual assault reporting and the CP has colleges enforce a survivor based control policy on student newspapers. ====
7 +
8 +====Survivor based control is key – journalists should not identify names in cases of sexual assault nor should they report details that could lead to the survivor’s identity being discovered unless the survivor says so. Doing otherwise can lead to massive public shame and backlash. NAESV 17:====
9 +National Alliance to End Sexual Violence. "Naming Victims in the Media" 2017. http://endsexualviolence.org/where-we-stand/naming-victims-in-the-media SA-IB
10 +
11 +Some people argue that journalists …with sensitivity toward the stigma associated with being publicly named.
12 +
13 +====They specifically don’t get a perm because their AFF author, Frank Lomonte, says that student newspapers should have the freedom to report whatever they want about sexual assault under free speech. The newspaper case the CP is based on, the Kentucky Kernel, is uncontestably a free speech issue. Saul 16: ====
14 +Stephanie, winner of the 1995 Pulitzer Prize and 2010 Society of Professional Journalists Award for Science Reporting, a University of Mississippi graduate, investigative reporter for the New York Times since 2008, investigations focus on science and technology issues in various fields, including those related to pharmaceuticals, psychology, health and fertility innovations. "Campus Press vs. Colleges: Kentucky Suit Highlights Free-Speech Fight" December 02, 2016. The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/02/us/kentucky-student-journalism-free-speech.html SA-IB
15 +
16 +Campus Press vs. Colleges: Kentucky Suit …to fend off funding cuts that students believe were in retaliation for controversial articles.
EntryDate
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1 +2017-04-26 14:22:47.0
Judge
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1 +Brundage
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1 +Harvard-Westlake IP
ParentRound
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1 +73
Round
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1 +3
Team
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1 +St Andrews Bhatt Neg
Title
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1 +janfeb ~-~- pic ~-~- sexual harassment survivors
Tournament
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1 +Barkley Forum
Caselist.RoundClass[65]
Cites
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1 +126,127,128
EntryDate
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1 +2016-12-13 17:44:10.0
Judge
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1 +Carlson
OpenSource
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1 +https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Valley-Round5.docx
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1 +Evanston GH
Round
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1 +5
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,8 @@
1 +1AC
2 +- Agrilologistics
3 +1NC
4 +- Framework
5 +- Ableism PIK
6 +- Abstraction K
7 +2NR
8 +- Ableism PIK
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Valley
Caselist.RoundClass[73]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +143
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +2017-04-26 14:22:45.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Brundage
OpenSource
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Barkley%20Forum-Round3.docx
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Harvard-Westlake IP
Round
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +3
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,6 @@
1 +1AC
2 +- Journalism
3 +1NC
4 +- Sexual Harassment PIC
5 +2NR
6 +- PIC
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Barkley Forum

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