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Summary

Details

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3 -====Sustaining the coherence of the American political framework reproduces discourses of progress that result in the further accumulation of injured and murdered black bodies —- black nihilism is the only metaphysical framework capable of addressing this antagonism and unraveling the political ====
4 -Black humanity was rationalized as an imaginary number- purely speculative and never intended to actually translate into something (3/5 of human) don't worry our faith in the political will alleviate us from our oppression and restore that remaining 2/5ths because eventually everything gets better. the American dream is realized through black suffering- MLK warranted freedom through the experience of black suffering- no matter how many times they tried to kil us and beat us we will love them and transform our own situation. black death acts as a signer against the idea of progress and hope, if it is true that we are becoming a better nation why are black people still being murdered by the police? every generation will shift attitudes and become more conscious, supposedly we are a better generation that the generation that murdered Emmet Till. progess and linearity will only reproduce metaphysical strucutres of violence that kill black people
5 -**Warren 15** ~~Calvin K., Assistant Professor of American Studies at George Washington University, "Black Nihilism and the Politics of Hope," CR: The New Centennial Review, Volume 15, Number 1, Spring 2015~~ Kguy
6 -Perverse juxtapositions structure our relation to the Political. This becomes even more apparent and problematic when we consider the position of blacks within this structuring.1 On the one hand, our Declaration of Independence proclaims, "All men are created equal," and yet black captives were fractioned in this political arithmetic as three-fifths of this "man." The remainder, the two-fifths, gets lost within the arithmetic shuffle of commerce and mercenary prerogatives. We, of course, hoped that the Reconstruction Amendments would correct this arithmetical error and finally provide an ontological equation, or an existential variable, that would restore fractured and fractioned ~~End Page 215~~ black being. This did not happen. Black humanity became somewhat of an "imaginary number" in this equation, purely speculative and nice in theory but difficult to actualize or translate into something tangible. Poll taxes, grandfather clauses, literacy tests, and extra-legal and legal violence made a mockery of the 14th Amendment, and the convict leasing system turned the 13th Amendment inside out for blacks. Yet, we approach this political perversity with a certain apodictic certainty and incontrovertible hope that things will (and do) get better. The Political, we are told, provides the material or substance of our hope; it is within the Political that we are to find, if we search with vigilance and work tirelessly, the "answer" to the ontological equation—hard work, suffering, and diligence will restore the fractioned three-fifths with its alienated two-fifths and, finally, create One that we can include in our declaration that "All men are created equal." We are still awaiting this "event."Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. placed great emphasis on the restoration of black being through suffering and diligence in his sermon "The American Dream" (1965): And I would like to say to you this morning what I’ve tried to say all over this nation, what I believe firmly: that in seeking to make the dream a reality we must use and adopt a proper method. I’m more convinced than ever before that violence is impractical and immoral…we need not hate; we need not use violence. We can stand up against our most violent opponent and say: we will match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We will meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will and we will still love you…we will go to in those jails and transform them from dungeons of shame to havens of freedom and human dignity. Send your hooded perpetrators of violence into our communities after night and drag us out on some wayside road and beat us and leave us half dead, and as difficult as it is, we will still love you. … ~~T~~hreaten our children and bomb our churches, and as difficult as it is, we will still love you. But be assured that we will ride you down by our capacity to suffer. One day we will win our 3freedom, but we will not only win it for ourselves, we will so appeal to your hearts and conscience that we will win you in the process. And our victory will be double. The American dream, then, is realized through black suffering. It is the humiliated, incarcerated, mutilated, and terrorized black body that serves as the vestibule for the Democracy that is to come. In fact, it almost becomes impossible to think the Political without black suffering. According to this logic, corporeal fracture engenders ontological coherence, in a political arithmetic saturated with violence. Thus, nonviolence is a misnomer, or somewhat of a ruse. Black-sacrifice is necessary to achieve the American dream and its promise of coherence, progress, and equality. We find similar logic in the contemporary moment. Renisha McBride, Jordon Davis, Kody Ingham, Amadou Diallo, Aiyana Stanley-Jones, Frederick Jermain Carter, Chavis Carter, Timothy Stansbury, Hadiya Pendleton, Oscar Grant, Sean Bell, Kendrec McDade, Trayvon Martin, and Mike Brown, among others, constitute a fatal rupture of the Political; these signifiers, stained in blood, refuse the closure that the Political promises. They haunt political discourses of progress, betterment, equality, citizenship, and justice—the metaphysical organization of social existence. We are witnessing a shocking accumulation of injured and mutilated black bodies, particularly young black bodies, which place what seems to be an unanswerable question mark in the political field: if we are truly progressing toward this "society-that-is-to-come (maybe)," why is black suffering increasing at such alarming rates? In response to this inquiry, we are told to keep struggling, keep "hope" alive, and keep the faith. After George Zimmerman was acquitted for murdering Trayvon Martin, President Obama addressed the nation and importuned us to keep fighting for change because "each successive generation seems to be making progress in changing attitudes toward race" and, if we work hard enough, we will move closer to "becoming a more perfect union." Despite Martin’s corpse lingering in the minds of young people and Zimmerman’s smile of relief after the verdict, we are told that things are actually getting better. Supposedly, the generation that murdered Trayvon Martin and Renisha McBride is much better than the generation that murdered Emmett Till. Black suffering, here, is instrumentalized to accomplish pedagogical, cathartic, and redemptive objectives and, somehow, the growing number of dead black bodies in the twenty-first century is an indication of our progress toward "perfection." Is perfection predicated on black death? How many more ~~End Page 217~~ black bodies must be lynched, mutilated, burned, castrated, raped, dismembered, shot, and disabled before we achieve this "more perfect union"? In many ways, black suffering and death become the premiere vehicles of political perfection and social maturation. This essay argues that the logic of the Political—linear temporality, bio-political futurity, perfection, betterment, and redress—sustains black suffering. Progress and perfection are worked through the pained black body and any recourse to the Political and its discourse of hope will ultimately reproduce the very metaphysical structures of violence that pulverize black being. This piece attempts to rescue black nihilism from discursive and intellectual obliteration; rather than thinking about black nihilism as a set of pathologies in need of treatment, this essay considers black nihilism a necessary philosophical posture capable of unraveling the Political and its devastating logic of political hope. Black nihilism resists emancipatory rhetoric that assumes it is possible to purge the Political of anti-black violence and advances political apostasy as the only "ethical" response to black suffering.
7 -
8 -
9 -====Voting negative is to adopt nihilism as the centerpiece to politics – this rupture in the terrain of liberalism's will-to-action finds itself outside the struggle for political representation – In other words, to "hope for the end of political hope". This is the only metaphysically coherent response to the constant slaughter of black bodies ====
10 -**Warren 15** ~~Calvin K., Assistant Professor of American Studies at George Washington University, "Black Nihilism and the Politics of Hope," CR: The New Centennial Review, Volume 15, Number 1, Spring 2015~~ kguy
11 -V. Conclusion
12 -Throughout this essay, I have argued that the Politics of hope preserve metaphysical structures that sustain black suffering. This preservation amounts to an exploitation of hope—when the Political colonizes the spiritual principle of hope and puts it in the service of extending the "will to power" of an anti-black organization of existence. The Politics of hope, then, is bound up with metaphysical violence, and this violence masquerades as a "solution" to the problem of anti-blackness. Temporal linearity, perfection, betterment, struggle, work, and utopian futurity are conceptual instruments of the Political that will never obviate black suffering or anti-black violence; these concepts only serve to reproduce the conditions that render existence unbearable for blacks. Political theologians and black optimists avoid the immediacy of black suffering, the horror of anti-black pulverization, and place relief in a "not-yet-but-is (maybe)-to-come-social order" that, itself, can do little more but admonish blacks to survive to keep struggling. Political hope becomes a vicious and abusive cycle of struggle—it mirrors the Lacanian drive, and we encircle an object (black freedom, justice, relief, redress, equality, etc.) that is inaccessible because it doesn’t really exist. The political theologian and black optimist, then, propose a collective Jouissance as an answer to black suffering—finding the joy in struggle, the victory in toil, and the satisfaction in inefficacious action. We continue to "struggle" and "work" as black youth are slaughtered daily, black bodies are incarcerated as forms of capital, black infant mortality rates are soaring, and hunger is disabling the bodies, minds, and spirits of desperate black youth. In short, these conditions are deep metaphysical problems—the sadistic pleasure of metaphysical domination—and "work" and "struggle" avoid the terrifying fact that the world depends on black death to sustain itself. Black nihilism attempts to break this "drive"—to stop it in its tracks, as it were—and to end the cycle of insanity that political hope perpetuates. The question that remains is a question often put to the black nihilist: what is the point? This compulsory geometrical structuring of thought—all knowledge must submit to, and is reducible to, a point—it is an epistemic flicker of certainty, determination, and, to put it bluntly, life. "The point" exists for life; it enlivens, enables, and sustains knowledge. Thought outside of this mandatory point is illegible and useless. To write outside of the "episteme of life" and its grammar will require a position outside of this point, a position somewhere in the infinite horizon of thought (perhaps this is what Heidegger wanted to do with his reconfiguration of thought). Writing in this way is inherently subversive and refuses the geometry of thought. Nevertheless, the ~~End Page 243~~ nihilist is forced to enunciate his refusal through a "point," a point that is contradictory and paradoxical all at once. To say that the point of this essay is that "the point" is fraudulent—its promise of clarity and life are inadequate—will not satisfy the hunger of disciplining the nihilist and insisting that one undermine the very ground upon which one stands. Black nihilistic hermeneutics resists "the point" but is subjected to it to have one’s voice heard within the marketplace of ideas. The "point" of this essay is that political hope is pointless. Black suffering is an essential part of the world, and placing hope in the very structure that sustains metaphysical violence, the Political, will never resolve anything. This is why the black nihilist speaks of "exploited hope," and the black nihilist attempts to wrest hope from the clutches of the Political. Can we think of hope outside the Political? Must "salvation" translate into a political grammar or a political program? The nihilist, then, hopes for the end of political hope and its metaphysical violence. Nihilism is not antithetical to hope; it does not extinguish hope but reconfigures it. Hope is the foundation of the black nihilistic hermeneutic. In "Blackness and Nothingness," Fred Moten (2013) conceptualizes blackness as a "pathogen" to metaphysics, something that has the ability to unravel, to disable, and to destroy anti-blackness. If we read Vattimo through Moten’s brilliant analysis, we can suggest that blackness is the limit that Heidegger and Nietzsche were really after. It is a "blackened" world that will ultimately end metaphysics, but putting an end to metaphysics will also put an end to the world itself—this is the nihilism that the black nihilist must theorize through. This is a far cry from what we call "anarchy," however. The black nihilist has as little faith in the metaphysical reorganization of society through anarchy than he does in traditional forms of political existence. The black nihilist offers political apostasy as the spiritual practice of denouncing metaphysical violence, black suffering, and the idol of anti-blackness. The act of renouncing will not change political structures or offer a political program; instead, it is the act of retrieving the spiritual concept of hope from the captivity of the Political. Ultimately, it is impossible to end metaphysics without ending blackness, and the black nihilist will never be able to withdraw from the Political completely without a certain death-drive or being-toward-death. This is the essence of black suffering: the lack of reprieve from metaphysics, the tormenting complicity in the reproduction of violence, and the lack of a coherent grammar to articulate these dilemmas.After contemplating these issues for some time in my office, I decided to take a train home. As I awaited my train in the station, an older black woman asked me about the train schedule and when I would expect the next train headed toward Dupont Circle. When I told her the trains were running slowly, she began to talk about the government shutdown. "They don’t care anything about us, you know," she said. "We elect these people into office, we vote for them, and they watch black people suffer and have no intentions of doing anything about it." I shook my head in agreement and listened intently. "I’m going to stop voting, and supporting this process; why should I keep doing this and our people continue to suffer," she said. I looked at her and said, "I don’t know ma’am; I just don’t understand it myself." She then laughed and thanked me for listening to her—as if our conversation were somewhat cathartic. "You know, people think you’re crazy when you say things like this," she said giving me a wink. "Yes they do," I said. "But I am a free woman," she emphasized "and I won’t go back." Shocked, I smiled at her, and she winked at me; at that moment I realized that her wisdom and courage penetrated my mind and demanded answers. I’ve thought about this conversation for some time, and it is for this reason I had to write this essay. To the brave woman at the train station, I must say you are not crazy at all but thinking outside of metaphysical time, space, and violence. Ultimately, we must hope for the end of political hope.
13 -
14 -====The 1AC is constitutive of the politics of hope and in this usage, denaturalizes hope that is directly tied to the spiritual concept of hope that is then exchanged in the political economy as an investment in the spiritual substance in the political which relegates all other forms of hope to the "Outside". This is exposed through blackness and its relation to the political. At the center piece of African American participation is irrational fidelity. Black folks tie to politics and voting is constituted by a historical conscious that makes black folk desire political subjectivity because of those who died for the right to vote, but is anti-ethical rational calculus because black folk get nothing in return through civic engagement. That means the 1AR is too late in its attempt to say that political engagement is good because it only reifies the accumulation of black flesh====
15 -**Warren 15** ~~Calvin K., Assistant Professor of American Studies at George Washington University, "Black Nihilism and the Politics of Hope," CR: The New Centennial Review, Volume 15, Number 1, Spring 2015~~ Kguy
16 -To speak of the "Politics of Hope" is to denaturalize or demystify a certain usage of hope. Here I want to make a distinction between "hope" (the spiritual concept) and "the politics of hope"(political hope). The relationship between the spiritual concept of hope and its use as a political instrument is the focus of the black nihilist critique.2 Following Kant and other postmetaphysical philosophers, the critical field questions (and in some circles completely denounces) a certain spiritual predisposition to the world—that "unknowable" noumenon that limits Reason but provides the condition of possibility for its organization of the world of perception, phenomenon. The problem with the critical questioning of the spiritual is that it often appropriates spiritual concepts and then, insidiously, translates the min to the "scientific" or the knowable, as a way to both capitalize on the mystic power of the spiritual and to preserve the spiritual under the guise of "enlightened understanding." We find this deceptive translation and capitalization of spiritual substance within the sphere of the Political—that organization of social existence through political institutions, mandates, logics, and grammars—as a way to govern and discipline beings. If we think of hope as a spiritual concept—a concept that always escapes confinement within scientific discourse—then we can suggest that hope constitutes a "spiritual currency" that we are given as an inheritance to invest in various aspects of existence. The issue, however, is that there is often a compulsory investment of this spiritual substance in the Political. This is the forced destination of hope—it must end up in the Political and cannot exist outside of it (or any existence of hope "outside" the political subverts, compromises, and destroys hope itself. Like placing a fish out of water. It is as if hope only has intelligibility and efficacy within and through the Political). Put differently, the politics of hope posits that one must have a politics to have hope; politics is the natural habitat of hope itself. To reject hope in a nihilistic way, then, is really to reject the politics of hope, or certain circumscribed and compulsory forms of expressing, practicing, and conceiving of hope. In the essay "A Fidelity to Politics: Shame and the African American Vote in the 2004 Election," Grant Farred (2006) exposes a kernel of irrationality at the center of African American political participation. Traditionally, political participation is motivated by self-interested expectancy; this political calculus assumes that political participation, particularly voting, is an investment with an assurance of a return or political dividend. The structure of the Political—the circular movement between self-interest, action, and reward— is sustained through what Farred calls the "electoral unconscious." It "historicizes the subject in relation to the political in that it determines the horizon of what is possible it maps, through its delimitation or its (relative) lack of limits, what the constituency and its members imagine they can, or, would like to expect from the political" (217). In this way, the electoral unconscious, as the realm of political fantasy, mirrors the Lacanian notion of fantasy; it maps the coordinates of the political subject and teaches it how exactly to desire the Political. For Farred, there is a peculiar logic ("another scene") operating as the motivation for African American participation in the Political. Unlike the traditional political calculus, where action and reward determine civic engagement, African American participation does not follow this rational calculus—because if it did, there would actually be no rational reason for African Americans to vote, given the historicity of voting as an ineffective practice in gaining tangible "objects" for achieving redress, equality, and political subjectivity. African Americans, according to Farred, havean "irrational fidelity" to a practice that, historically, has yielded no concrete transformations of antiblackness. This group is governed not by the "electoral unconscious" but by the "historical conscious," which is the "intense ~~and incessant~~ understanding of how the franchise has been achieved, of its precarious preciseness as well as their (growing) contemporary liminality, their status as marginalized political subjects" (217). African Americans are a faithful voting block not because of voting’s political efficaciousness but as a way to contend with a painful (and shame-full) history of exclusion and disenfranchisement. Political participation becomes an act of historical commemoration and obligation; one votes because someone bled and died for the opportunity to participate, and "duty" and "indebtedness" motivate this partial political subject.Reliance on legality as a metric of progress fuels a violent temporal narrative that materializes the permanency of whiteness – Western common law demands a series of affective attachments to the law, which ensures bodies come to desire the structure that produces violence against them – do you find yourself trapped within the auspices of hope, or do you desire to craft yourself otherwise, affirming the imperceptible politics of refusal. Their arguments about bringing some measure of relief or change constitute cruel optimism —- they rely on a trick of time that retreats to "could be" or "maybe later" —- refusing the blackmail of "doing politics" in a rejection of this trickery
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