Changes for page St Andrews Bhatt Neg

Last modified by Administrator on 2017/08/29 03:40

From version < 738.1 >
edited by Ishan Bhatt
on 2017/04/26 18:34
To version < 785.1
edited by Administrator
on 2017/08/29 03:40
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1 -XWiki.ishanbhatt42@gmailcom
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1 -====Interpretation: The affirmative must directly defend that countries prohibit the production of nuclear power.====
2 -
3 -====Prohibitions are formal through law. Oxford:====
4 -Oxford Dictionaries. “Definition of Prohibit in English.” No date.
5 -
6 -VERB (prohibits, prohibiting, prohibited) WITH OBJECT ... the budget agreement had prohibited any tax cuts
7 -
8 -====A country is a government, in the context of an actor. Google:====
9 -Google: nd https://www.google.com/webhp?sourceid=chrome-instantandion=1andespv=2andie=UTF-8#q=countries20definition
10 -
11 -a nation with its own government, occupying a particular territory.
12 -
13 -====Violation: They define country as people and defend that people orient themselves away from nuclear====
14 -
15 -====Standards====
16 -1 Real World
17 -
18 -2 Ground
19 -
20 -====T is a voter====
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1 -2016-11-27 22:32:31.0
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1 -Samorian, Damerdji
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1 -Valley JM
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1 -55
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1 -St Andrews Bhatt Neg
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1 -SEPOCT - T - Countries
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1 -Sophomore RR
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1 -====Interpretation: The affirmative must defend implementation of the resolution and may only garner offense from hypothetical enactment of the resolution. The interpretation doesn’t require any specific form of evidence or type of style – only that we debate the resolution.====
2 -
3 -====Resolved’ denotes a proposal to be enacted by law. Words and Phrases 64:====
4 -Words and Phrases 64 Permanent Edition
5 -
6 -Definition of the word “resolve,” ... meaning “to establish by law”.
7 -
8 -====Country is defined as a government. Oxford:====
9 -http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/us/definition/american_english/country
10 -
11 -a nation with its own government, occupying a particular territory.
12 -
13 -====Violation:====
14 -
15 -====Standards:====
16 -
17 -====1 Limits – by not defending the topic they explode the number of affs to an infinite number – broad topics and non-existence limits turn their solvency arguments and scholarship impacts. Rowland 84:====
18 -(Robert C., Baylor U., “Topic Selection in Debate”, American Forensics in Perspective. Ed. Parson, p. 53-4)
19 -
20 -The first major problem identified by … schools to cancel their programs.
21 -
22 -====2 Stable Advocacy and Engagement – debate requires a specific point of difference to be successful – an argument like “racism bad,” while true, misses the point of debate and turns solvency for case. Steinberg and Freeley 13:====
23 -David, Lecturer in Communication studies and rhetoric. Advisor to Miami Urban Debate League. Director of Debate at U Miami, Former President of CEDA. And Austin, attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, JD, Suffolk University, Argumentation and Debate, Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making, 121-4
24 -
25 -Debate is a means of settling … be outlined in the following discussion.
26 -
27 -====Topical version of the aff solves all of their offense –====
28 -
29 -====T is a voter.====
EntryDate
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1 -2016-12-13 17:44:11.0
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1 -Carlson
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1 -Evanston GH
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1 -65
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1 -5
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1 -1 - Framework
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1 -====Counterplan text: We call for the entirety of the affirmative sans their use of ableistic rhetoric. Net benefits:====
2 -
3 -====The use of blindness discourse is problematic – it perpetuates ableism and the idea that blindness implies moral inferiority. Treiman 11:====
4 -Treiman 11 Shelley Tremain (University of Toronto, Social Justice Education). “Ableist language and philosophical associations.” 2011, http://www.newappsblog.com/2011/07/ableist-language-and-philosophical-associations.html
5 -
6 -Over the last couple of decades, … inflicting harm in this way.
7 -
8 -====“Blind” implies being incapable of planning, being unable to comprehend information and regularly misunderstanding the motives of others. Kali 10:====
9 -Brilliant Mind Broken Body: Living with Ehlers-Danlos Syndrome, “I am not your Metaphor,” October 17, 2010, http://brilliantmindbrokenbody.wordpress.com/2010/10/17/i-am-not-your-metaphor/
10 -
11 -Blind - I bet you can’t … issues that have NOTHING to do with sight!
12 -
13 -====Your role is an educator whose job is to challenge dominant ableist mindsets, endorsing our methodology causes a spillover into our everyday lives. Beckett 13:====
14 -Beckett 13’- Angharad Anti-oppressive pedagogy and¶ disability: possibilities and challenges, School of Sociology and Social Policy, University of Leeds
15 -
16 -Serious and systemic disability discrimination …‘foot in both camps’ i.e.¶ ‘oppressed’ and ‘privileged’.
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1 -2016-12-13 17:44:11.0
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1 -Carlson
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1 -Evanston GH
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1 -0 - Ableism PIK
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1 -Valley
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1 -====The 1AC’s utopian imagination in which structures of oppression don’t exist anymore is oppressive – that kind of abstraction distracts us from actual solutions. Curry 14:====
2 -Curry, Dr. Tommy J. Associate Professor of Philosophy, Affiliated Professor of Africana Studies, and a Ray A. Rothrock Fellow at Texas AandM University; first Black JV National Debate champion (for UMKC) and was half of the first all Black CEDA team to win the Pi Kappa Delta National Debate Tournament “The Cost of a Thing: A Kingian Reformulation of a Living Wage Argument in the 21st Century.”
3 -
4 -Despite the pronouncement of debate … among our ideological tendencies and politics.
5 -
6 -====Vote neg to rupture the whiteness of the utopia of the affirmative. Curry 13:====
7 -Dr. Tommy J. Curry 13, Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy, Texas AandM, "In the Fiat of Dreams: The Delusional Allure of Hope, the Reality of Anti-Black Violence and the Demands of the Anti-Ethical", 2013
8 -
9 -Anti-ethics; the call to … melaninated bodies and nigger-souls, is totalizing.
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1 -2016-12-13 17:44:12.0
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1 -Carlson
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1 -Evanston GH
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1 -65
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1 -0 - Abstraction K
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1 -====CP: Public colleges and universities in the United States ought to only restrict constitutionally protected journalist speech in order to establish survivor-based control over information about sexual harassment cases released by school newspapers. Tyler-March 16:====
2 -Mary, reporter at the Student Press Law Center, an advocate for student First Amendment rights, for freedom of online speech, and for open government on campus. The SPLC provides information, training and legal assistance at no charge to student journalists and the educators who work with them. "University of Kentucky victims seek to join lawsuit against student newspaper" November 17, 2016. http://www.splc.org/article/2016/11/university-of-kentucky-victims-seek-to-join-lawsuit-against-student-newspaper SA-IB
3 -
4 -KENTUCKY—Two of the … always been what is at stake in this litigation."
5 -
6 -====It competes because it places a restriction on what newspapers can report – newspapers have free speech to report sexual assault right now and the ability to set their own policy on sexual assault reporting and the CP has colleges enforce a survivor based control policy on student newspapers. ====
7 -
8 -====Survivor based control is key – journalists should not identify names in cases of sexual assault nor should they report details that could lead to the survivor’s identity being discovered unless the survivor says so. Doing otherwise can lead to massive public shame and backlash. NAESV 17:====
9 -National Alliance to End Sexual Violence. "Naming Victims in the Media" 2017. http://endsexualviolence.org/where-we-stand/naming-victims-in-the-media SA-IB
10 -
11 -Some people argue that journalists …with sensitivity toward the stigma associated with being publicly named.
12 -
13 -====They specifically don’t get a perm because their AFF author, Frank Lomonte, says that student newspapers should have the freedom to report whatever they want about sexual assault under free speech. The newspaper case the CP is based on, the Kentucky Kernel, is uncontestably a free speech issue. Saul 16: ====
14 -Stephanie, winner of the 1995 Pulitzer Prize and 2010 Society of Professional Journalists Award for Science Reporting, a University of Mississippi graduate, investigative reporter for the New York Times since 2008, investigations focus on science and technology issues in various fields, including those related to pharmaceuticals, psychology, health and fertility innovations. "Campus Press vs. Colleges: Kentucky Suit Highlights Free-Speech Fight" December 02, 2016. The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/02/us/kentucky-student-journalism-free-speech.html SA-IB
15 -
16 -Campus Press vs. Colleges: Kentucky Suit …to fend off funding cuts that students believe were in retaliation for controversial articles.
EntryDate
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1 -2017-04-26 14:22:47.0
Judge
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1 -Brundage
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1 -Harvard-Westlake IP
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Title
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1 -janfeb ~-~- pic ~-~- sexual harassment survivors
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1 -Barkley Forum
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1 -126,127,128
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1 -2016-12-13 17:44:10.0
Judge
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1 -Carlson
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Valley-Round5.docx
Opponent
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1 -Evanston GH
Round
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1 -5
RoundReport
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1 -1AC
2 -- Agrilologistics
3 -1NC
4 -- Framework
5 -- Ableism PIK
6 -- Abstraction K
7 -2NR
8 -- Ableism PIK
Tournament
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1 -Valley
Caselist.RoundClass[72]
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Barkley%20Forum-Round1.docx
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Barkley%20Forum-Round1.docx
Caselist.RoundClass[73]
Cites
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1 -143
EntryDate
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1 -2017-04-26 14:22:45.0
Judge
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1 -Brundage
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Barkley%20Forum-Round3.docx
Opponent
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1 -Harvard-Westlake IP
Round
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RoundReport
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1 -1AC
2 -- Journalism
3 -1NC
4 -- Sexual Harassment PIC
5 -2NR
6 -- PIC
Tournament
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1 -Barkley Forum
Caselist.RoundClass[75]
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Greenhill-Round4.docx
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Greenhill-Round4.docx
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OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Greenhill%20RR-Round2.docx
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Greenhill%20RR-Round2.docx
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OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Greenhill-Round1.docx
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Greenhill-Round1.docx
Caselist.RoundClass[78]
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Greenhill%20RR-Round4.docx
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Greenhill%20RR-Round4.docx
Caselist.RoundClass[79]
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Greenhill%20RR-Round6.docx
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Greenhill%20RR-Round6.docx
Caselist.RoundClass[80]
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Greenhill%20RR-Round7.docx
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Greenhill%20RR-Round7.docx
Caselist.RoundClass[81]
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Harvard-Round4.docx
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Harvard-Round4.docx
Caselist.RoundClass[82]
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Harvard-Round5.docx
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Harvard-Round5.docx
Caselist.RoundClass[83]
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Holy%20Cross-Quarters.docx
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Holy%20Cross-Quarters.docx
Caselist.RoundClass[84]
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Holy%20Cross-Semis.docx
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Holy%20Cross-Semis.docx
Caselist.RoundClass[85]
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Isidore%20Newman-Round4.docx
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Isidore%20Newman-Round4.docx
Caselist.RoundClass[86]
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Isidore%20Newman-Round6.docx
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Isidore%20Newman-Round6.docx
Caselist.RoundClass[87]
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Isidore%20Newman-Octas.docx
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Isidore%20Newman-Octas.docx
Caselist.RoundClass[88]
OpenSource
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1 -https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Sophomore%20RR-Round3.docx
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Sophomore%20RR-Round3.docx
Caselist.CitesClass[177]
Cites
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1 +====I negate and value morality. Moral rules and norms aren’t static – declaring something bad and moving on results in rules formed in bias. We must constantly inquire and innovate in order to update moral rules and norms. Anderson 14:====
2 +Elizabeth, Arthur F. Thurnau Professor and John Dewey Distinguished University Professor of Philosophy and Women's Studies at University of Michigan. “Dewey’s Moral Philosophy” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2014 Edition). SA-IB
3 +
4 +Habits are socially shaped dispositions to particular ... enables habits to incorporate intelligence.
5 +
6 +====Being able to engage in experimentation is key to testing beliefs and solving problems that hurt us as a society – we shouldn’t foreclose a possible solution. Anderson II:====
7 +Elizabeth, Arthur F. Thurnau Professor and John Dewey Distinguished University Professor of Philosophy and Women's Studies at University of Michigan. “The Quest for Free Labor Pragmatism and Experiments in Emancipation” Amherst Lecture in Philosophy. 2014 SA-IB
8 +
9 +Because individuals occupy different social positions, are affected ... ambitious ideal of what would solve it.
10 +
11 +====Thus the standard is consistency with pragmatic experimentation, meaning giving ourselves the ability to experiment, inquire, and innovate with means to solve our problems.====
12 +
13 +
14 +====I contend we shouldn’t foreclose the possibility of experimentation with nuclear energy. We should instead innovate and improve production of nuclear power.====
15 +
16 +====Nuclear energy is our only way forward – maintaining the ability for innovation is key. The affirmative overreacts – we need to develop safety and new measures, not foreclose the possibility. OECD 07:====
17 +Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development, Nuclear Energy Agency. “Innovation in Nuclear Energy Technology” 2007 SA-IB
18 +
19 +Considering the world energy prospects and related ... scientists and engineers and to retain them in the nuclear business.
EntryDate
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1 +2017-04-26 14:34:16.0
Judge
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1 +Samorian, Damerdji
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1 +Valley JM
ParentRound
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1 +89
Round
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1 +5
Team
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1 +St Andrews Bhatt Neg
Title
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1 +septoct ~-~- nc ~-~- pragmatism
Tournament
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1 +Sophomore RR
Caselist.CitesClass[178]
Cites
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1 +====Interpretation: The affirmative must directly defend that countries prohibit the production of nuclear power.====
2 +
3 +====Prohibitions are formal through law. Oxford:====
4 +Oxford Dictionaries. “Definition of Prohibit in English.” No date.
5 +
6 +VERB (prohibits, prohibiting, prohibited) WITH OBJECT ... the budget agreement had prohibited any tax cuts
7 +
8 +====A country is a government, in the context of an actor. Google:====
9 +Google: nd https://www.google.com/webhp?sourceid=chrome-instantandion=1andespv=2andie=UTF-8#q=countries20definition
10 +
11 +a nation with its own government, occupying a particular territory.
12 +
13 +====Violation: They define country as people and defend that people orient themselves away from nuclear====
14 +
15 +====Standards====
16 +1 Real World
17 +
18 +2 Ground
19 +
20 +====T is a voter====
EntryDate
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1 +2017-04-26 14:34:17.0
Judge
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1 +Samorian, Damerdji
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1 +Valley JM
ParentRound
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1 +89
Round
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1 +5
Team
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1 +St Andrews Bhatt Neg
Title
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1 +septoct ~-~- t ~-~- countries
Tournament
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1 +Sophomore RR
Caselist.CitesClass[179]
Cites
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1 +====Prohibiting nuclear power means coal replacement – Japan empirically proves – emissions are multiplied twenty times over. Baum 15:====
2 +Seth, executive director of Global Catastrophic Risk Institute (think tank) and researches the risk, ethics, and policy about major threats to the world. “Japan should restart more nuclear power plants” Oct 20, 2015. http://thebulletin.org/japan-should-restart-more-nuclear-power-plants8817 SA-IB
3 +
4 +In August, a Japanese utility company … option for Japan and for the world.
5 +
6 +====Warming causes mass violence and leads to extinction – natural disasters, sea levels, and food security. Sharp and Kennedy 14:====
7 +(Associate Professor Robert (Bob) A. Sharp is the UAE National Defense College Associate Dean for Academic Programs and College Quality Assurance Advisor. He previously served as Assistant Professor of Strategic Security Studies at the College of International Security Affairs (CISA) in the U.S. National Defense University (NDU), Washington D.C. and then as Associate Professor at the Near East South Asia (NESA) Center for Strategic Studies, collocated with NDU. Most recently at NESA, he focused on security sector reform in Yemen and Lebanon, and also supported regional security engagement events into Afghanistan, Turkey, Egypt, Palestine and Qatar; Edward Kennedy is a renewable energy and climate change specialist who has worked for the World Bank and the Spanish Electric Utility ENDESA on carbon policy and markets; 8/22/14, “Climate Change and Implications for National Security,” International Policy Digest, http://intpolicydigest.org/2014/08/22/climate-change-implications-national-security/)
8 +
9 +Our planet is 4.5 billion years old… and political decisions; it will be hard to fix!
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1 +2017-04-26 14:34:17.0
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1 +Samorian, Damerdji
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1 +Valley JM
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1 +89
Round
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1 +5
Team
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1 +St Andrews Bhatt Neg
Title
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1 +septoct ~-~- da ~-~- warming
Tournament
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1 +Sophomore RR
Caselist.CitesClass[180]
Cites
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1 +====Interpretation: The affirmative must defend implementation of the resolution and may only garner offense from hypothetical enactment of the resolution. The interpretation doesn’t require any specific form of evidence or type of style – only that we debate the resolution.====
2 +
3 +====Resolved’ denotes a proposal to be enacted by law. Words and Phrases 64:====
4 +Words and Phrases 64 Permanent Edition
5 +
6 +Definition of the word “resolve,” ... meaning “to establish by law”.
7 +
8 +====Country is defined as a government. Oxford:====
9 +http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/us/definition/american_english/country
10 +
11 +a nation with its own government, occupying a particular territory.
12 +
13 +====Violation:====
14 +
15 +====Standards:====
16 +
17 +====1 Limits – by not defending the topic they explode the number of affs to an infinite number – broad topics and non-existence limits turn their solvency arguments and scholarship impacts. Rowland 84:====
18 +(Robert C., Baylor U., “Topic Selection in Debate”, American Forensics in Perspective. Ed. Parson, p. 53-4)
19 +
20 +The first major problem identified by … schools to cancel their programs.
21 +
22 +====2 Stable Advocacy and Engagement – debate requires a specific point of difference to be successful – an argument like “racism bad,” while true, misses the point of debate and turns solvency for case. Steinberg and Freeley 13:====
23 +David, Lecturer in Communication studies and rhetoric. Advisor to Miami Urban Debate League. Director of Debate at U Miami, Former President of CEDA. And Austin, attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, JD, Suffolk University, Argumentation and Debate, Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making, 121-4
24 +
25 +Debate is a means of settling … be outlined in the following discussion.
26 +
27 +====Topical version of the aff solves all of their offense –====
28 +
29 +====T is a voter.====
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1 +====Counterplan text: We call for the entirety of the affirmative sans their use of ableistic rhetoric. Net benefits:====
2 +
3 +====The use of blindness discourse is problematic – it perpetuates ableism and the idea that blindness implies moral inferiority. Treiman 11:====
4 +Treiman 11 Shelley Tremain (University of Toronto, Social Justice Education). “Ableist language and philosophical associations.” 2011, http://www.newappsblog.com/2011/07/ableist-language-and-philosophical-associations.html
5 +
6 +Over the last couple of decades, … inflicting harm in this way.
7 +
8 +====“Blind” implies being incapable of planning, being unable to comprehend information and regularly misunderstanding the motives of others. Kali 10:====
9 +Brilliant Mind Broken Body: Living with Ehlers-Danlos Syndrome, “I am not your Metaphor,” October 17, 2010, http://brilliantmindbrokenbody.wordpress.com/2010/10/17/i-am-not-your-metaphor/
10 +
11 +Blind - I bet you can’t … issues that have NOTHING to do with sight!
12 +
13 +====Your role is an educator whose job is to challenge dominant ableist mindsets, endorsing our methodology causes a spillover into our everyday lives. Beckett 13:====
14 +Beckett 13’- Angharad Anti-oppressive pedagogy and¶ disability: possibilities and challenges, School of Sociology and Social Policy, University of Leeds
15 +
16 +Serious and systemic disability discrimination …‘foot in both camps’ i.e.¶ ‘oppressed’ and ‘privileged’.
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1 +====The 1AC’s utopian imagination in which structures of oppression don’t exist anymore is oppressive – that kind of abstraction distracts us from actual solutions. Curry 14:====
2 +Curry, Dr. Tommy J. Associate Professor of Philosophy, Affiliated Professor of Africana Studies, and a Ray A. Rothrock Fellow at Texas AandM University; first Black JV National Debate champion (for UMKC) and was half of the first all Black CEDA team to win the Pi Kappa Delta National Debate Tournament “The Cost of a Thing: A Kingian Reformulation of a Living Wage Argument in the 21st Century.”
3 +
4 +Despite the pronouncement of debate … among our ideological tendencies and politics.
5 +
6 +====Vote neg to rupture the whiteness of the utopia of the affirmative. Curry 13:====
7 +Dr. Tommy J. Curry 13, Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy, Texas AandM, "In the Fiat of Dreams: The Delusional Allure of Hope, the Reality of Anti-Black Violence and the Demands of the Anti-Ethical", 2013
8 +
9 +Anti-ethics; the call to … melaninated bodies and nigger-souls, is totalizing.
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1 +====CP: Public colleges and universities in the United States ought to only restrict constitutionally protected journalist speech in order to establish survivor-based control over information about sexual harassment cases released by school newspapers. Tyler-March 16:====
2 +Mary, reporter at the Student Press Law Center, an advocate for student First Amendment rights, for freedom of online speech, and for open government on campus. The SPLC provides information, training and legal assistance at no charge to student journalists and the educators who work with them. "University of Kentucky victims seek to join lawsuit against student newspaper" November 17, 2016. http://www.splc.org/article/2016/11/university-of-kentucky-victims-seek-to-join-lawsuit-against-student-newspaper SA-IB
3 +
4 +KENTUCKY—Two of the … always been what is at stake in this litigation."
5 +
6 +====It competes because it places a restriction on what newspapers can report – newspapers have free speech to report sexual assault right now and the ability to set their own policy on sexual assault reporting and the CP has colleges enforce a survivor based control policy on student newspapers. ====
7 +
8 +====Survivor based control is key – journalists should not identify names in cases of sexual assault nor should they report details that could lead to the survivor’s identity being discovered unless the survivor says so. Doing otherwise can lead to massive public shame and backlash. NAESV 17:====
9 +National Alliance to End Sexual Violence. "Naming Victims in the Media" 2017. http://endsexualviolence.org/where-we-stand/naming-victims-in-the-media SA-IB
10 +
11 +Some people argue that journalists …with sensitivity toward the stigma associated with being publicly named.
12 +
13 +====They specifically don’t get a perm because their AFF author, Frank Lomonte, says that student newspapers should have the freedom to report whatever they want about sexual assault under free speech. The newspaper case the CP is based on, the Kentucky Kernel, is uncontestably a free speech issue. Saul 16: ====
14 +Stephanie, winner of the 1995 Pulitzer Prize and 2010 Society of Professional Journalists Award for Science Reporting, a University of Mississippi graduate, investigative reporter for the New York Times since 2008, investigations focus on science and technology issues in various fields, including those related to pharmaceuticals, psychology, health and fertility innovations. "Campus Press vs. Colleges: Kentucky Suit Highlights Free-Speech Fight" December 02, 2016. The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/02/us/kentucky-student-journalism-free-speech.html SA-IB
15 +
16 +Campus Press vs. Colleges: Kentucky Suit …to fend off funding cuts that students believe were in retaliation for controversial articles.
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1 +====Endless moral circularizing is immoral – the only productive strategy is to analyze instance of oppression from an anti-ethical standpoint. Curry 14:====
2 +Dr. Tommy J, Associate Professor of Philosophy, Affiliated Professor of Africana Studies, and a Ray A. Rothrock Fellow at Texas AandM University; first Black JV National Debate champion (for UMKC) and was half of the first all Black CEDA team to win the Pi Kappa Delta National Debate Tournament. “The Cost of a Thing: A Kingian Reformulation of a Living Wage Argument in the 21st Century.” 2014. SA-IB
3 +
4 +Despite the pronouncement of debate as an activity and intellectual exercise pointing to the real world consequences of dialogue, thinking, and (personal) politics when addressing issues of racism, sexism, economic disparity, global conflicts, and death, many of the discussions concerning these ongoing challenges to humanity are fixed to a paradigm which sees the adjudication of material disparities and sociological realities as the conquest of one ideal theory over the other. In “Ideal Theory as Ideology,” Charles Mills outlines the problem contemporary theoretical-performance styles in policy debate and value-weighing in Lincoln-Douglass are confronted with in their attempts to get at the concrete problems in our societies. At the outset, Mills concedes that “ideal theory applies to moral theory as a whole (at least to normative ethics as against metaethics); since ethics deals by definition with normative/prescriptive/evaluative issues, it is set against factual/descriptive issues.” At the most general level, the conceptual chasm between what emerges as actual problems in the world (e.g.: racism, sexism, poverty, disease, etc.) and how we frame such problems theoretically—the assumptions and shared ideologies we depend upon for our problems to be heard and accepted as a worthy “problem” by an audience—is the most obvious call for an anti-ethical paradigm, since such a paradigm insists on the actual as the basis of what can be considered normatively. Mills, however, describes this chasm as a problem of an ideal-as-descriptive model which argues that for any actual-empirical-observable social phenomenon (P), an ideal of (P) is necessarily a representation of that phenomenon. In the idealization of a social phenomenon (P), one “necessarily has to abstract away from certain features” of (P) that is observed before abstraction occurs. This gap between what is actual (in the world), and what is represented by theories and politics of debaters proposed in rounds threatens any real discussions about the concrete nature of oppression and the racist economic structures which necessitate tangible policies and reorienting changes in our value orientations. As Mills states: “What distinguishes ideal theory is the reliance on idealization to the exclusion, or at least marginalization, of the actual,” so what we are seeking to resolve on the basis of “thought” is in fact incomplete, incorrect, or ultimately irrelevant to the actual problems which our “theories” seek to address. Our attempts to situate social disparity cannot simply appeal to the ontologization of social phenomenon—meaning we cannot suggest that the various complexities of social problems (which are constantly emerging and undisclosed beyond the effects we observe) are totalizable by any one set of theories within an ideological frame be it our most cherished notions of Afro-pessimism, feminism, Marxism, or the like. At best, theoretical endorsements make us aware of sets of actions to address ever developing problems in our empirical world, but even this awareness does not command us to only do X, but rather do X and the other ideas which compliment the material conditions addressed by the action X. As a whole, debate (policy and LD) neglects the need to do X in order to remedy our cast-away-ness among our ideological tendencies and politics.’
5 +
6 +====Their position ignores identity, yet speaks for all from a view from nowhere – this ignores the way people are raced. Yancy 05:====
7 +George, associate professor of philosophy. “Whiteness and the Return of the Black Body” The Journal of Speculative Philosophy. 2005.
8 +
9 +I write out of a personal existential context. This context is a profound source of knowledge connected to my "raced" body. Hence, I write from a place of lived embodied experience, a site of exposure. In philosophy, the only thing that we are taught to "expose" is a weak argument, a fallacy, or someone's "inferior" reasoning power. The embodied self is bracketed and deemed irrelevant to theory, superfluous and cumbersome in one's search for truth. It is best, or so we are told, to reason from nowhere. Hence, the white philosopher/author presumes to speak for all of "us" without the slightest mention of their his or her "raced" identity. Self-consciously writing as a white male philosopher, Crispin Sartwell observes:¶ Left to my own devices, I disappear as an author. That is the "whiteness" of my authorship. This whiteness of authorship is, for us, a form of authority; to speak (apparently) from nowhere, for everyone, is empowering, though one wields power here only by becoming lost to oneself. But such an authorship and authority is also pleasurable: it yields the pleasure of self-forgetting or apparent transcendence of the mundane and the particular, and the pleasure of power expressed in the "comprehension" of a range of materials. 1998, 6) To theorize the Black body one must "turn to the Black body as the radix for interpreting racial experience" (Johnson 1993, 600).1 It is important to note that this particular strategy also functions as a lens through which to theorize and critique whiteness; for the Black body's "racial" experience is fundamentally linked to the oppressive modalities of the "raced" white body. However, there is no denying that my own "racial" experiences or the social performances of whiteness can become objects of critical reflection. In this paper, my objective is to describe and theorize situations where the Black body's subjectivity, its lived reality, is reduced to instantiations of the white imaginary, resulting in what I refer to as "the phenomenological return of the Black body."2 These instantiations are embedded within and evolve out of the complex social and historical interstices of whites' efforts at self-construction through complex acts of erasure vis-à-vis Black people. These acts of self-construction, however, are myths/ideological constructions predicated upon maintaining white power. As James Snead has noted, "Mythification is the replacement of history with a surrogate ideology of white elevation or Black demotion along a scale of human value" (Snead 1994, 4). How I understand and theorize the body relates to the fact that the body—in this case, the Black body—is capable of undergoing a sociohistorical process of "phenomenological return" vis-à-vis white embodiment. The body's meaning—whether phenotypically white or black—its ontology, its modalities of aesthetic performance, its comportment, its "raciated" reproduction, is in constant contestation. The hermeneutics of the body, how it is understood, how it is "seen," its "truth," is partly the result of a profound historical, ideological construction. "The body" is positioned by historical practices and discourses. The body is codified as this or that in terms of meanings that are sanctioned, scripted, and constituted through processes of negotiation that are embedded within and serve various ideological interests that are grounded within further power-laden social processes. The historical plasticity of the body, the fact that it is a site of contested meanings, speaks to the historicity of its "being" as lived and meant within the interstices of social semiotics. Hence: a) the body is less of a thing/being than a shifting/changing historical meaning that is subject to cultural configuration/reconfiguration. The point here is to interrogate the "Black body" as a "fixed and material truth" that preexists "its relations with the world and with others"3 ; b) the body's meaning is fundamentally symbolic (McDowell 2001, 301), and its meaning is congealed through symbolic repetition and iteration that emits certain signs and presupposes certain norms; and, c) the body is a battlefield, one that is fought over again and again across particular historical moments and within particular social spaces. "In other words, the concept of the body provides only the illusion of self-evidence, facticity, 'thereness' for something End Page 216 fundamentally ephemeral, imaginary, something made in the image of particular social groups" (301). On this score, it is not only the "Black body" that defies the ontic fixity projected upon it through the white gaze, and, hence, through the episteme of whiteness, but the white body is also fundamentally symbolic, requiring demystification of its status as norm, the paragon of beauty, order, innocence, purity, restraint, and nobility. In other words, given the three suppositions above, both the "Black body" and the "white body" lend themselves to processes of interpretive fracture and to strategies of interrogating and removing the veneer of their alleged objectivity. To have one's dark body invaded by the white gaze and then to have that body returned as distorted is a powerful experience of violation. The experience presupposes an anti-Black lived context, a context within which whiteness gets reproduced and the white body as norm is reinscribed.The late writer, actor, and activist Ossie Davis recalls that at the age of six or seven two white police officers told him to get into their car. They took him down to the precinct. They kept him there for an hour, laughing at him and eventually pouring cane syrup over his head. This only created the opportunity for more laughter, as they looked upon the "silly" little Black boy. If he was able to articulate his feelings at that moment, think of how the young Davis was returned to himself: "I am an object of white laughter, a buffoon." The young Davis no doubt appeared to the white police officers in ways that they had approved. They set the stage, created a site of Black buffoonery, and enjoyed their sadistic pleasure without blinking an eye. Sartwell notes that "the white oppressor seeks to constrain the oppressed Blacks to certain approved modes of visibility (those set out in the template of stereotype) and then gazes obsessively on the spectacle he has created" (1998, 11). Davis notes that he "went along with the game of black emasculation, it seemed to come naturally" (Marable 2000, 9). After that, "the ritual was complete" (9). He was then sent home with some peanut brittle to eat. Davis knew at that early age, even without the words to articulate what he felt, that he had been violated. He refers to the entire ritual as the process of "niggerization." He notes: The culture had already told me what this was and what my reaction to this should be: not to be surprised; to expect it; to accommodate it; to live with it. I didn't know how deeply I was scarred or affected by that, but it was a part of who I was. (9) Davis, in other words, was made to feel that he had to accept who he was, that "niggerized" little Black boy, an insignificant plaything within a system of ontological racial differences. This, however, is the trick of white ideology; it is to give the appearance of fixity, where the "look of the white subject interpellates the black subject as inferior, which, in turn, bars the black subject from seeing him/herself without the internalization of the white gaze" (Weheliye 2005, 42). On this score, it is white bodies that are deemed agential. They configure "passive" End Page 217 Black bodies according to their will. But it is no mystery; for "the Negro is interpreted in the terms of the white man. White-man psychology is applied and it is no wonder that the result often shows the Negro in a ludicrous light" (Braithwaite 1992, 36). While walking across the street, I have endured the sounds of car doors locking as whites secure themselves from the "outside world," a trope rendering my Black body ostracized, different, unbelonging. This outside world constitutes a space, a field, where certain Black bodies are relegated. They are rejected, because they are deemed suspicious, vile infestations of the (white) social body. The locks on the doors resound: Click. Click. Click. Click. Click. Click. ClickClickClickClickClickClickClick! Of course, the clicking sounds are always already accompanied by nervous gestures, and eyes that want to look, but are hesitant to do so. The cumulative impact of the sounds is deafening, maddening in their distorted repetition. The clicks begin to function as coded sounds, reminding me that I am dangerous; the sounds create boundaries, separating the white civilized from the dark savage, even as I comport myself to the contrary. The clicking sounds mark me, they inscribe me, they materialize my presence in ways that belie my intentions. Unable to stop the clicking, unable to establish a form of recognition that creates a space of trust and liminality, there are times when one wants to become their fantasy, to become their Black monster, their bogeyman, to pull open the car door: "Surprise. You've just been carjacked by a ghost, a fantasy of your own creation. Now, get the fuck out of the car." I have endured white women clutching their purses or walking across the street as they catch a glimpse of my approaching Black body. It is during such moments that my body is given back to me in a ludicrous light, where I live the meaning of my body as confiscated. Davis too had the meaning of his young Black body stolen. The surpluses being gained by the whites in each case are not economic. Rather, it is through existential exploitation that the surpluses extracted can be said to be ontological—"semblances of determined presence, of full positivity, to provide a sense of secure being" (Henry 1997, 33). When I was about seventeen or eighteen, my white math teacher initiated such an invasion, pulling it off with complete calm and presumably self-transparency. Given the historical construction of whiteness as the norm, his own "raced" subject position was rendered invisible. After all, he lived in the real world, the world of the serious man, where values are believed anterior to their existential founding. As I recall, we were discussing my plans for the future. I told him that I wanted to be a pilot. I was earnest about this choice, spending a great deal of time reading about the requirements involved in becoming a pilot, how one would have to accumulate a certain number of flying hours. I also read about the dynamics of lift and drag that affect a plane in flight. After no doubt taking note of my firm commitment, he looked at me and implied that I should be realistic (a code word for realize that I am Black) about my goals. He said that I should become a carpenter or a bricklayer. I was exposing myself, telling a trusted teacher what I wanted to be, and he returned me to myself as something End Page 218 that I did not recognize. I had no intentions of being a carpenter or a bricklayer (or a janitor or elevator operator for that matter). The situation, though, is more complex. It is not that he simply returned me to myself as a carpenter or a bricklayer when all along I had this image of myself as a pilot. Rather, he returned me to myself as a fixed entity, a "niggerized" Black body whose epidermal logic had already foreclosed the possibility of being anything other than what was befitting its lowly station. He was the voice of a larger anti-Black racist society that "whispers mixed messages in our ears" (Marable 2000, 9), the ears of Black people who struggle to think of themselves as a possibility. He mentioned that there were only a few Black pilots and that I should be more realistic. (One can only imagine what his response would have been had I said that I wanted to be a philosopher, particularly given the statistic that Black philosophers constitute about 1.1 of philosophers in the United States). Keep in mind that this event did not occur in the 1930s or 1940s, but around 1979. The message was clear. Because I was Black, I had to settle for an occupation suitable for my Black body,4 unlike the white body that would no doubt have been encouraged to become a pilot. As with Davis, having one's Black body returned as a source of impossibility, one begins to think, to feel, to emote: "Am I a nigger?" The internalization of the white gaze creates a doubleness within the psyche of the Black, leading to a destructive process of superfluous self-surveillance and self-interrogation. This was indeed a time when I felt ontologically locked into my body. My body was indelibly marked with this stain of darkness. After all, he was the white mind, the mathematical mind, calculating my future by factoring in my Blackness. He did not "see" me, though. Like Ellison's invisible man, I occupied that paradoxical status of "visible invisibility." Within this dyadic space, my Black body phenomenologically returned to me as inferior. To describe the phenomenological return of the Black body is to disclose how it is returned as an appearance to consciousness, my consciousness. The (negatively) "raced" manner in which my body underwent a phenomenological return, however, presupposes a thick social reality that has always already been structured by the ideology and history of whiteness. More specifically, when my body is returned to me, the white body has already been constituted over centuries as the norm, both in European and Anglo-American culture, and at several discursive levels from science to philosophy to religion. In the case of my math teacher, his whiteness was invisible to him as my Blackness was hyper-visible to both of us. Of course, his invisibility to his own normative here is a function of my hyper-visibility. It is important to keep in mind that white Americans, more generally, define themselves around the "gravitational pull," as it were, of the Black.5 The not of white America is the Black of white America. This not is essential, as is the invisibility of the negative relation through which whites are constituted. All of embodied beings have their own "here." My white math teacher's racist social performances (for example, his "advice" to me), within the context of a End Page 219 white racist historical imaginary and asymmetric power relations, suspends and effectively disqualifies my embodied here. What was the message communicated? Expressing my desire to be, to take advantage of the opportunities for which Black bodies had died in order to secure, my ambition "was flung back in my face like a slap" (Fanon 1967, 114). Fanon writes: The white world, the only honorable one, barred me from all participation. A man was expected to behave like a man. I was expected to behave like a black man—or at least like a nigger. I shouted a greeting to the world and the world slashed away my joy. I was told to stay within bounds, to go back where I belonged. (114–15) According to philosopher Bettina Bergo, drawing from the thought of Emmanuel Levinas, "perception and discourse—what we see and the symbols and meanings of our social imaginaries—prove inextricably the one from the other" (2005, 131). Hence, the white math teacher's perception, what he "saw," was inextricably linked to social meanings and semiotic constructions and constrictions that opened up a "field of appearances" regarding my dark body. There is nothing passive about the white gaze. There are racist sociohistorical and epistemic conditions of emergence that construct not only the Black body, but the white body as well. So, what is "seen" when the white gaze "sees" "my body" and it becomes something alien to me?
10 +
11 +====By defining the “civil” society of Europe in opposition to the uncivilized state of nature, social contract theory justifies the exclusion of non-white peoples from the state—creates colonialism, genocide, and total war. Henderson 98:====
12 +James. "The context of the state of nature." Reclaiming indigenous voice and vision (2000): 11. Senior Administrator and Research Director of the Native Law Centre at the University of Saskatchewan
13 +Hobbes did not assert the universality of the state of nature. He did not believe that the state of nature "ever generally" existed "over all the world."" Instead, he asserted that there were "many places" where the state of nature did exist: "the savage people in many places of America, except the government of small Families, the concord whereof dependeth on naturall lust, have no government at all; and live at this day in that brutish manner, as I said before.” Hobbes used savages in America to illustrate the universal negative standards of primal chaos. and the natural state of war." The savage state envisioned by Hobbes provided more than the force creating and sustaining law and political society, however; it also created a spectacular repository of negative values attributed to Indigenous peoples. Hobbes asserted that the state of nature and civil society are opposed to one another. The state of nature has a right of nature (“ius naturale"): "the liberty each man has to use his own power, as he will himself, for the preservation of his own nature, that is to say, his own life; and consequently, of doing any thing which in his own judgment and reason he shall conceive to be the aptest means thereto." By the right of nature, "every man has a right to every thing, even to one another’s body. " This reinforced the wretched and dangerous condition of the state of nature. Hobbes emphasized the tendency toward the state of nature in European society by noting the existing civil wars. He thought that these wars testified to the fact that European sovereigns remained in a state of nature toward each other as well as toward their subjects. He also believed that, with the separation between political and ecclesiastical authority in European society, the whole of Europe was not far from falling into the state of nature or the image of civil war, much in the same way as the ancient republics had been transformed into "anarchies." After Hobbes made this distinction between the state of nature and civil society, the state of nature became the starting point in Eurocentric discussions. of government and politics. The state of nature was the conditionality or the assumption or the given upon which the idea of the modern state or civil society was constructed. Those who attempted to construct a rational theory of the state began from Indigenous peoples in a state of nature being the antithesis of civilized society. These political philosophers ranged from Spinoza to Locke, from Pufendorf to Rousseau to Kant. These philosophers created the natural-law theory of the modern state. Hegel eliminated the state of nature as the original condition of humans but merged the theory in the relations among states. By the early eighteenth century, the usual explanation of the origin of the state, or “civil society," began by postulating an original state of nature in which primitive humans lived on their own and were subject to neither government nor law.” As the first systematic theorist of the philosophy of Liberalism and Hobbes's greatest immediate English successor, John Locke took up where Hobbes left off. In 1690, Locke published Two Treatises of Government.” Like Hobbes, he started with the state of nature. However, he opposed Hobbes's view that the state of nature was "solitary, poore, nasty, brutish, and short" and maintained instead that the state of nature was a happy and tolerant one. He argued that humans in the state of nature are free and equal yet insecure and dangerous in their freedom. Like Hobbes, Locke had no proof of his theory. Indeed, there is no proof that the state of nature was ever more than an intellectual idea, since no historical or social information about it has ever existed.” Of course, there was nothing to disprove the idea either, and Locke simply stated that "It is not at all to be wonder’d that History gives us but a very little account of Men, that lived together in the State of Nature. " Following Hobbes, he argued that government and political power emerged out of the state of nature. “In the beginning," Locke wrote, "all the World was America/ That America is “still a Pattern of the first Ages of Asia and Europe” and the relationship between the Indigenous peoples and the Europeans in America is "perfectly in a State of Nature." Thus, Locke, despite his differences with Hobbes on the state of nature itself, used the idea to justify European settlement in America” and to give Europeans the right to wage war “against the Indians, to seek Reparation upon any injury received from them."
14 +
15 +====The alternative is anti-ethics – a demystifying of white people’s control over the world – their ethics can no longer dismiss liberation strategies. Curry 13:====
16 +Dr. Tommy J, Associate Professor of Philosophy, Affiliated Professor of Africana Studies, and a Ray A. Rothrock Fellow at Texas AandM University; first Black JV National Debate champion (for UMKC) and was half of the first all Black CEDA team to win the Pi Kappa Delta National Debate Tournament. "In the Fiat of Dreams: The Delusional Allure of Hope, the Reality of Anti-Black Violence and the Demands of the Anti-Ethical", 2013
17 +
18 +Anti-ethics; the call to demystify the present concept of man as illusion, as delusion, and as stratagem, is the axiomatic rupture of white existence and the multiple global oppressions like capitalism, militarism, genocide, and globalization, that formed the evaluative nexus which allows whites to claim they are the civilized guardians of the world’s darker races. It is the rejection of white virtue, the white’s axiomatic claim to humanity that allows the Black, the darker world to sow the seeds of consciousness towards liberation from oppression. When white (in)humanity is no longer an obstacle weighed against the means for liberation from racism, the oppressed are free to overthrow the principles that suggest their paths to liberation are immoral and hence not possible. To accept the oppressor as is, the white made manifest in empire, is to transform white western (hu)man from semi-deitous sovereign citizen to contingent, mortal, and un-otherable. Exposing the inhumanity of white humanity is the destruction/refusal of the disciplinary imperative for liberal reformism and dialogue as well as a rejection of the social conventions that dictate speaking as if this white person, the white person and her white people before you are in fact not racist white people, but tolerable—not like the racist white people abstracted from reality, but really spoken of in conversations about racism. The revelatory call, the coercively silenced but intuitive yearning to describe the actual reality set before Black people in an anti-Black society, is to simply say there is no negotiating the boundaries of anti-Blackness or the horizons of white supremacy. Racism, the debasement of melaninated bodies and nigger-souls, is totalizing.
19 +
20 +====Structures of anti blackness are sustained by cultural representations and analysis of blackness. Scott 14:====
21 +Darieck, Professor of African Diaspora Studies at Cal Berkeley University 2010; “Extravagant Abjection: Blackness, Power, and Sexuality in the African American Literary Imagination”
22 +
23 +The figure of the Negro, Fanon says, is “woven… out of a thousand details, anecdotes, stories.” Blackness is lived, but it is a representation. Even if, as we believe, all identities and subjectivities are falsities of this sort, imagos as hollow as old bones that language or father or the forces of economic production generate, blackness is a representation of rather recent historical vintage, unlike far older and presumably transcultural representations such as “woman.” The historical proximity of its provenance makes tangible to us, visible, the operation of sociogenesis by which all of our human world comes into being. If blackness functions as the dark distorted mirror of the (thus whitened) Western self, reflecting its fears and obsessions concerning the body, sexuality, and morality, then that blackness exists and that it is possible to historicize its mirrors for us the process by which the terms of self and socius have been constructed. In this way we can read blackness as a patchwork of narratives condensed on the skin of the blackened and referenced in the images ascribed to them, an articulation of meaning to image, the circulation of which occurs in the symbolic, a realm both collective (as all that we might call culture) and idiosyncratic (as what we deem the individual unconscious). What emerges most forcefully from Fanon’s ruminations in Black Skin, White Masks is the idea that blackness is an artifact of the symbolic, one of the clever deceptions of language as it attempts to give substance to the void that it is and as it vainly attempts to impose order on the riotously excessive world with which it is confronted. Like all language, then, blackness is code. And as with all language, this encoding can by its proliferating processes of abstraction and association virally replicate itself; it generates more encoded language-and thus more knowledge, more of a something which it codes-otherwise unavailable. Artistry that makes language its primary medium of creation explores and exploits language’s essential coding: it does so through metonymy. Such art generates “insight” (or, strictly speaking, a new or different idea) by combining, collapsing, conflating in some jarring or beautiful or shocking way things, ideas, memes, that were heretofore not in contiguity or not placed in contiguity in that way. Thus, language art-trope work-routinely conducts a thought-experiment in the manner we ascribe generically to speculative fiction, by creating seemingly impossible, or at least difficult to imagine, conjunctions: conjunctions not unlike those troublesome “contradictions” we find lurking in Fanon’s corpus, such as the paradoxes of the rigid black(ened) body that is both living and dead and both inert and in movement, the facticity of human freedom as its imprisonment, the decidedly nonlinear temporality that folds a past as future anterior under and over a future as past posterior.
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1 +====The standard is resisting oppression – epistemology – reality determines ethics and oppression prevents us from an accurate description – means aff framework is a prior question. Friere 68:====
2 +Paulo, PhD in Philosophy, Educator and Author, Leading Advocate for Critical Pedagogy, Winner of the UNESCO 1986 Prize for Education for Peace. “pedagogy of the oppressed” 1968 SA-IB
3 +
4 +Reality which becomes oppressive results in the contradistinction of men as oppressors and oppressed. The latter, whose task it is to struggle for their liberation together with those who show true solidarity, must acquire a critical awareness of oppression through the praxis of this struggle. One of the gravest obstacles to the achievement of liberation is that oppressive reality absorbs those within it and thereby acts to submerge human beings consiousness. Functionally, oppression is domesticating. To no longer be prey to its force, one must emerge from it and turn upon it. This can be done only by means of the praxis: reflection and action upon the world in order to transform it. i Hay que hacer al opresion real todavia mas opresiva anadiendo a aquella la conciencia de la opresion haciendo la infamia todavia mas infamante, al pregonarla.7 Making "real oppression more oppressive still by adding to it the realization of oppression" corresponds to the dialectical relation between the subjective and the objective. Only in this interdependence is an authentic praxis possible, without which it is impossible to resolve the oppressor-oppressed contradiction. To achieve this goal, the oppressed must confront reality critically, simultaneously objectifying and acting upon that reality. A mere perception of reality not followed by this critical intervention will not lead to a transformation of objective reality—precisely because it is not a true perception. This is the case of a purely subjectivist perception by someone who forsakes objective reality and creates a false substitute. A different type of false perception occurs when a change in objective reality would threaten the individual or class interests of the perceiver. In the first instance, there is no critical intervention in reality because that reality is fictitious; there is none in the second instance because intervention would contradict the class interests of the perceiver. In the latter case the tendency of the perceiver is to behave "neurotically." The fact exists; but both the fact and what may result from it may be prejudicial to the person. Thus it becomes necessary, not precisely to deny the fact, but to ‘see it differently.’ This rationalization as a defense mechanism coincides in the end with subjectivism. A fact which is not denied but whose truths are rationalized loses its objective base. It ceases to be concrete and becomes a myth created in defense of the class of the perceiver. Herein lies one of the reasons for the prohibitions and the difficulties (to be discussed at length in Chapter 4) designed to dissuade the people from critical intervention in reality. The oppressor knows full well that this intervention would not be to his interest. What is to his interest is for the people to continue in a state of submersion, impotent in the face of oppressive reality. Of relevance here is Lukacs warning to the revolutionary party: . . . il doit, pour employer les mots de Marx, expliquer aux masses leur propre action non seulement afin d'assurer la continuity des experiences revolutionnaires du proletariat, mais aussi d'activer consciemment le developpement ulterieur de ces experiences.
5 +
6 +====Moral substitutability means util is true.====
7 +Sinnott-Armstrong 92 Walter. “AN ARGUMENT FOR CONSEQUENTIALISM” Dartmouth College Philosophical Perspectives. https://sites.duke.edu/wsa/papers/files/2011/05/wsa-anargumentforconsequentialism1992.pdf SA-IB
8 +
9 +Since general substitutability works for other kinds of reasons for action, we would need a strong argument to deny that it holds also for moral reasons. If moral reasons obeyed different principles, it would be hard to understand why moral reasons are also called 'reasons' and how moral reasons interact with other reasons when they apply to the same action. Nonetheless, this extension has been denied, so we have to look at moral reasons carefully. I have a moral reason to feed my child tonight, both because I promised my wife to do so, and also because of my special relation to my child along with the fact that she will go hungry if I don't feed her. I can't feed my child tonight without going home soon, and going home soon will enable me to feed her tonight. Therefore, there is a moral reason for me to go home soon. It need not be imprudent or ugly or sacrilegious or illegal for me not to feed her, but the requirements of morality give me a moral reason to feed her. This argument assumes a special case of substitutability: … In order to determine which moral theories can explain moral substitutability, we need to distinguish two kinds of moral reasons and theories: consequential and deontological. These terms are used in many ways, but one particular distinction will serve my purposes A moral reason to do an act is consequential if and only if the reason depends only on the consequences of either doing the act or not doing the act. For example, a moral reason not to hit someone is that this will hurt her or him. A moral reason to turn your car to the left might be that, if you do not do so, you will run over and kill someone. A moral reason to feed a starving child is that the child will lose important mental or physical abilities if you do not feed it. All such reasons are consequential reasons. All other moral reasons are non-consequential. Thus, a moral reason to do an act is non-consequential if and only if the reason depends even partly on some property that the act has independently of its consequences. For example, an act can be a lie regardless of what happens as a result of the lie (since some lies are not believed), and some moral theories claim that that property of being a lie provides amoral reason not to tell a lie regardless of the consequences of this lie. Similarly, the fact that an act fulfills a promise is often seen as a moral reason to do the act, even though the act has that property of fulfilling a promise independently ofits consequences. All such moral reasons are non-consequential. In order to avoid so many negations, I will also call them 'deontological'. This distinction would not make sense if we did not restrict the notion of consequences. If I promise to mow the lawn, then one consequence of my mowing might seem to be that my promise is fulfilled. One way to avoid this problem is to specify that the consequences of an act must be distinct from the act itself. My act of fulfilling my promise and my act of mowing are not distinct, because they are done by the same bodily movements.10 Thus, my fulfilling my promise is not a consequence of my mowing. A consequence of an act need not be later in time than the act, since causation can be simultaneous, but the consequence must at least be different from the act. Even with this clarification, it is still hard to classify some moral reasons as consequential or deontological,11 but I will stick to examples that are clear. In accordance with this distinction between kinds of moral reasons, I can now distinguish different kinds of moral theories. I will say that a moral theory is consequentialist if and only if it implies that all basic moral reasons are consequential. A moral theory is then non-consequentialist or deontological if it includes any basic moral reasons which are not consequential. 5. Against Deontology So defined, the class of deontological moral theories is very large and diverse. This makes it hard to say anything in general about it. Nonetheless, I will argue that no deontological moral theory can explain why moral substitutability holds. My argument applies to all deontological theories because it depends only on what is common to them all, namely, the claim that some basic moral reasons are not consequential. Some deontological theories allow very many weighty moral reasons that are consequential, and these theories might be able to explain why moral substitutability holds for some of their moral reasons: the consequential ones. But even these theories cannot explain why moral substitutability holds for all moral reasons, including the non-consequential reasons that make the theory deontological. The failure of deontological moral theories to explain moral substitutability in the very cases that make them deontological is a reason to reject all deontological moral theories. I cannot discuss every deontological moral theory, so I will discuss only a few paradigm examples and show why they cannot explain moral substitutability. After this, I will argue that similar problems are bound to arise for all other deontological theories by their very nature. The simplest deontological theory is the pluralistic intuitionism of Prichard and Ross. Ross writes that, when someone promises to do something, 'This we consider obligatory in its own nature, just because it is a fulfillment of a promise, and not because of its consequences.'12 Such deontologists claim in effect that, if I promise to mow the grass, there is a moral reason for me to mow the grass, and this moral reason is constituted by the fact that mowing the grass fulfills my promise. This reason exists regardless of the consequences of mowing the grass, even though it might be overridden by certain bad consequences. However, if this is why I have a moral reason to mow the grass, then, even if I cannot mow the grass without starting my mower, and starting the mower would enable me to mow the grass, it still would not follow that I have any moral reason to start my mower, since I did not promise to start my mower, and starting my mower does not fulfill my promise. Thus, a moral theory cannot explain moral substitutability if it claims that properties like this provide moral reasons.
10 +
11 +====Refraining from action involves taking the action of refraining, means omissions are intentional.====
12 +Sartorio 09 Carolina. “Omissions and Causalism” University of Arizona. Volume 43, Issue 3. August 03, 2009.
13 +
14 +Second, a causalist could claim that other things besides events can be causes and effects but causal talk involving events is still the most basic kind of causal talk. In particular, causal talk involving omissions and other absences can be true, but it is made true, ultimately, by causal talk involving events. This is Vermazen’s suggestion in his (1985), which Davidson explicitly embraces in his reply to Vermazen (Davidson 1985). How can a causalist do this? Roughly, Vermazen’s idea is the following. Imagine that I am tempted to eat some fattening morsels, but I refrain. Then my passing on the morsels is an intentional omission because the relevant mental states/events (proattitudes, intentions, etc.) cause my not eating the morsels, and this is, in turn, because, had those mental states been absent, then some other mental states/events (competing pro-attitudes, intentions, etc.) would have caused my eating the morsels. In other words, actual causal talk involving omissions is made true by counterfactual causal talk involving positive occurrences or events.
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1 +====Most campuses restrict guns on campus right now.====
2 +AC 16 Armed Campuses. “Guns on Campus’ Laws for Public Colleges and Universities” 2016. http://www.armedcampuses.org
3 +
4 +The overwhelming majority of the 4,400 colleges and universities in the United States prohibit the carrying of firearms on their campuses. These gun-free policies have helped to make our post-secondary education institutions some of the safest places in the country. For example, a 2001 U.S. Department of Education study found that the overall homicide rate at post-secondary education institutions was 0.07 per 100,000 students in 1999.1 By comparison, the criminal homicide rate in the United States as a whole was 5.7 per 100,000 persons overall in 1999, and 14.1 per 100,000 for persons ages 17 to 29. A Department of Justice study found that 93 of violent crimes that victimize college students occur off campus.2
5 +
6 +====Guns are protected as symbolic speech.====
7 +Blanchfield 14 Patrick ~Freelance Writer; PhD in Comparative Literature, Emory University~. "What do Guns Say?" The New York Times. 04 May 2014. https://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2014/05/04/what-do-guns-say/.
8 +
9 +Bunkerville is simply the next step in a trend that has been ramping up for some time. Since the election of Barack Obama, guns have appeared in the public square in a way unprecedented since the turbulent 1960s and ’70s — carried alongside signs and on their own since before the Tea Party elections, in a growing phenomenon of “open carry” rallies organized by groups like the Modern American Revolution and OpenCarry.org, and in the efforts by gun rights activists to carry assault weapons into the Capitol buildings in New Mexico and Texas (links to video). According to open carry advocates, their presence in public space represents more than just an expression of their Second Amendment rights, it’s a statement, an “educational,” communicative act — in short, an exercise of their First Amendment freedom of speech. (See this, from the group Ohio Carry, and this Michigan lawsuit.) This claim bears serious consideration. The First Amendment has historically been much harder to limit than the Second, and so extending the freedom of speech to the open display of weapons raises several urgent questions about how we understand the relationship between expressing ideas and making threats, between what furthers dialogue and what ends it. But are guns speech? Is carrying a weapon as an act of public protest constitutionally protected under the First Amendment? And if so, what do guns say? The courts have traditionally recognized “symbolic speech” — actions that convey a clear message — as deserving of First Amendment protection (by, for example, protecting the right of students in Des Moines to wear armbands protesting the Vietnam War). As “the expression of an idea through an activity,” symbolic speech depends heavily on the context within which it occurs. Unlike pure speech, symbolic speech is more susceptible to limitation, as articulated by the Warren court’s 1968 ruling in United States v. O’Brien. The outcome of that case, the O’Brien test, establishes a four-pronged series of qualifications for determining when symbolic speech can be limited: (1) Any limitation must be within the state’s constitutional powers; (2) the limitation must be driven by a compelling governmental interest; (3) that countervailing interest must be unrelated to the content of the speech, touching solely on the “non-communicative aspect” of the act in question; and (4) any limitation must be narrowly tailored and prohibit no more speech than absolutely necessary. In practical terms, this litmus test suggests that you can carry a gun as symbolic speech, particularly in the context of a pro-Second Amendment demonstration. The state’s clear interest in maintaining public order can be narrowly satisfied by demanding that protesters either carry guns that are unloaded — at least with an open chamber — or which otherwise have the barrel or action blocked. Thus far, open carry protesters have largely followed this rule, notably by sticking tiny American flags into their guns. “If the SWAT team comes down and starts surrounding us with tactical gear, it only takes a minute to pull them out,” the organizer of one such event told reporters. “But that’s not going to happen.”
10 +
11 +====Gun bans on campus solve suicide and accidental deaths.====
12 +DeFillipis 14 Evan, graduated number one in his class at the University of Oklahoma with degrees in Economics, Political Science, and Psychology. He is a Harry S. Truman Scholar, a David L. Boren Critical Languages Scholar, and currently works as a research analyst at Quest Opportunity Fund. His work on gun violence has been featured in Washington Post, Atlantic, Slate, VICE, Huffington Post, Vox, Media Matters, Boston Review, and many others. “Campus Gun Control Works- Why Guns and Schools Do Not Mix” Jun 07, 2014. https://www.armedwithreason.com/campus-gun-control-works-why-guns-and-schools-do-not-mix/ SA-IB
13 +
14 +Accidents Happen Even without the presence of alcohol, accidents happen much more often than gun advocates would like to admit. And when accidents happen with guns, they are often deadly. Individuals in households with firearms, for example, are four times more likely to die of accidental death than those in households without firearms. The NRA supports bills that permit guns to be carried in vehicles on school grounds, arguing that firearm owners should not be punished for accidentally leaving a gun in their car. Curiously, there seems to be little concern for what happens if the same careless owner accidentally forgets to lock his car, accidentally fails to put the safety on, or accidently pulls the trigger, ad infinitum. It seems clear that there are many more ways to accidentally go wrong with a gun than there are ways to go right, and this is especially true in a densely populated, anxiety-ridden, alcohol-saturated, hormone-fueled school environment.Guns and Suicide While suicide is the second leading cause of death among college students, the rate of about 6.5 to 7.5 per 100,000 is roughly half that of a matched non-student population. The difference in suicide rates between student and non-student populations is explained almost completely by the reduced access to firearms on college campuses. Consider that suicides committed with firearms represent only five percent of suicide attempts but more than half of suicide fatalities. About 1,100 college students commit suicide each year, and another 24,000 attempt to do so. Given that suicide attempts with a firearm are successful 90 percent of the time, each one of these more than 25,000 attempts would almost certainly result in death if carried out with a firearm. The best studies to date show that the majority of suicides are impulsive, with little deliberation prior to the act. We also know that youths between the ages of eighteen and twenty-five experience the highest rates of mental illness in the general population. These factors, combined with high rates of alcohol and drug abuse, provide a compelling reason to believe that the nation’s suicide rate will increase if firearms are allowed on college campuses.
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1 +====Whiteness is everywhere – colleges are a fundamentally unsafe environment for marginalized students and every now and then we need a goddamn break – only spaces that avoid white co-option help students heal from the daily onslaught of discrimination, a place where they can exist as themselves.====
2 +Cameron Okeke 16, currently earning a master's in bioethics at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Berman Institute of Bioethics in Baltimore, Maryland. “I’m a black UChicago graduate. Safe spaces got me through college.” August 29, 2016.
3 +
4 +The University of Chicago sent a dizzying letter to its freshman class last week, pledging its allegiance to two principles: academic freedom and freedom of expression. The letter expressed this commitment by denouncing "so-called trigger warnings" and "intellectual ‘safe spaces.’" To those unfamiliar with the UChicago’s abysmal campus climate, a strong stance against echo chambers may seem reasonable. But marginalized students know that this declaration ignores the real problems on campus: sexual assault, racial profiling, and other troubling issues. I would know. During my four years as an undergraduate at UChicago from 2011 to 2015, I grew increasingly dissatisfied with the university’s willful ignorance of students’ concerns, especially students of color. As a first-generation black student, I needed safe spaces like the Office of Multicultural Student Affairs — not to "hide from ideas and perspectives at odds with my own," but to heal from relentless hate and ignorance, to hear and be heard. My ideas were always challenged, but never my humanity. I mattered. Full of robust dialogue, safe spaces are not a bubbled-wrapped echo chamber, but a places where "civility and mutual respect" actually matter. Though spacious, the multicultural student affairs office was always full of students sharing their struggles and grappling with oppression. Underfunded and understaffed, it was a house-turned-sanctuary for students and student groups alike. I even slept there during a particularly brutal finals week. I, like many other students, wouldn’t have survived UChicago without this place to call my home. If you want diversity, you have to have safe spaces Alas, UChicago does not seem to get it. The university claims that it values diversity, boasting about its history of championing black, LGBTQ, poor, and femme-identified students. But you do not get our "diversity" without safe spaces, trigger warnings, or some institutionalized form of respect for people with different experiences. You want the perspective of someone with PTSD, then you better be prepared to do the work to make them comfortable enough to speak up in class, and that means giving them a heads up when discussing potentially triggering topics. Classrooms should not be a form of exposure therapy. The Office of Multicultural Student Affairs always started its dialogs with trigger warnings and had people on staff trained to handle PTSD flashbacks. You want the greatness femme-identified folks have to offer, then you have to support them in their endeavors and take sexual assault and harassment seriously. While the university continually failed to take rape and rape threat seriously, the Phoenix Survivor Alliance held solidarity circles to support survivors at Hull Gate. You want low-income and first-generation students to focus in class and thrive in your elitist institution, then you better fund the Student Support Services (for undocumented and low-income students) and address the classist onslaught inherent in UChicago culture. When the dining halls closed on Saturday nights, low-income students (myself included) went hungry. Where did we go? The Office of Multicultural Student Affairs. You want trans and LGBTQ students to show up to class and elevate the conversation with their brilliance, then you need to create a culture where misgendering and deadnaming are taboo. Fully staff the Office of LGBTQ Student Life and make more places where these students can speak freely about their struggles. You want me to elevate mediocre conversations about race with my personal experience and critical lens, then you better do something about the students muttering about affirmative action every time I speak, or the campus police who stop me on the street for not looking "UChicago enough." During my time on campus, I met more than couple people who believed in the genetic inferiority of black people. I was never afraid of their thinly veiled bigotry, just bored and disappointed. I needed a space where I, a biology major, was not expected to give free race theory classes. You want black women and other women of color to do anything at all for your gentrifying, police-protected institution, then you better just do better. If you want a university with people who have experienced "real life," then you need to listen to them, address their problems, and create places where they can heal. One house is not enough. Do not disparage the tools we have created as a show of intellectual bravado, then claim our success as your own. How trigger warnings and safe spaces encourage the academic freedom UChicago says it wants If, on the other hand, you only want the boring babblings of rich, white, cis, straight men whose worst experience was burying their fourth family pet, then keep doing what you have been doing since your inception. Keep pandering to the politically incorrect and the privileged if you want, but do not expect the depth and nuance that experience brings. Don’t expect us to show up. UChicago should know that trigger warnings and safe spaces exist to give those with firsthand experience a way to engage without sacrificing their well-being or safety. This accessibility is the key to a truly open marketplace of ideas and an essential pillar of academic freedom. Recklessly painting trigger warnings and safe spaces as enemies to academic freedom will only make UChicago a more hostile environment for marginalized first-years. Being diverse isn't easy and our diversity ain’t free. Don’t let us in if you can’t make room for us.
5 +
6 +====The 1AC’s affirmation of free speech rejects safe spaces.====
7 +Lukas Mikelionis 17. “4 US States Consider Free Speech Laws To Fight Censorship and ‘Safe Spaces’ On Campus” February 08, 2017.
8 +
9 +Four US states are considering legislation that would ensure free speech on college campuses and prohibit universities from shielding people from offensive and controversial ideas. Most states were put on alert after the eruption of violence at the University of California, Berkeley, where Milo Yiannopoulos was scheduled to give a speech. His event was cancelled over safety fears. President Trump has put the issue of free speech on campus in the spotlight after he threatened to withdraw federal funds from universities that don’t honor the First Amendment rights. Virginia Earlier this week, the Virginia’s House of Delegates passed bill HB1301 aimed at protecting freedom of speech on campus. The bill reaffirms that public colleges and universities in the state are covered by the First Amendment. The full text of the law reads: “Except as otherwise permitted by the First Amendment to the Constitution, no public institution of higher education shall abridge the freedom of any individual, including enrolled students, faculty and other employees, and invited guests, to speak on campus.” House Democratic leader David Toscano celebrated the bill, saying: “Any time we have the chance to support the First Amendment we should do that.” “It’s a good idea to celebrate the First Amendment. We want our campuses to be noisy, we want people to debate things,” he added. Colorado In Colorado, the Senate Education Committee approved a bill defending the constitutionally granted rights of Colorado students. The bill would prohibit government funded colleges from restricting students’ First Amendment rights to free speech in any way. According to the draft of the bill, free speech includes speaking, distributing materials, or holding a sign. The bill also requires converting existing so-called “free speech zones”—a campus phenomena where only at certain places students are able to exercise free speech—into monuments or memorials. “Free speech zones are counterintuitive to our core values, we should never falter in our defense of our constitutional rights or confine a free exchange of ideas,” explained Senator Tim Neville, who introduced the bill. “Students on Colorado campuses are growing into the leaders of tomorrow, and restricting their fundamental rights as they seek out truth and knowledge is contrary to the American spirit as well as the mission of universities,” he added. North Dakota North Dakota is also considering a bill to fight the onslaught of “safe spaces” and ensure the Constitution that guarantees free speech is protected in the state’s public universities. Republican State Rep. Rick Becker sponsor of House Bill 1329, said the proposed legislation is a response to an “attitude that free speech is not free speech” at universities, where free expression is stifled by university policy. “There is an atmosphere of political correctness and social justice that will lead to safe spaces and this whole concept on every campus,” he said. “We have to put a stop to it now.” The bill would “confirm free speech as a fundamental right” and demand the governing body of the North Dakota University System to a ratify a policy of free speech.
10 +
11 +====Public colleges and universities in the United States ought to only restrict constitutionally protected speech in order to establish spaces on campus where white students are not allowed to speak.====
12 +Tanasia Kenney 16. “California University Grants Black Students a ‘Safe Space’ with ‘Blacks-Only’ Campus Housing” Atlanta Black Star. September 07, 2016. SA-IB
13 +
14 +California State University Los Angeles is the latest in a string of public universities to offer campus housing exclusively for African-American students. The move to establish a “Blacks-only” co-ed housing area comes just nine months after CSLA’s Black Student Union hit university officials with a list of demands regarding campus diversity and student inclusion. Among their requests was the creation of housing specifically delegated for African-American students. The housing would act as a “safe space” for Black students seeking refuge from the overt racism and “microagressions” spouted by their white peers. “WE DEMAND the creation and financial support of a CSLA housing space delegated for Black students and a full time Resident Director who can cater to the needs of Black students,” read one of the union’s demands. “A CSLA housing space delegated for Black students would provide a cheaper alternative housing solution for Black students. This space would also serve as a safe space for Black CSLA students to congregate, connect, and learn from each other.”
15 +
16 +====Turns case – engagement in free speech and becoming is impossible without some pockets of safety in order recuperate.====
17 +RaeAnn Pickett 16, senior director of communications and public Affairs at the National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health and a Ms. Foundation Public Voices Fellows. “Trigger Warnings and Safe Spaces Are Necessary” August 31, 2016. SA-IB
18 +
19 +The decision doesn't take students wants or needs into account. As the National Coalition Against Censorship notes: “In many cases, the request for trigger warnings comes from students themselves.” And safe spaces can have powerful therapeutic purposes for those who enter them. In fact, the university's new policy does the exact opposite of what it is purported to do: instead of fostering academic freedom, it could foster mistrust and negatively affect survivors of trauma, including people of color. If students cannot trust that spaces they enter are going to keep them safe, they are less able to feel secure enough to learn. Safe spaces and trigger warnings can help support survivors victims of assault, PTSD and violence. Organizations like Slut Walk and Take Back The Night have made great strides in ending stigma for sexual assault survivors and have called for increasing trigger warnings for sensitive content. A lack of safe spaces can also compound the mental toll of racism, even subtle racism. Past experience with bullying plays a role here: Of the 160,000 children bullied every day, 31 are multiracial, according to Clemson University’s “Status of Bullying in School” 2013 report. Racial bullying often goes unnoticed or unreported due to how teachers perceive interethnic relationships. Psychologist Morris Rosenberg found that African-Americans showed surprisingly high rates of self-esteem when they compared themselves with other African-Americans, but when they compared themselves to white peers, self-esteem levels dropped. Safe spaces can help minorities feel empowered to speak up. Some may say a commitment to free speech, by any means necessary, does more to foster a positive academic setting than safe spaces and trigger warnings. But the bigger question is: whose speech is being protected by these policies? They certainly don’t always foster a healthy relationship with students of color or survivors of trauma or those who live at the intersection of both. Sitting in the dark holding my newborn and struggling with undiagnosed postpartum depression, anxiety and obsessive-compulsive disorder were some of the darkest days of my life. But because of ratings systems on movies and descriptions on the TV guide, I was able to take small steps every day to commit to keeping myself mentally healthy. The pressure of living up to the stereotype of a proud, wise, confident Latina mother kept me from seeking help for a long time. But when my first postpartum depression support group facilitator said in a hushed, happy voice that this was a safe space, I felt the weight slowly start to lift from my chest. All the pent-up anxiety I had felt was dissapating—just by knowing that the physical place I chose to be in was filled with people who understood me and could help me find the tools to get well. Being able to make informed decisions about which spaces students chose to enter and not enter is critical in helping them stay well and take control over the information they decide to receive and how to receive it. A critical phase of healing involves reclaiming power and control in positive ways.
20 +
21 +====The role of the ballot is to vote for the debater who provides the best liberation strategy for the oppressed – prefer for inclusivity.====
22 +Elijah Smith 13. “A Conversation in Ruins: Race and Black Participation in Lincoln Douglas Debate” 2013. SA-IB
23 +
24 +It will be uncomfortable, it will be hard, and it will require continued effort but the necessary step in fixing this problem, like all problems, is the community as a whole admitting that such a problem with many “socially acceptable” choices exists in the first place. Like all systems of social control, the reality of racism in debate is constituted by the singular choices that institutions, coaches, and students make on a weekly basis. I have watched countless rounds where competitors attempt to win by rushing to abstractions to distance the conversation from the material reality that black debaters are forced to deal with every day. One of the students I coached, who has since graduated after leaving debate, had an adult judge write out a ballot that concluded by “hypothetically” defending my student being lynched at the tournament. Another debate concluded with a young man defending that we can kill animals humanely, “just like we did that guy Troy Davis”. Community norms would have competitors do intellectual gymnastics or make up rules to accuse black debaters of breaking to escape hard conversations but as someone who understands that experience, the only constructive strategy is to acknowledge the reality of the oppressed, engage the discussion from the perspective of authors who are black and brown, and then find strategies to deal with the issues at hand. It hurts to see competitive seasons come and go and have high school students and judges spew the same hateful things you expect to hear at a Klan rally. A student should not, when presenting an advocacy that aligns them with the oppressed, have to justify why oppression is bad. Debate is not just a game, but a learning environment with liberatory potential. Even if the form debate gives to a conversation is not the same you would use to discuss race in general conversation with Bayard Rustin or Fannie Lou Hamer, that is not a reason we have to strip that conversation of its connection to a reality that black students cannot escape.
EntryDate
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1 +2017-04-30 18:52:15.0
Judge
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1 +carlson
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +lake highland aa
ParentRound
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +93
Round
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +5
Team
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +St Andrews Bhatt Neg
Title
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +janfeb ~-~- k ~-~- safe spaces
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +toc
Caselist.CitesClass[188]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,6 @@
1 +same as before
2 +
3 +====Controlling dissemination of one’s own information is a right under the will.====
4 +Judith DeCew 15 and Edward N. Zalta. “Privacy” The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Spring 2015 Edition. https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/spr2015/entries/privacy/ SA-IB
5 +
6 +A more common view has been to argue that privacy and intimacy are deeply related. On one account, privacy is valuable because intimacy would be impossible without it (Fried, 1970; Gerety 1977; Gerstein, 1978; Cohen, 2002). Fried, for example, defines privacy narrowly as control over information about oneself. He extends this definition, however, arguing that privacy has intrinsic value, and is necessarily related to and fundamental for one's development as an individual with a moral and social personality able to form intimate relationships involving respect, love, friendship and trust. Privacy is valuable because it allows one control over information about oneself, which allows one to maintain varying degrees of intimacy. Indeed, love, friendship and trust are only possible if persons enjoy privacy and accord it to each other. Privacy is essential for such relationships on Fried's view, and this helps explain why a threat to privacy is a threat to our very integrity as persons. By characterizing privacy as a necessary context for love, friendship and trust, Fried is basing his account on a moral conception of persons and their personalities, on a Kantian notion of the person with basic rights and the need to define and pursue one's own values free from the impingement of others. Privacy allows one the freedom to define one's relations with others and to define oneself. In this way, privacy is also closely connected with respect and self respect. Gerstein (1978) argues as well that privacy is necessary for intimacy, and intimacy in communication and interpersonal relationships is required for us to fully experience our lives. Intimacy without intrusion or observation is required for us to have experiences with spontaneity and without shame. Shoeman (1984) endorses these views and stresses that privacy provides a way to control intimate information about oneself and that has many other benefits, not only for relationships with others, but also for the development of one's personality and inner self. Julie Inness (1992) has identified intimacy as the defining feature of intrusions properly called privacy invasions. Inness argues that intimacy is based not on behavior, but on motivation. Inness believes that intimate information or activity is that which draws its meaning from love, liking, or care. It is privacy that protects one's ability to retain intimate information and activity so that one can fulfill one's needs of loving and caring.
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +2017-05-01 02:59:26.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +krotz
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +mission san jose ls
ParentRound
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +94
Round
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +3
Team
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +St Andrews Bhatt Neg
Title
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +janfeb ~-~- pic ~-~- survivors kant net benefit
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +toc
Caselist.RoundClass[89]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +177,178,179
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +2017-04-26 14:34:14.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Samorian, Damerdji
OpenSource
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Sophomore%20RR-Round5.docx
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Valley JM
Round
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +5
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,10 @@
1 +1AC
2 +- Actualism FW
3 +- People should orient themselves away from nuclear power with a waste advantage
4 +1NC
5 +- Pragmatism NC
6 +- Thorium and SSD CP
7 +- T - Countries
8 +2NR
9 +- T
10 +- NC
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Sophomore RR
Caselist.RoundClass[90]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +180,181,182
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +2017-04-26 14:35:00.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Carlson
OpenSource
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Valley-Round5.docx
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Evanston GH
Round
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +5
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,8 @@
1 +1AC
2 +- Agrilologistics
3 +1NC
4 +- Framework
5 +- Ableism PIK
6 +- Abstraction K
7 +2NR
8 +- Ableism PIK
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Valley
Caselist.RoundClass[91]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +183
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +2017-04-28 16:38:46.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Brundage
OpenSource
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +https://hsld16.debatecoaches.org/download/St+Andrews/Bhatt+Neg/St%20Andrews-Bhatt-Neg-Barkley%20Forum-Round3.docx
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Harvard-Westlake IP
Round
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +3
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,7 @@
1 +1ac
2 +- journalism plan
3 +1nc
4 +- survivors pic
5 +- pics good defense
6 +2nr
7 +- pic
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Barkley Forum
Caselist.RoundClass[92]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +184,185,186
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +2017-04-29 23:37:17.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +hunt
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +lexington rw
Round
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +1
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,8 @@
1 +1ac
2 +- kant
3 +1nc
4 +- anti-ethics k
5 +- oppression nc
6 +- guns da
7 +2nr
8 +- nc and da
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +toc
Caselist.RoundClass[93]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +187
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +2017-04-30 18:52:12.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +carlson
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +lake highland aa
Round
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +5
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,10 @@
1 +1ac
2 +- deleuze
3 +1nc
4 +- safe spaces k
5 +- case
6 +- nopper fpik
7 +- deleuze is antiblack
8 +2nr
9 +- safe spaces
10 +- nopper
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +toc
Caselist.RoundClass[94]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +188
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +2017-05-01 02:59:19.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +krotz
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +mission san jose ls
Round
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +3
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,7 @@
1 +1ac
2 +- kant
3 +1nc
4 +- survivors pic
5 +- yancy k
6 +2nr
7 +- survivors pic
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +toc

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