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Summary

Details

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1 -====Text: The U.S ought to issue mandatory body cameras to all police.====
2 -
3 -====It’s textually competitive—the world of the CP has the same amount of qualified immunity as the squo====
4 -
5 -====Body cameras solve—empirically proven to increase accountability ====
6 -**Scheindlin 15**, Shira A (Shira A. Scheindlin is a senior United States district judge for the Southern District of New York.) . "Will the Widespread Use of Body Cameras Improve Police Accountability? Yes." Americas Quarterly. N.p., 2015. Web. 12 Oct. 2016. http://www.americasquarterly.org/content/yes-people-behave-differently-when-theyre-being-watched. SM
7 -The point should be clear: people behave differently when they know they are being watched, and police are no exception. Officers wearing body cameras will be less aggressive and more respectful when they interact with members of the community. They will also be more reluctant to use force unless it is necessary to protect themselves and the public. While body-worn police cameras may not be a panacea, they will not only lead to a reduction in the use of unnecessary or excessive force by police officers, but will also be beneficial for both the police and the community. Evidence supporting this belief comes from jurisdictions in which experiments with the use of body-worn cameras have produced encouraging data. In one such jurisdiction—Rialto, California—after the police force had worn ~~wore~~ body cameras for a full year, citizen complaints against police declined by 60 percent. Other jurisdictions that have implemented body cameras have seen similar results. In Mesa, Arizona, for example, use-of-force complaints decreased by 75 percent for officers using cameras in a pilot program.1 In Nampa, Idaho, they dropped by 24 percent.2 Another important statistic from the Rialto study is the number of incidents that resulted in the use of force by an officer, which dropped by 88 percent after the use of body cameras. Officers who were not equipped with cameras were twice as likely to use force as officers who were. Even more tellingly, when officers wore cameras, every incident of physical contact was initiated by a member of the public, but in the absence of cameras, 29 percent of the incidents involving physical force were initiated by the officer.3 Such studies have taken on increased significance in the wake of controversy over the deaths of several African Americans at the hands of police over the past year. This includes Michael Brown, an unarmed teenager who was shot by an officer in Ferguson, Missouri, and Eric Garner in Staten Island, New York, who died after being placed in a chokehold by a police officer. President Barack Obama and Attorney General Eric Holder have called for greater use of body-worn cameras by police officers. But even before these incidents, I concluded that such cameras could play a role in curtailing abuses of the long-standing police practice in New York of stopping and frisking young men—most of them African American—on suspicion of criminal behavior. As part of my August 2013 ruling in Floyd v. City of New York that the disproportional use of stop and frisk constituted a pattern of racial profiling and violated the U.S. Constitution, I ordered the New York City Police Department to conduct a trial in selected precincts requiring officers to wear body cameras. The use of body cameras will also protect police officers. No longer will a person be able to claim that a police officer punched or kicked him without cause, when in fact it was that person who initiated the encounter by threatening or attacking the police officer. The contemporaneous record of what occurred should make it clear whether the officer was justified in using force. Everyone has a right to act in self defense. A video presents an unbiased account of the events. It has no motive to lie and no stake in the outcome. It merely records the event as it happens. If a police officer acts lawfully, then he should not be wrongly accused, forced to defend himself and risk a punishment he does not deserve. The camera will provide his defense. There are some drawbacks to the use of body cameras—such as privacy concerns for both officers and the citizens they encounter, the storage of data capturing images of innocent people, the possible tampering with the images, and the accuracy of the images (with issues relating to lighting, lens clarity, movement, and angles). However, there is far more benefit than harm associated with their use. Once people know their actions are being recorded, their behavior changes. I am confident the widespread use of body cameras will reduce the amount of excessive force by police officers and will improve their relationships with the citizens they encounter and protect. Given existing technologies, we should have the best evidence available at our fingertips. And speaking of fingers, millions of fingerprints are kept on file in case the police need to identify a suspect. Today, DNA databases are also available to law enforcement. Everyone agrees that DNA should be collected so long as storage and access are both carefully regulated. There is no reason that contemporaneous recordings of police encounters should not be treated the same way.
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1 -2016-11-19 19:28:10.537
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1 -Allie Woodhouse
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1 -Immaculate Heart DD
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1 -10
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1 -2
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1 -Southlake Carroll Patel Neg
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1 -NOVDEC- Body Camera CP
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1 -Glenbrooks
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1 -2016-11-19 19:28:08.0
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1 -Allie Woodhouse
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1 -Immaculate Heart DD
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1 -AC AccountabilitySpillovers
2 -NC Body Cameras CP Case
3 -NR Case turns
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1 -Glenbrooks
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1 +===1NC: ===
2 +
3 +====Sustaining the coherence of the American political framework reproduces discourses of progress that result in the further accumulation of injured and murdered black bodies —- black nihilism is the only metaphysical framework capable of addressing this antagonism and unraveling the political ====
4 +Black humanity was rationalized as an imaginary number- purely speculative and never intended to actually translate into something (3/5 of human) don't worry our faith in the political will alleviate us from our oppression and restore that remaining 2/5ths because eventually everything gets better. the American dream is realized through black suffering- MLK warranted freedom through the experience of black suffering- no matter how many times they tried to kil us and beat us we will love them and transform our own situation. black death acts as a signer against the idea of progress and hope, if it is true that we are becoming a better nation why are black people still being murdered by the police? every generation will shift attitudes and become more conscious, supposedly we are a better generation that the generation that murdered Emmet Till. progess and linearity will only reproduce metaphysical strucutres of violence that kill black people
5 +**Warren 15** ~~Calvin K., Assistant Professor of American Studies at George Washington University, "Black Nihilism and the Politics of Hope," CR: The New Centennial Review, Volume 15, Number 1, Spring 2015~~ Kguy
6 +Perverse juxtapositions structure our relation to the Political. This becomes even more apparent and problematic when we consider the position of blacks within this structuring.1 On the one hand, our Declaration of Independence proclaims, "All men are created equal," and yet black captives were fractioned in this political arithmetic as three-fifths of this "man." The remainder, the two-fifths, gets lost within the arithmetic shuffle of commerce and mercenary prerogatives. We, of course, hoped that the Reconstruction Amendments would correct this arithmetical error and finally provide an ontological equation, or an existential variable, that would restore fractured and fractioned ~~End Page 215~~ black being. This did not happen. Black humanity became somewhat of an "imaginary number" in this equation, purely speculative and nice in theory but difficult to actualize or translate into something tangible. Poll taxes, grandfather clauses, literacy tests, and extra-legal and legal violence made a mockery of the 14th Amendment, and the convict leasing system turned the 13th Amendment inside out for blacks. Yet, we approach this political perversity with a certain apodictic certainty and incontrovertible hope that things will (and do) get better. The Political, we are told, provides the material or substance of our hope; it is within the Political that we are to find, if we search with vigilance and work tirelessly, the "answer" to the ontological equation—hard work, suffering, and diligence will restore the fractioned three-fifths with its alienated two-fifths and, finally, create One that we can include in our declaration that "All men are created equal." We are still awaiting this "event."Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. placed great emphasis on the restoration of black being through suffering and diligence in his sermon "The American Dream" (1965): And I would like to say to you this morning what I’ve tried to say all over this nation, what I believe firmly: that in seeking to make the dream a reality we must use and adopt a proper method. I’m more convinced than ever before that violence is impractical and immoral…we need not hate; we need not use violence. We can stand up against our most violent opponent and say: we will match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We will meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will and we will still love you…we will go to in those jails and transform them from dungeons of shame to havens of freedom and human dignity. Send your hooded perpetrators of violence into our communities after night and drag us out on some wayside road and beat us and leave us half dead, and as difficult as it is, we will still love you. … ~~T~~hreaten our children and bomb our churches, and as difficult as it is, we will still love you. But be assured that we will ride you down by our capacity to suffer. One day we will win our 3freedom, but we will not only win it for ourselves, we will so appeal to your hearts and conscience that we will win you in the process. And our victory will be double. The American dream, then, is realized through black suffering. It is the humiliated, incarcerated, mutilated, and terrorized black body that serves as the vestibule for the Democracy that is to come. In fact, it almost becomes impossible to think the Political without black suffering. According to this logic, corporeal fracture engenders ontological coherence, in a political arithmetic saturated with violence. Thus, nonviolence is a misnomer, or somewhat of a ruse. Black-sacrifice is necessary to achieve the American dream and its promise of coherence, progress, and equality. We find similar logic in the contemporary moment. Renisha McBride, Jordon Davis, Kody Ingham, Amadou Diallo, Aiyana Stanley-Jones, Frederick Jermain Carter, Chavis Carter, Timothy Stansbury, Hadiya Pendleton, Oscar Grant, Sean Bell, Kendrec McDade, Trayvon Martin, and Mike Brown, among others, constitute a fatal rupture of the Political; these signifiers, stained in blood, refuse the closure that the Political promises. They haunt political discourses of progress, betterment, equality, citizenship, and justice—the metaphysical organization of social existence. We are witnessing a shocking accumulation of injured and mutilated black bodies, particularly young black bodies, which place what seems to be an unanswerable question mark in the political field: if we are truly progressing toward this "society-that-is-to-come (maybe)," why is black suffering increasing at such alarming rates? In response to this inquiry, we are told to keep struggling, keep "hope" alive, and keep the faith. After George Zimmerman was acquitted for murdering Trayvon Martin, President Obama addressed the nation and importuned us to keep fighting for change because "each successive generation seems to be making progress in changing attitudes toward race" and, if we work hard enough, we will move closer to "becoming a more perfect union." Despite Martin’s corpse lingering in the minds of young people and Zimmerman’s smile of relief after the verdict, we are told that things are actually getting better. Supposedly, the generation that murdered Trayvon Martin and Renisha McBride is much better than the generation that murdered Emmett Till. Black suffering, here, is instrumentalized to accomplish pedagogical, cathartic, and redemptive objectives and, somehow, the growing number of dead black bodies in the twenty-first century is an indication of our progress toward "perfection." Is perfection predicated on black death? How many more ~~End Page 217~~ black bodies must be lynched, mutilated, burned, castrated, raped, dismembered, shot, and disabled before we achieve this "more perfect union"? In many ways, black suffering and death become the premiere vehicles of political perfection and social maturation. This essay argues that the logic of the Political—linear temporality, bio-political futurity, perfection, betterment, and redress—sustains black suffering. Progress and perfection are worked through the pained black body and any recourse to the Political and its discourse of hope will ultimately reproduce the very metaphysical structures of violence that pulverize black being. This piece attempts to rescue black nihilism from discursive and intellectual obliteration; rather than thinking about black nihilism as a set of pathologies in need of treatment, this essay considers black nihilism a necessary philosophical posture capable of unraveling the Political and its devastating logic of political hope. Black nihilism resists emancipatory rhetoric that assumes it is possible to purge the Political of anti-black violence and advances political apostasy as the only "ethical" response to black suffering.
7 +
8 +
9 +====Voting negative is to adopt nihilism as the centerpiece to politics – this rupture in the terrain of liberalism's will-to-action finds itself outside the struggle for political representation – In other words, to "hope for the end of political hope". This is the only metaphysically coherent response to the constant slaughter of black bodies ====
10 +**Warren 15** ~~Calvin K., Assistant Professor of American Studies at George Washington University, "Black Nihilism and the Politics of Hope," CR: The New Centennial Review, Volume 15, Number 1, Spring 2015~~ kguy
11 +V. Conclusion
12 +Throughout this essay, I have argued that the Politics of hope preserve metaphysical structures that sustain black suffering. This preservation amounts to an exploitation of hope—when the Political colonizes the spiritual principle of hope and puts it in the service of extending the "will to power" of an anti-black organization of existence. The Politics of hope, then, is bound up with metaphysical violence, and this violence masquerades as a "solution" to the problem of anti-blackness. Temporal linearity, perfection, betterment, struggle, work, and utopian futurity are conceptual instruments of the Political that will never obviate black suffering or anti-black violence; these concepts only serve to reproduce the conditions that render existence unbearable for blacks. Political theologians and black optimists avoid the immediacy of black suffering, the horror of anti-black pulverization, and place relief in a "not-yet-but-is (maybe)-to-come-social order" that, itself, can do little more but admonish blacks to survive to keep struggling. Political hope becomes a vicious and abusive cycle of struggle—it mirrors the Lacanian drive, and we encircle an object (black freedom, justice, relief, redress, equality, etc.) that is inaccessible because it doesn’t really exist. The political theologian and black optimist, then, propose a collective Jouissance as an answer to black suffering—finding the joy in struggle, the victory in toil, and the satisfaction in inefficacious action. We continue to "struggle" and "work" as black youth are slaughtered daily, black bodies are incarcerated as forms of capital, black infant mortality rates are soaring, and hunger is disabling the bodies, minds, and spirits of desperate black youth. In short, these conditions are deep metaphysical problems—the sadistic pleasure of metaphysical domination—and "work" and "struggle" avoid the terrifying fact that the world depends on black death to sustain itself. Black nihilism attempts to break this "drive"—to stop it in its tracks, as it were—and to end the cycle of insanity that political hope perpetuates. The question that remains is a question often put to the black nihilist: what is the point? This compulsory geometrical structuring of thought—all knowledge must submit to, and is reducible to, a point—it is an epistemic flicker of certainty, determination, and, to put it bluntly, life. "The point" exists for life; it enlivens, enables, and sustains knowledge. Thought outside of this mandatory point is illegible and useless. To write outside of the "episteme of life" and its grammar will require a position outside of this point, a position somewhere in the infinite horizon of thought (perhaps this is what Heidegger wanted to do with his reconfiguration of thought). Writing in this way is inherently subversive and refuses the geometry of thought. Nevertheless, the ~~End Page 243~~ nihilist is forced to enunciate his refusal through a "point," a point that is contradictory and paradoxical all at once. To say that the point of this essay is that "the point" is fraudulent—its promise of clarity and life are inadequate—will not satisfy the hunger of disciplining the nihilist and insisting that one undermine the very ground upon which one stands. Black nihilistic hermeneutics resists "the point" but is subjected to it to have one’s voice heard within the marketplace of ideas. The "point" of this essay is that political hope is pointless. Black suffering is an essential part of the world, and placing hope in the very structure that sustains metaphysical violence, the Political, will never resolve anything. This is why the black nihilist speaks of "exploited hope," and the black nihilist attempts to wrest hope from the clutches of the Political. Can we think of hope outside the Political? Must "salvation" translate into a political grammar or a political program? The nihilist, then, hopes for the end of political hope and its metaphysical violence. Nihilism is not antithetical to hope; it does not extinguish hope but reconfigures it. Hope is the foundation of the black nihilistic hermeneutic. In "Blackness and Nothingness," Fred Moten (2013) conceptualizes blackness as a "pathogen" to metaphysics, something that has the ability to unravel, to disable, and to destroy anti-blackness. If we read Vattimo through Moten’s brilliant analysis, we can suggest that blackness is the limit that Heidegger and Nietzsche were really after. It is a "blackened" world that will ultimately end metaphysics, but putting an end to metaphysics will also put an end to the world itself—this is the nihilism that the black nihilist must theorize through. This is a far cry from what we call "anarchy," however. The black nihilist has as little faith in the metaphysical reorganization of society through anarchy than he does in traditional forms of political existence. The black nihilist offers political apostasy as the spiritual practice of denouncing metaphysical violence, black suffering, and the idol of anti-blackness. The act of renouncing will not change political structures or offer a political program; instead, it is the act of retrieving the spiritual concept of hope from the captivity of the Political. Ultimately, it is impossible to end metaphysics without ending blackness, and the black nihilist will never be able to withdraw from the Political completely without a certain death-drive or being-toward-death. This is the essence of black suffering: the lack of reprieve from metaphysics, the tormenting complicity in the reproduction of violence, and the lack of a coherent grammar to articulate these dilemmas.After contemplating these issues for some time in my office, I decided to take a train home. As I awaited my train in the station, an older black woman asked me about the train schedule and when I would expect the next train headed toward Dupont Circle. When I told her the trains were running slowly, she began to talk about the government shutdown. "They don’t care anything about us, you know," she said. "We elect these people into office, we vote for them, and they watch black people suffer and have no intentions of doing anything about it." I shook my head in agreement and listened intently. "I’m going to stop voting, and supporting this process; why should I keep doing this and our people continue to suffer," she said. I looked at her and said, "I don’t know ma’am; I just don’t understand it myself." She then laughed and thanked me for listening to her—as if our conversation were somewhat cathartic. "You know, people think you’re crazy when you say things like this," she said giving me a wink. "Yes they do," I said. "But I am a free woman," she emphasized "and I won’t go back." Shocked, I smiled at her, and she winked at me; at that moment I realized that her wisdom and courage penetrated my mind and demanded answers. I’ve thought about this conversation for some time, and it is for this reason I had to write this essay. To the brave woman at the train station, I must say you are not crazy at all but thinking outside of metaphysical time, space, and violence. Ultimately, we must hope for the end of political hope.
13 +
14 +====The 1AC is constitutive of the politics of hope and in this usage, denaturalizes hope that is directly tied to the spiritual concept of hope that is then exchanged in the political economy as an investment in the spiritual substance in the political which relegates all other forms of hope to the "Outside". This is exposed through blackness and its relation to the political. At the center piece of African American participation is irrational fidelity. Black folks tie to politics and voting is constituted by a historical conscious that makes black folk desire political subjectivity because of those who died for the right to vote, but is anti-ethical rational calculus because black folk get nothing in return through civic engagement. That means the 1AR is too late in its attempt to say that political engagement is good because it only reifies the accumulation of black flesh====
15 +**Warren 15** ~~Calvin K., Assistant Professor of American Studies at George Washington University, "Black Nihilism and the Politics of Hope," CR: The New Centennial Review, Volume 15, Number 1, Spring 2015~~ Kguy
16 +To speak of the "Politics of Hope" is to denaturalize or demystify a certain usage of hope. Here I want to make a distinction between "hope" (the spiritual concept) and "the politics of hope"(political hope). The relationship between the spiritual concept of hope and its use as a political instrument is the focus of the black nihilist critique.2 Following Kant and other postmetaphysical philosophers, the critical field questions (and in some circles completely denounces) a certain spiritual predisposition to the world—that "unknowable" noumenon that limits Reason but provides the condition of possibility for its organization of the world of perception, phenomenon. The problem with the critical questioning of the spiritual is that it often appropriates spiritual concepts and then, insidiously, translates the min to the "scientific" or the knowable, as a way to both capitalize on the mystic power of the spiritual and to preserve the spiritual under the guise of "enlightened understanding." We find this deceptive translation and capitalization of spiritual substance within the sphere of the Political—that organization of social existence through political institutions, mandates, logics, and grammars—as a way to govern and discipline beings. If we think of hope as a spiritual concept—a concept that always escapes confinement within scientific discourse—then we can suggest that hope constitutes a "spiritual currency" that we are given as an inheritance to invest in various aspects of existence. The issue, however, is that there is often a compulsory investment of this spiritual substance in the Political. This is the forced destination of hope—it must end up in the Political and cannot exist outside of it (or any existence of hope "outside" the political subverts, compromises, and destroys hope itself. Like placing a fish out of water. It is as if hope only has intelligibility and efficacy within and through the Political). Put differently, the politics of hope posits that one must have a politics to have hope; politics is the natural habitat of hope itself. To reject hope in a nihilistic way, then, is really to reject the politics of hope, or certain circumscribed and compulsory forms of expressing, practicing, and conceiving of hope. In the essay "A Fidelity to Politics: Shame and the African American Vote in the 2004 Election," Grant Farred (2006) exposes a kernel of irrationality at the center of African American political participation. Traditionally, political participation is motivated by self-interested expectancy; this political calculus assumes that political participation, particularly voting, is an investment with an assurance of a return or political dividend. The structure of the Political—the circular movement between self-interest, action, and reward— is sustained through what Farred calls the "electoral unconscious." It "historicizes the subject in relation to the political in that it determines the horizon of what is possible it maps, through its delimitation or its (relative) lack of limits, what the constituency and its members imagine they can, or, would like to expect from the political" (217). In this way, the electoral unconscious, as the realm of political fantasy, mirrors the Lacanian notion of fantasy; it maps the coordinates of the political subject and teaches it how exactly to desire the Political. For Farred, there is a peculiar logic ("another scene") operating as the motivation for African American participation in the Political. Unlike the traditional political calculus, where action and reward determine civic engagement, African American participation does not follow this rational calculus—because if it did, there would actually be no rational reason for African Americans to vote, given the historicity of voting as an ineffective practice in gaining tangible "objects" for achieving redress, equality, and political subjectivity. African Americans, according to Farred, havean "irrational fidelity" to a practice that, historically, has yielded no concrete transformations of antiblackness. This group is governed not by the "electoral unconscious" but by the "historical conscious," which is the "intense ~~and incessant~~ understanding of how the franchise has been achieved, of its precarious preciseness as well as their (growing) contemporary liminality, their status as marginalized political subjects" (217). African Americans are a faithful voting block not because of voting’s political efficaciousness but as a way to contend with a painful (and shame-full) history of exclusion and disenfranchisement. Political participation becomes an act of historical commemoration and obligation; one votes because someone bled and died for the opportunity to participate, and "duty" and "indebtedness" motivate this partial political subject.Reliance on legality as a metric of progress fuels a violent temporal narrative that materializes the permanency of whiteness – Western common law demands a series of affective attachments to the law, which ensures bodies come to desire the structure that produces violence against them – do you find yourself trapped within the auspices of hope, or do you desire to craft yourself otherwise, affirming the imperceptible politics of refusal. Their arguments about bringing some measure of relief or change constitute cruel optimism —- they rely on a trick of time that retreats to "could be" or "maybe later" —- refusing the blackmail of "doing politics" in a rejection of this trickery
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1 +====The AFFs focus on punishing individual perpetrators of violence obscures the endemic violence of police forces. The use of law only further entrenches a system of violence and allows it to continue going unnoticed under the façade "we curbed qualified immunity" while in reality legalities permissive nature means the AFF can never solve ====
2 +**Feldman 15 **~~(Leonard Feldman, Hunter College, CUNY) "Police Violence and the Legal Temporalities of Immunity"~~ LADI
3 +On the same day the Department of Justice declined to prosecute Ferguson Missouri Officer Darren Wilson for civil rights violations in the shooting death of Michael Brown, it issued a scathing report as part of a "Pattern and Practice" investigation of the entire police force. Concerning the former—the decision not to prosecute—while this paper has focused on the legal grey hole of civil litigation for civil rights violations, it is possible to detect similar forms of legal immunity in the high thresholds for prosecution established by 18 U.S.C. § 242. The legal reasoning overlaps 25 with that in civil litigation because in the criminal cases the courts use the same standard of "objective reasonableness" developed in the civil cases (Graham, Garner, and Scott) to establish that a rights violation occurred. While there is no qualified immunity defense (according to the Supreme Court in Pearson) there is a higher willfulness standard (and "specific intent" requirement) for proving a violation that similarly works to shield police.55 (Campaign Zero, discussed below, recommends eliminating the willfulness standard for Federal Civil Rights prosecutions of police officers.56) Perhaps the Court felt less compelled to erect barriers to criminal prosecutions (as opposed to civil litigation) since it assumed that federal prosecutors’ discretion would accomplish the very same objective. Concerning the latter—the Department of Justice’s report on the entire police force of Ferguson, as well as the complicity of judges and city officials—it offers the promise of constraining police use of force by using the threat of litigation to address broader and deeper policies and practices. As Coates argues, "the focus on the deeds of alleged individual perpetrators, on perceived bad actors, obscures the broad systemic corruption which is really at the root."57 Similarly, Madar writes, "far more useful are the DOJ Civil Rights Division’s root-and-branch interventions into violently dysfunctional police forces, triggered by ‘patterns and practices’ of systematic rights violations rather than any one particular incident."58 Moving beyond both law and sovereignty narrowly construed, enables attention to what Harmon describes as the "problem of regulation" and the role of "other institutions and sources of law in regulating the police."59 As Harmon shows, police use of force is embedded in a dense but also permissive regulatory environment running the gamut from administrative rules to employment and collective 26 bargaining law to state level licensing regulations. Consent decrees, Memoranda of Understanding and Collaborative Agreements all emerge out of or in the shadow of Department of Justice "pattern or practice" investigations, aiming to change policies and practices at the department level. Furthermore, even tools such as quantitative benchmarking can be deployed in the service of structural reform: A DOJ study cited by Rushin of the Washington D.C. police force contrasted what they discovered to be 15 rate of excessive force incidents as compared to a benchmark "‘well-managed and supervised police department’ ~~that~~ should only expect about 1 or 2 percent of all incidents to involve excessive use of force."60 And in Cincinnati, Shatmeier describes successful police department reform in the wake of a Department of Justice "pattern or practice" investigation through consent agreements that relied on "experimentalist regulation."61
4 +
5 +====Legislative solutions just mask social issues and enable victim-blaming====
6 +**Delgado 91** (Richard, Charles Inglis Thomson Professor of Law, University of Colorado. J.D. 1974, University of California, Berkeley (Boalt Hall), "Norms and Normal Science: Toward a Critique of Normativity in Legal Thought", University of Pennsylvania Law Review (1991), pp. 933-962, Accessed 7/7/15)//LD
7 +Ordinary life is full of similar examples in which the mere pronouncement of something as normatively good or bad changes our perception of it. The decision in Brown v. Board of Education42 changed the way we thought about minorities. Reagan and Reaganomics changed things back again.43 During war, we demonize our enemies, and thereafter actually see them as grotesque, evil and crafty monsters deserving of their fate on the battlefield.44 Later, during peacetime, they may become our staunch allies once again. Derrick Bell and other Critical Race theorists have been pointing out the way in which standard, liberal-coined civil rights law injures the chances of people of color and solidifies racism.45 According to these writers, one function of our broad system of race-remedies law is to free society of guilt. Although the remedies are ineffective, they enable members of the majority group to point to the array of civil rights statutes and case law which ostensibly assure fair and equal treatment in schools, housing, jobs, and many other areas of life. With all these elaborate antidiscrimination laws on the books, if black people are still poor and unhappy-well, what can be done? The law's condemnation of racism thus enables us to blame the victim, praise ourselves for our liberality, and thereby deepen the dilemma of people of color.46 Repeated assertion has also proved able to change our notions of the proper role of the judiciary. In previous times, courts, such as the Warren Court, undertook to remedy poverty and injustice. This came to be seen as a proper role for judges and lawyers. Recently, conservatives have been asserting the "quieter" virtues of judicial restraint and strict construction. 47 They have prevailed not so much because the argument for judicial quietism is so compelling, but because they have stated it so often, with so much authority and with the power to make it so. Today, most of us see the rare case of an activist judge as quaint, or aberrational, and nod (approvingly?) when we see judicial abstention. Professional societies engage in behavior of this performative sort in an effort to get the public to accept the profession's view of what responsible behavior is, or to see another profession (e.g., lawyers) as responsible for the problems associated with the first profession (e.g., medical malpractice). More instances of this sort are discussed in the next section.
8 +
9 +====Legal reform is a palliative measure that sutures superficial instances of white supremacy while amplifying their underlying causes====
10 +**Spade 13** (Dean, Associate Professor of Law at Seattle University School of Law. "Intersectional Resistance and Law Reform" (Summer 2013), Signs vol. 38 no. 4, University of Chicago Press)
11 +Critical race theory brought to legal scholarship a critique of formal legal equality and the discrimination principle, recognizing the failures of civil rights legislation to alleviate the systemic racialized maldistribution of wealth and life chances. The concept of formal legal equality articulates an important disjuncture between the racial neutrality declared by law and the material realities of white supremacy. This disjuncture stems, at least in part, from the inadequacy of the discrimination principle for conceptualizing the conditions of white supremacy. The discrimination principle understands racist harm in such a limited way as to make it exceptionally difficult to prove that a violation of discrimination law has occurred and to make the conditions produced by racism unreachable through discrimination doctrine. Racism is understood through the paradigm of individual discriminators who take race into account when making decisions about activities like hiring, firing, leasing, selling, or serving ðFreeman 1996Þ. In the absence of explicit, intentional exclusion, courts rarely find a violation of discrimination law. Proving that harm was intentional and based on race can be exceptionally dif- ficult, especially when multiple vectors of subjection exist for the affected person or people ðCrenshaw 2008Þ. Moreover, the discrimination principle regards intentional exclusions or preferences based on race as equally harmful whether they harm or benefit people of color. Color blindness is the rationale for this approach. It dehistoricizes racial exclusion and suggests that any individual’s experience of exclusion or preference based on race is equally harmful. It assumes a level playing field in which race consciousness, not white supremacy, is the problem the law must seek to eliminate.1 These features of the discrimination principle have produced troubling results. Programs aimed at remedying racial disparity have been declared illegally discriminatory; meanwhile, antidiscrimination laws have proven to be largely ineffective in addressing even the narrowest version of individual race discrimination. Most people of color who have been denied a job or an apartment cannot produce the required evidence of intent, not to mention that the people for whom such losses will produce the worst consequences likely cannot afford an attorney ðLegal Services Corporation 2009Þ. These people—poor people, people with disabilities, women, queer and trans people, immigrants—are also unlikely to have the kind of single-axis discrimination case that courts and lawyers most easily understand. They are more likely to be facing multiple vectors of exclusion and to be interacting in less formal conditions, such as low-wage contingent labor, which further decreases the chances that there will be a paper trail proving that their experience was the result of discrimination ðRuckelshaus and Goldstein 2002Þ. The most severe conditions produced by white supremacy cannot be addressed or even imagined by antidiscrimination law. Those conditions that do not result from the misdeeds of a perpetrating individual or organization—the broad conditions of maldistribution visible in the United States’s racial wealth divide; extreme racial disparity in access to housing, employment, education, food, and health care; the ongoing occupation and expropriation of native lands; and targeting in criminal punishment, environmental harm, and immigration enforcement—are cast as neutral by the discrimination principle ðGilmore 1998–99; United for a Fair Economy 2006Þ. When racist harm is framed as a problem of aberrant individuals who discriminate and when intention must be proved to find a violation of law, the central conditions of white supremacy are implicitly declared neutral. In the United States, this has been accompanied by a robust discourse that blames people of color for poverty and criminalization, a logical leap required when color blindness has been declared the law of the land and racism has been defined so narrowly as to exclude it from blame in the most widespread adverse conditions facing people of color. Critical race theorists have supplied the concept of "preservation-through-transformation" to describe the neat trick that civil rights law performed in this dynamic ðSiegel 1997, 1119; Harris 2006. In the face of significant resistance to conditions of subjection, law reform tends to provide just enough transformation to stabilize and preserve status quo conditions. In the case of widespread rebellion against white supremacy in the United States, civil rights law and color-blind constitutionalism have operated as formal reforms that mask the perpetuation of the white supremacist status quo. Explicit exclusionary policies and practices became officially forbidden, yet the racialized-gendered maldistribution of life chances in the United States remained the same or worsened with the increasing concentration of wealth and the simultaneous dismantling of social welfare systems ðHarris 2006, 1554–61; United for a Fair Economy 2006).
12 +
13 +
14 +====Vote negative to reject reform and to subvert the law – we ought to study the law not to use it, but to free humanity from it====
15 +**De Boever, 2006** (Arne De Boever, Professor of American Studies at the School of Critical Studies at the California Institute of the Arts, Overhearing Bartleby: Agamben, Melville, and Inoperative Power, Parrhesia Number 1, 2006, 142-162)
16 +According to Agamben, we should aim to study the law in order to deactivate it. He refers to this study as a kind of play: "One day," he writes teleiopoetically, "humanity will play with law just as children play with disused objects, not in order to restore them to their canonical use but free them from it for good."42 As will be clear, there is no contradiction in the passage I just quoted between messianism and secularism. The perspective is decidedly postsecular: instead, the puppet of historical materialism has the dwarf of theology within; but once the puppet starts moving, and we begin to play the game of chess (which is, after all, a game of sovereignty) this materialist-theological activity is overcome into the messianic or postsecular thought of inoperativity. It is interesting to note that in The Time that Remains, Agamben cites a poem as a "concrete example" of messianic time.43 The poem, a sestina by Arnaut Daniel, is presented by Agamben as "an organism or a temporal machine that, from the very start, strains toward its end."44 Thus, "~~a~~ kind of eschatology occurs within the poem itself." But this is not what Agamben is after. He notes that "for the more or less brief time that the poem lasts, it has a specific and unmistakable temporality"45 that is different from the time of the eschaton. This other time is produced, Agamben argues, by the peculiar formal characteristics of the poem: What is peculiar to the sestina is that the status of the repeated end words changes, in the sense that the homophony of the final syllables that you typically get in rhymed poems, is replaced by the reappearance of the six end words in the six stanzas, in a complex but equally regulated order. At the end, the tornada recapitulates the end words by dispersing them within its three lines ~~translation slightly modified~~.46 This will ultimately lead into a grand hypothesis formulated at the end of the fourth chapter: that rhyme is "the messianic heritage that Paul leaves to modern poetry."47 Whether we agree with this or not, it is important to point out that Agamben’s example of messianic time, which also contains his solution to the problematic link between sovereignty and bare life that he criticizes in Homo Sacer, is a poem. This illustrates the larger argument that I have been making in these pages, namely that Agamben’s thought is crucially a literary-political thought. It is a literary thought that, in its political force, cannot be articulated within the limits of political science. Thus, it oscillates between the literary and the political and demands to be studied comparatively, across the disciplines. Such a comparative study would not realize the destruction of disciplines, but rather their deactivation and inactivity, their inoperativity. As I have argued above, the task of thinking inoperativity is a task that concerns us all. In contemporary situation that is dominated by the conflictual binary oppositions of a Schmittian concept of the political, we have all taken position in between beings-withrights and beings-without-rights, Jews and non-Jews, Muslims and non-Muslims, terrorists and non-terrorists, Benjamin scholars and non-Benjamin scholars, Agamben scholars and non-Agamben scholars – we have all become non-non-Agamben scholars. In a world in which we are all non-non-terrorists (how else to describe myself when my phone-calls may be tape-recorded even though I am not a terrorist?), the thought of inoperativity can present itself as a powerful alternative to power’s abuse of the state of exception. But is this thought of inoperativity also more than a thought? What would a practice of inoperativity look like? Who would be its agents? There is Bartleby, of course, who resists any easy appropriation into the either/or of legal divisions. There is Toshevski, whose Free Territory-project unworks the state of Macedonia by creating zones in which free creative performance activists are invited to think the law as freedom. There is Agamben, also, who in a January 2004 article entitled "No to Bio-Political Tattooing"48 announced (much to my dismay!) that he had cancelled the course he was scheduled to teach at New York University later that same year that required whoever wants to go to the United States with a visa to be fingerprinted and photographed when they enter the country. In February 2006, a letter was published in the New York Review of Books, 49 in which a group of scholars of constitutional law and former government officials (Ronald Dworkin, Kathleen M. Sullivan, and others) expressed their concern about how the Bush administration’s National Security Agency’s domestic spying program violated existing law. Finally, I want to bring to your attention an extremely interesting case, dating from 1990, which shows that inoperativity can also be practiced by the sovereign him/herself. When King Baudouin of Belgium was faced with giving his assent to a bill that would liberalize Belgium’s abortion laws, he explained that he was unwilling to give official endorsement to what he found personally objectionable. (Baudouin was deeply religious; he and his wife Queen Fabiola did not have children.) Instead, he chose to abdicate his throne on the day he was expected to sign the bill. A state of exception was declared; the law was passed. The following day, Baudouin went back to work. These "extraordinary" (as Kalyvas would have it)50 acts of subversion, whether they are committed before, within, or next to the law, show how the thought of inoperativity can also be a political practice.
EntryDate
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1 +2016-11-28 20:48:43.0
Judge
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1 +Breann Smith, Jennifer Neely, Dawn Paciotti
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1 +Colleyville Heritage CW
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1 +12
Round
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1 +Semis
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1 +Southlake Carroll Patel Neg
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1 +1- Legalism K
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1 +Hockaday
Caselist.CitesClass[15]
Cites
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1 +====The counter rob is to vote for the debater that best resists structures of colonialism—educational spaces like this are uniquely key ====
2 +**Breidlid 13** (Anders, Professor, Master programme in Multicultural and International Education, Oslo University College, "Education, Indigenous Knowledge, and Development in the Global South", p. 54-55)OG
3 +
4 +It has been argued that it is urgent to start new conversations about the¶ world and man in terms of the present economic and ecological crisis, but¶ also in terms of the global architecture of education.¶ A natural starting point for these new conversations is the school, with¶ its large catchment area. The following section interrogates the state of¶ affairs of educational discourse production globally and queries how nation¶ states in the South, often with a non-hegemonic, indigenous epistemologi-¶ cal orientation, prepare the new generation in the South for a sustainable¶ future. Clearly schools and education institutions are important sites where¶ knowledge production takes place.¶ While education cannot be seen as the miracle cure that can change the¶ situation in these countries for the better, there is little doubt that education¶ and relevant knowledges are important factors in fostering societies that¶ have the potential to reduce poverty and promote sustainable development¶ within the constraints of the global system discussed earlier. By undertak-¶ ing a survey of educational discourses across the globe, one finds evidence¶ of the global architecture of education (Jones, 2007).¶ The global architecture of education or the global educational discourse¶ has had, and still has, enormous consequences for how the school systems¶ function in various parts of the world. This homogenous global educational¶ discourse exists in countries with heterogeneous socio-economic and politi-¶ cal systems, both in the core and the periphery, and is distributed in substan-¶ tial part through the World Bank, IMF, UN organizations, INGOs such as¶ USAID, Save the Children, etc., and through state-to-state cooperation on¶ education.9 With such a perspective, education plays a homogenizing epis-¶ temological and a modernizing role. The epistemological transfer, besides¶ its ramifications nationally and internationally, impacts school quality as¶ it contributes, I argue, to alienating students in the South cognitively from¶ their home environment by introducing them to an alien culture and episte-¶ mology in school.
5 +
6 +===="Looking from the stances of the oppressed" is an elitist action absolving responsibility over Western epistemic racism—only unflinching self-criticism strikes at colonial roots====
7 +Maldonado-Torres 4 (Nelson, Professor in Latino and Hispanic Caribbean Studies at Rutgers, The topology of being and the¶ geopolitics of knowledge¶ Modernity, empire, coloniality1, CITY, VOL. 8, NO. 1, APRIL 2004)
8 +
9 +Bypassing the much relevant divide for¶ German romanticism between French ideas¶ of civilization and Germany’s Kultur, the¶ figure that bridges France and Germany is¶ the most renown German figure of the¶ Enlightenment, Immanuel Kant. Kant’s¶ work brings France and Germany together¶ while also promoting global institutions of¶ authority, which, translated into the present,¶ would counter US unilateralism. Habermas¶ and Derrida do not interrogate the¶ ties of Kant with the imperial mentality of¶ his times or the way in which their "plea¶ for a common foreign policy, beginning in¶ the core of Europe" has all the problematic¶ ties with a tradition of searching for roots¶ in Europe.82 In a very condescending gesture¶ Habermas and Derrida write that¶ Europeans "could learn from the perspective¶ of the defeated to perceive themselves¶ in the dubious role of victors who are¶ called to account for the violence of a¶ forcible and uprooting process of modernization.¶ This could support the rejection of¶ Eurocentrism, and inspire the Kantian hope¶ for a global domestic policy".83 In their¶ reference to "victors" called to account for¶ the "uprooting process of modernity" it¶ would seem that Habermas and Derrida have more Heidegger in mind than former¶ colonized peoples. It is also as if they are¶ responding more to the complaints of German¶ romantics who were very critical of¶ the Enlightenment, than to colonized peoples¶ everywhere. They reduce the challenges¶ of Europe’s imperial past to the¶ "uprooting of modernity", a process to¶ which Europeans, among others, have¶ being victims. They cannot see the peculiarity¶ of the challenge that emerges in the¶ colonial world. That is why they posit the¶ search for roots at the core of Europe as a¶ response to the marginalization of Europe.¶ Fanon’s statement remains as significant¶ today as it was when Heidegger was forging¶ his mythical project of searching for¶ roots: "For centuries ~~Europeans~~ have stifled¶ almost the whole of humanity in the name¶ of a so-called spiritual experience. Look at¶ them today swaying between atomic and¶ spiritual disintegration . . . Europe now lives¶ at such a mad, reckless pace that she has¶ shaken off all guidance and reason . . . It is¶ in the name of the spirit, in the name of the¶ spirit of Europe, that Europe has made her¶ encroachment, has justified her crimes and¶ legitimized the slavery in which she holds¶ four-fifths of humanity. Yes, the European¶ spirit has strange roots."84¶ Until figures like Habermas and Derrida¶ come to terms with this statement, I believe¶ that it will be impossible for them to¶ overcome the epistemic racism that continues¶ today through so many different means. Habermas and Derrida at most gesture¶ toward a Eurocentric critique of Eurocentrism.¶ Instead of challenging the racist geopolitics¶ of knowledge that have become so¶ central to Western discourse, they continue¶ it by other means. Why not engaging seriously¶ Muslim intellectuals?85 Why not trying¶ to understand the deeply theoretical¶ claims that have emerged in contexts that¶ have known European coloniality? Why¶ not breaking with the model of the universal¶ or global and furthering the growth of an epistemically diverse world?86 Fanon did¶ not do all these things, but in some ways¶ he set a mark below which theorists and¶ intellectuals should not allow themselves to¶ go. His radicalism was about a critique of¶ the roots, which was inspired by the need¶ to respond to the damned of the earth. The¶ concepts of coloniality of power, coloniality¶ of knowledge and coloniality of being¶ follow Fanon’s radicalism. Yet they also¶ can become problematic if they do not¶ make space for the enunciation of non-¶ Western cosmologies and for the expression¶ of different cultural, political and social¶ memories. Radical critique should take dialogical¶ forms. It should also take the form¶ of radical self-questioning and radical dialogue.¶ The project of searching for roots¶ would be, in this regard, subordinated to¶ the project of criticizing the roots that¶ maintain alive the dominant topology of Being and the racist geopolitics of knowledge.¶ Radical diversality would involve the¶ effective divorce and critique of the roots¶ that inhibit dialogue and the formulation of¶ a decolonial and non-racist geopolitics of¶ knowledge. Part of the challenge is to think¶ seriously about Fort-de-France, Quito, La¶ Paz, Baghdad and Algiers, not only Paris,¶ Frankfurt, Rome or New York as possible¶ sites of knowledge. We also need to think¶ about those who are locked in positions of¶ subordination, and try to understand both¶ the mechanisms that create the subordination¶ and those that hide their reality from¶ view to others. There is much in the world¶ to learn from others who have been¶ rendered invisible by modernity. This¶ moment should be more about examining¶ our complicity with old patterns of domination¶ and searching for invisible faces,¶ than about searching for imperial roots;¶ more about radical critique than about¶ orthodox alignments against what are persistently¶ conceived as the barbarians of¶ knowledge.
10 +
11 +
12 +====Moral obligations are a paradoxical system of circular, irrational violence that excuses itself as inevitable and just====
13 +***We don’t endorse the gendered language of this card
14 +**Dussel 2k** (Enrique D, professor in the Departament of Philosophy in the Metropolitan Autonomous University (UAM), Campus Iztapalapa in Mexico City, doctorate in philosophy in the Complutense University of Madrid and a doctorate in history from the Sorbonne of Paris. He also has a license in theology from Paris and Münster. He has been awarded doctorates honoris causa from the University of Fribourg in Switzerland and the Higher University of San Andrés in Bolivia; "Europe, Modernity, and Eurocentrism" Nepantla: Views from South, Volume 1, Issue 3, 2000, pp. 465-478)
15 +Modernity, as a new paradigm of daily life and of historical, religious,¶ and scientific understanding, emerged at the end of the fifteenth¶ century in connection with control over the Atlantic. Thus the seventeenth¶ century was already the product of the sixteenth century. In other words,¶ since Holland, France, and England developed the possibilities already¶ opened up by Portugal and Spain, they constituted the second modernity.¶ In its turn, Latin America entered modernity—well before North¶ America—as the "other side," that which was dominated, exploited, and¶ concealed.13¶ In this framework, modernity implicitly contains a strong rational¶ core that can be read as a "way out" for humanity from a state of regional¶ and provincial immaturity. On the other hand, this same modernity carries¶ out an irrational process that remains concealed even to itself. That is to say,¶ given its secondary and mythical negative content,14 modernity can be read¶ as the justification of an irrational praxis of violence. The myth could be¶ described as follows:¶ 1. The modern civilization casts itself as a superior, developed civilization¶ (something tantamount to unconsciously upholding a Eurocentric¶ position).¶ 2. The aforementioned superiority makes the improvement of the¶ most barbaric, primitive, coarse people a moral obligation (from¶ Ginés de Sepúlveda until Kant or Hegel).¶ 3. The model of this educational process is that implemented by Europe¶ itself (in fact, it is a unilineal, European development that will¶ eventually—and unconsciously—result in the "developmentalist¶ fallacy").¶ 4. Insofar as barbaric people oppose the civilizing mission, modern¶ praxis must exercise violence only as a last resort, in order to destroy¶ the obstacles impeding modernization (from the "colonial¶ just war" to the GulfWar).¶ 5. As the civilizing mission produces a wide array of victims, its¶ corollary violence is understood as an inevitable action, one with¶ a quasi-ritual character of sacrifice; the civilizing hero manages to¶ make his ~~their~~ victims part of a saving sacrifice (I have in mind here the¶ colonized indigenous people, the African slaves, women, and the¶ ecological destruction of nature).¶ 6. For modern consciousness, the barbarians are tainted by "blame"15¶ stemming from their opposition to the civilizing process, which allows modernity to present itself not only as innocent but also as¶ absolving the blame of its own victims.16¶ 7. Finally, given the "civilizing" character of modernity, the sufferings¶ and sacrifices—the costs—inherent in the "modernization" of¶ the "backward," immature people,17 of the races fitted to slavery,¶ of the weaker female sex, are understood as inevitable.
16 +
17 +====There is no hope to deal with the question of "humanity," the potential of what "humans" should be, should think, and how they should act based on these stances within the anthropology of white European models of thought. Regardless of the "critique," of police brutality the white call to action allows Europe the continued power to construct "MAN," within their own systems of thought. Their position is just another example of a moral plea to white decadent anthropology. The fundamental question being posed in this debate is what has created the notion of in groups and out groups. Our argument is that it is the European conception of MAN. ====
18 +Syliva Wynter—2006 ( "Interview with Syliva Wynter,ProudFlesh Interview: New Afrikan Journal of Culture, Politics and Consciousness, Issue 4)
19 +PROUD FLESH: At this point in your life’s work, who could think of your writing without thinking of its critical thesis on "humanism," of Western humanism, or what it calls "Man," which also raises critical questions of "consciousness," does it not? And other questions, too, of course. SYLVIA WYNTER: Such as, "Why does this meaning have to be put on being Black—this meaning of non-being?" These are the kinds of questions that you guys are going to ask. I beg you guys to go back and read about Copernicus, Galileo and so on. The Darwinian thing was a bit of a struggle, but not as much—strangely enough . . . PROUD FLESH: Yes, you consistently show how "the Copernican revolution" was one enabled by imperialist exploration-cum-exploitation or conquest. For undergraduates in Western universities, in particular, they simply stick the Copernicus issue in the anthology of "modern Western philosophy," as a lesser textual concern, without dealing with it or its significance; I mean, with no context or explanation. SYLVIA WYNTER: They never even wanted to write about it! And why? Because I think they are aware of the implications, if taken seriously. That’s how they took over the world. We have to take it all seriously. YOU CANNOT SOLVE THE ISSUE OF "CONSCIOUSNESS" IN TERMS OF THEIR BODY OF "KNOWLEDGE." You just can’t. Just as within the medieval order of knowledge there was no way in which you could explain why it is that certain planets seemed to be moving backwards. Because you were coming from a geocentric model, right? So you had to "know" the world in that way. Whereas from our "Man-centric" model, we cannot solve "consciousness" because "Man" is a purely ontogenetic/purely biological conception of being, who then creates "culture." So if we say "consciousness" is "constructed," who does the constructing? You see? Whereas in Fanon’s understanding of ontogeny-and-sociogeny, there’s no problem. Do you see what I mean?
20 +
21 +====Social systems of power must be discursively legitimated. The issue is not "what we speak," but how "what we speak," perpetuates very specific cultural determinations of how systems work and respond to our discursive appeals. The Negative’s position is not simply about a difference of values about the world, rather this is a difference about how the Aff reifies and naturalizes the structures, systems, and types of knowledge that perpetuate the cultural concepts of white supremacy. Of course what your saying is good that police is bad but is how you have framed that ideology that only reifies existing structures which is allow racism to continue====
22 +Sylvia Wynter—1992 ("Beyond the Categories of the Master Conception: The Counterdoctrine of the Jamesian Poiesis," in C.L.R. James Caribbean, eds. Paget Henry and Paul Buhle, 63-91)
23 +To be effective systems of power must be discursively legitimated. This is not to say that power is originally a set of institutional structures that are subsequently legitimated. On the contrary, it is to suggest the equiprimordiality of structure and cultural conceptions in the genesis of power. These cultural conceptions, encoded in language and other signifying systems, shape the development of political structures and are also shaped by them. The cultural aspects of power are as original as the structural aspects; each serves as a code for the other's development. It is from these elementary cultural conceptions that complex legitimating discourses are constructed.
24 +
25 +====It is impossible to solve colonization within a European body of knowledge – their foundation recreate every problem they criticizes. Wynter 06====
26 +Syliva Wynter 6—2006 ( "Interview with Syliva Wynter,ProudFlesh Interview: New Afrikan Journal of Culture, Politics and Consciousness, Issue 4). NS
27 +PROUD FLESH: At this point in your life’s work, who could think of your writing without thinking of its critical thesis on "humanism," of Western humanism, or what it calls "Man," which also raises critical questions of "consciousness," does it not? And other questions, too, of course. SYLVIA WYNTER: Such as, "Why does this meaning have to be put on being Black—this meaning of non-being?" These are the kinds of questions that you guys are going to ask. I beg you guys to go back and read about Copernicus, Galileo and so on. The Darwinian thing was a bit of a struggle, but not as much—strangely enough . . . PROUD FLESH: Yes, you consistently show how "the Copernican revolution" was one enabled by imperialist exploration-cum-exploitation or conquest. For undergraduates in Western universities, in particular, they simply stick the Copernicus issue in the anthology of "modern Western philosophy," as a lesser textual concern, without dealing with it or its significance; I mean, with no context or explanation. SYLVIA WYNTER: They never even wanted to write about it! And why? Because I think they are aware of the implications, if taken seriously. That’s how they took over the world. We have to take it all seriously. YOU CANNOT SOLVE THE ISSUE OF "CONSCIOUSNESS" IN TERMS OF THEIR BODY OF "KNOWLEDGE." You just can’t. Just as within the medieval order of knowledge there was no way in which you could explain why it is that certain planets seemed to be moving backwards. Because you were coming from a geocentric model, right? So you had to "know" the world in that way. Whereas from our "Man-centric" model, we cannot solve "consciousness" because "Man" is a purely ontogenetic/purely biological conception of being, who then creates "culture." So if we say "consciousness" is "constructed," who does the constructing? You see? Whereas in Fanon’s understanding of ontogeny-and-sociogeny, there’s no problem. Do you see what I mean?
28 +
29 +
30 +====The alternative is to rupture the European conception of man. ====
31 +Wynter 3 (Sylvia Wynter, "Unsettling the Coloniality of Being/Power/Truth/Freedom: Towards the Human, After Man, Its Overrepresentation—An Argument," CR: The New Centennial Review, Volume 3, Number 3,257-337)//
32 +The argument proposes that the struggle of our new millennium will be one between the ongoing imperative of securing the well-being of our present ethnoclass (i.e., Western bourgeois) conception of the human, Man, which overrepresents itself as if it were the human itself, and that of securing the well-being, and therefore the full cognitive and behavioral autonomy of the human species itself/ourselves. Because of this overrepresentation, which is defined in the first part of the title as the Coloniality of Being/Power/Truth/Freedom, any attempt to unsettle the coloniality of power will call for the unsettling of this overrepresentation as the second and now purely secular form of what Aníbal Quijano identifies as the "Racism/ Ethnicism complex," on whose basis the world of modernity was brought into existence from the fifteenth/sixteenth centuries onwards (Quijano 1999,2000), and of what Walter Mignolo identifies as the foundational "colonial difference" on which the world of modernity was to institute itself (Mignolo 1999, 2000). The correlated hypothesis here is that all our present struggles with respect to race, class, gender, sexual orientation, ethnicity, struggles over the environment, global warming, severe climate change, the sharply unequal distribution of the earth resources (20 percent of the world’s peoples own 80 percent of its resources, consume two-thirds of its food, and are responsible for 75 percent of its ongoing pollution, with this leading to two billion of earth’s peoples living relatively affluent lives while four billion still live on the edge of hunger and immiseration, to the dynamic of overconsumption on the part of the rich techno-industrial North paralleled by that of overpopulation on the part of the dispossessed poor, still partly agrarian worlds of the South4)—these are all differing facets of the central ethnoclass Man vs. Human struggle. Central to this struggle also is the usually excluded and invisibilized situation of the category identified by Zygmunt Bauman as the "New Poor" (Bauman 1987). That is, as a category defined at the global level by refugee/economic migrants stranded outside the gates of the rich countries, as the postcolonial variant of Fanon’s category of les damnés (Fanon 1963)—with this category in the United States coming to comprise the criminalized majority Black and dark-skinned Latino inner-city males now made to man the rapidly expanding prison-industrial complex, together with their female peers—the kicked-about Welfare Moms—with both being part of the ever-expanding global, transracial category of the homeless/the jobless, the semi-jobless, the criminalized drug-offending prison population. So that if we see this category of the damnés that is internal to (and interned within) the prison system of the United States as the analog form of a global archipelago, constituted by the Third- and Fourth-World peoples of the so-called "underdeveloped" areas of the world—most totally of all by the peoples of the continent of Africa (now stricken with AIDS, drought, and ongoing civil wars, and whose bottommost place as the most impoverished of all the earth’s continents is directly paralleled by the situation of its Black Diaspora peoples, with Haiti being produced and reproduced as the most impoverished nation of the Americas)—a systemic pattern emerges. This pattern is linked to the fact that while in the post-sixties United States, as Herbert Gans noted recently, the Black population group, of all the multiple groups comprising the post-sixties social hierarchy, has once again come to be placed at the bottommost place of that hierarchy (Gans, 1999), with all incoming new nonwhite/non-Black groups, as Gans’s fellow sociologist Andrew Hacker (1992) earlier pointed out, coming to claim "normal" North American identity by the putting of visible distance between themselves and the Black population group (in effect, claiming "normal" human status by distancing themselves from the group that is still made to occupy the nadir, "nigger" rung of being human within the terms of our present ethnoclass Man’s overrepresentation of its "descriptive statement" ~~Bateson 1969~~ as if it were that of the human itself), then the struggle of our times, one that has hitherto had no name, is the struggle against this overrepresentation. As a struggle whose first phase, the Argument proposes, was first put in place (if only for a brief hiatus before being coopted, reterritorialized ~~Godzich 1986~~) by the multiple anticolonial social-protest movements and intellectual challenges of the period to which we give the name, "The Sixties." The further proposal here is that, although the brief hiatus during which the sixties’ large-scale challenge based on multiple issues, multiple local terrains of struggles (local struggles against, to use Mignolo’s felicitous phrase, a "global design" ~~Mignolo 2000~~) erupted was soon to be erased, several of the issues raised then would continue to be articulated, some in sanitized forms (those pertaining to the category defined by Bauman as "the seduced"), others in more harshly intensified forms (those pertaining to Bauman’s category of the "repressed" ~~Bauman 1987~~). Both forms of "sanitization" would, however, function in the same manner as the lawlike effects of the post-sixties’vigorous discursive and institutional re-elaboration of the central overrepresentation, which enables the interests, reality, and well-being of the empirical human world to continue to be imperatively subordinated to those of the now globally hegemonic ethnoclass world of "Man." This, in the same way as in an earlier epoch and before what Howard Winant identifies as the "immense historical rupture" of the "Big Bang" processes that were to lead to a contemporary modernity defined by the "rise of the West" and the "subjugation of the rest of us" (Winant 1994)—before, therefore, the secularizing intellectual revolution of Renaissance humanism, followed by the decentralizing religious heresy of the Protestant Reformation and the rise of the modern state—the then world of laymen and laywomen, including the institution of the political state, as well as those of commerce and of economic production, had remained subordinated to that of the post-Gregorian Reform Church of Latin-Christian Europe (Le Goff 1983), and therefore to the "rules of the social order" and the theories "which gave them sanction" (See Konrad and Szelenyi guide-quote), as these rules were articulated by its theologians and implemented by its celibate clergy (See Le Goff guide-quote).
EntryDate
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1 +2016-11-28 20:53:01.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Aisha Bawany, Dawn Paciotti, Breann Smith
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Cedar Park MT
ParentRound
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +13
Round
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Finals
Team
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Southlake Carroll Patel Neg
Title
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +1- Wynter K
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Hockaday
Caselist.CitesClass[16]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,7 @@
1 +====Text: The U.S ought to issue mandatory body cameras to all police.====
2 +
3 +====It’s textually competitive—the world of the CP has the same amount of qualified immunity as the squo====
4 +
5 +====Body cameras solve—empirically proven to increase accountability ====
6 +**Scheindlin 15**, Shira A (Shira A. Scheindlin is a senior United States district judge for the Southern District of New York.) . "Will the Widespread Use of Body Cameras Improve Police Accountability? Yes." Americas Quarterly. N.p., 2015. Web. 12 Oct. 2016. http://www.americasquarterly.org/content/yes-people-behave-differently-when-theyre-being-watched. SM
7 +The point should be clear: people behave differently when they know they are being watched, and police are no exception. Officers wearing body cameras will be less aggressive and more respectful when they interact with members of the community. They will also be more reluctant to use force unless it is necessary to protect themselves and the public. While body-worn police cameras may not be a panacea, they will not only lead to a reduction in the use of unnecessary or excessive force by police officers, but will also be beneficial for both the police and the community. Evidence supporting this belief comes from jurisdictions in which experiments with the use of body-worn cameras have produced encouraging data. In one such jurisdiction—Rialto, California—after the police force had worn ~~wore~~ body cameras for a full year, citizen complaints against police declined by 60 percent. Other jurisdictions that have implemented body cameras have seen similar results. In Mesa, Arizona, for example, use-of-force complaints decreased by 75 percent for officers using cameras in a pilot program.1 In Nampa, Idaho, they dropped by 24 percent.2 Another important statistic from the Rialto study is the number of incidents that resulted in the use of force by an officer, which dropped by 88 percent after the use of body cameras. Officers who were not equipped with cameras were twice as likely to use force as officers who were. Even more tellingly, when officers wore cameras, every incident of physical contact was initiated by a member of the public, but in the absence of cameras, 29 percent of the incidents involving physical force were initiated by the officer.3 Such studies have taken on increased significance in the wake of controversy over the deaths of several African Americans at the hands of police over the past year. This includes Michael Brown, an unarmed teenager who was shot by an officer in Ferguson, Missouri, and Eric Garner in Staten Island, New York, who died after being placed in a chokehold by a police officer. President Barack Obama and Attorney General Eric Holder have called for greater use of body-worn cameras by police officers. But even before these incidents, I concluded that such cameras could play a role in curtailing abuses of the long-standing police practice in New York of stopping and frisking young men—most of them African American—on suspicion of criminal behavior. As part of my August 2013 ruling in Floyd v. City of New York that the disproportional use of stop and frisk constituted a pattern of racial profiling and violated the U.S. Constitution, I ordered the New York City Police Department to conduct a trial in selected precincts requiring officers to wear body cameras. The use of body cameras will also protect police officers. No longer will a person be able to claim that a police officer punched or kicked him without cause, when in fact it was that person who initiated the encounter by threatening or attacking the police officer. The contemporaneous record of what occurred should make it clear whether the officer was justified in using force. Everyone has a right to act in self defense. A video presents an unbiased account of the events. It has no motive to lie and no stake in the outcome. It merely records the event as it happens. If a police officer acts lawfully, then he should not be wrongly accused, forced to defend himself and risk a punishment he does not deserve. The camera will provide his defense. There are some drawbacks to the use of body cameras—such as privacy concerns for both officers and the citizens they encounter, the storage of data capturing images of innocent people, the possible tampering with the images, and the accuracy of the images (with issues relating to lighting, lens clarity, movement, and angles). However, there is far more benefit than harm associated with their use. Once people know their actions are being recorded, their behavior changes. I am confident the widespread use of body cameras will reduce the amount of excessive force by police officers and will improve their relationships with the citizens they encounter and protect. Given existing technologies, we should have the best evidence available at our fingertips. And speaking of fingers, millions of fingerprints are kept on file in case the police need to identify a suspect. Today, DNA databases are also available to law enforcement. Everyone agrees that DNA should be collected so long as storage and access are both carefully regulated. There is no reason that contemporaneous recordings of police encounters should not be treated the same way.
EntryDate
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1 +2016-11-28 20:56:55.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Allie Woodhouse
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Immaculate Heart DD
ParentRound
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +14
Round
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1 +2
Team
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Southlake Carroll Patel Neg
Title
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +NOVDEC- Body Camera CP
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Glenbrooks
Caselist.CitesClass[17]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,16 @@
1 +====Crime has spiked, and declining police effectiveness is the cause====
2 +Heather **MacDonald 15** (the Thomas W. Smith fellow at the Manhattan Institute). "Trying to Hide the Rise of Violent Crime." Wall Street Journal. 25December2015. http://www.wsj.com/articles/tryingto-hide-the-rise-of-violent-crime-1451066997 SM
3 +Baltimore’s per capita homicide rate, for example, is now the highest in its history, according to the Baltimore Sun: 54 homicides per 100,000 residents, beating its 1993 rate of 48.8 per 100,000 residents. Shootings in Cincinnati, lethal and not, were up 30 by mid-September 2015 compared with the same period in 2014. Homicides in St. Louis were up 60 by the end of August. In Los Angeles, the police department reports that violent crime has increased 20 as of Dec. 5; there were 16 more shooting victims in the city, while arrests were down 9.5. Shooting incidents in Chicago are up 17 through Dec. 13. The Brennan Center report also tries to underplay the homicide increase by folding it into crime overall. The report projects that in 19 cities the 2015 average for all seven of the FBI’s index crimes—murder, rape, robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, larceny and car theft—will be 1.5 less than in 2014. The FBI’s crime index is dominated by property crimes, which outnumber offenses committed against persons by a magnitude of nearly 8 to 1. The Ferguson effect is about violent crime, not theft. Proactive police stops and low-level misdemeanor enforcement deter young men from carrying guns, thus heading off violent felonies before they can erupt. Career burglars are less affected by whether a cop is likely to get out of his car and question someone hitching up his waistband on a known drug corner at 1 a.m. If property crimes haven’t increased as much as homicides, that’s good news for homeowners but no disproof of depolicing’s role in the violent-crime spike. To the Brennan Center and its cheerleaders, the nation’s law-enforcement officials are in the grip of a delusion that prevents them from seeing the halcyon crime picture before their eyes. For the past several months, police chiefs have been sounding the alarm about rising violent crime. In August the Major Cities Chiefs Association convened an emergency session to discuss the homicide and shooting surge. "We have not seen what we’re seeing right now in decades," Washington, D.C., Police Chief Cathy Lanier said after the summit. In early October U.S. Attorney General Loretta Lynch brought together more than 100 mayors, police leaders and federal prosecutors to strategize privately over the violent-crime increase. According to the Washington Post, attendees broke out in applause when mayors attributed the increase to officers’ sinking morale. Later in October FBI Director James Comey said in a speech: "Most of America’s 50 largest cities have seen an increase in homicides and shootings this year, and many of them have seen a huge increase." He noted "a chill wind blowing through American law enforcement over the last year," and called it "deeply disturbing." The next month the acting chief of the Drug Enforcement Administration, Chuck Rosenberg, seconded Mr. Comey’s crime analysis and his hypothesis that the demonization of the police was likely responsible for the violent-crime increase.
4 +
5 +====Police fear litigation—the aff causes a chilling effect in them====
6 +Homer C. **Hawkins 07** (Associate Professor, School of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University) and Catherine Montsinger (Assistant Professor, Criminology, Johnson C. Smith University). "Police and Civil Liability: A Practical Guide to Avoiding Litigation." Law Enforcement Executive Forum 2007 7(1). https://www.iletsbeiforumjournal.com/images/Issues/FreeIssues/ILEEF2020077.1.pdf SM
7 +Litigaphobia, also referred to as Police Liability Syndrome, creates a certain paralysis in officers who fear that their actions will draw a liability suit. Nearly 22 of officers in a study reported that when they stop a citizen, one of the things that goes through their mind is the potential for being sued (Hughes, 2001). Hall et al. (2003) in a similar study report that 46 of officers agreed that the threat of being sued was one of the top ten thoughts considered when responding to an emergency. In the Hall et al. study, 48 felt the threat of civil liability deterred misconduct among criminal justice employees. Thirty-seven percent said liability influenced their decisionmaking during police emergencies, yet the majority, 62, said the potential for liability did not hinder them in performing their duties. Garrison (1995) claims that officers in his study overwhelmingly reported not being consumed by a fear of litigation (litigaphobia); however, most felt that it was a deterrent to police misconduct. It could be argued that even if less than overwhelming, the fear of litigation could hamper an officer’s full commitment to engaging a citizen. With looming expensive pay-outs or even the threat of a simple reprimand, an officer may think twice. The courts add to officers’ trepidation on this issue in that they have denied officers immunity from prosecution because of their concern with the potential for physical misconduct that could occur in the line of duty. They have held that the high potential for physical misconduct warrants a stricter liability for police behaviors (Littlejohn, 1981). Thus, officers must become trained to avoid the "chill effect" that litigation may present.
8 +
9 +
10 +====Qualified deters crime by preventing frivolous litigation from bogging down police====
11 +Michael M. **Rosen** **05** (Attorney in San Diego at Fish and Richardson PC, an intellectual property law firm; JD, Harvard Law). "A Qualified Defense: In Support of the Doctrine of Qualified Immunity in Excessive Force Cases, With Some Suggestions for its Improvement." 35 Golden Gate U. L. Rev. (2005). http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/ggulrev/vol35/iss2/2 SM
12 +Reducing Costs and Deterring Crime Through Qualified Immunity. It is hard to deny that the more time police officers spend at trial defending their conduct, the less time they spend patrolling the streets, the more money their departments expend in their defense, and the more frequently the officers will second-guess certain behaviors in the heat of the moment. These drawbacks may well be justified for the sake of society’s prevention of tortious and unreasonable conduct on the part of law enforcement agents. Nevertheless, police agencies, Supreme Court justices, and some scholars highlight the important role that qualified immunity can play in reducing unnecessary costs and in improving deterrence of crime. In its amicus brief in support of the Saucier petitioner, NAPO addressed several concerns related to costs and deterrence.47 It began by asserting that officers currently face too many lawsuits related to their conduct, litigation that generally is resolved in their favor and therefore wastes taxpayer time and money. It pointed to an "ever increasing number of lawsuits against law enforcement officers" and the threat that increase poses to the general public interest.49 The increased threat of lawsuits, according to this argument, deters effective police performance, thereby diminishing public safety. NAPO referred to Justice Scalia’s assertion in Anderson v. Creighton5l that permitting frivolous lawsuits against law enforcement to go to trial "entail~~s~~ substantial social costs, including the risk that fear of personal monetary liability and harassing litigation will unduly inhibit officials in the discharge of their duties." ·2 Several scholars echo NAPO’s concerns. Richard Fallon and Daniel Meltzer describe the fears of the Supreme Court in Harlow v. Fitzgerald,53 explaining that such litigation works its evils by deterring officers through the threat of personal liability. Barbara Armacost notes that such liability begets poor law enforcement, which in turn harms the very people the officers are sworn to protect. 54 The chief of the Federal Bureau of Investigation Academy’s Legal Instruction Unit echoes these sentiments. 55 Thus, at least in theory, the proliferation of lawsuits appears to involve serious risks to agents as well as the public.
13 +
14 +====Turns case—increased crime uniquely hurts minorities ====
15 +**Parascandola 12**, Rocco. "Big Crime Toll for Minorities." NY Daily News. N.p., 05 Sept. 2012. Web. 04 Nov. 2016. http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/nypd-statistics-show-96-percent-shooting-victims-black-hispanic-minority-groups-represent-89-percent-murder-victims-article-1.1152838. SM
16 +The latest NYPD statistics show that crime is centered overwhelmingly in minority-group neighborhoods — buttressing a key argument Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly makes to justify his controversial stop-and-frisk policy. Citing an NYPD analysis of stats for the first six months of the year, Kelly said Wednesday that 96 of shooting victims are black or Hispanic — and in 97 of all shootings, the trigger was pulled by other blacks and Hispanics. Kelly in recent months has repeatedly said minority-group leaders and civil liberties advocates complain about stop-and-frisk tactics but do nothing to help combat crime in minority neighborhoods. A review of the statistics, contained in a report, "Crime Enforcement Activity in New York City," shows that minority-group members also represent 89 of murder victims — and 86 of murder suspects. There are similar numbers for felony assaults — 81 of victims are minorities, as are 88 of the suspects. But there is a sharp disparity for robberies, with blacks described as suspects in 70 of the cases, while they are victims in 33 of the crimes. In response to the statistics, state Sen. Eric Adams (D-Brooklyn) said with too many minority men "career unemployed," it’s inevitable some will turn to a life of crime. "Where are the after-school programs and all these other programs that are supposed to help the police?" he asked. "That’s why if only the Police Department looks at these numbers, we’re not going to come up with proactive crimefighting tools. The Police Department too often becomes the safety net when other agencies drop the ball." Eugene O’Donnell, a professor of police science at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, suggested the report has been compiled to blunt criticism that police routinely stop young minority-group men for no reason. Kelly has worked to improve the NYPD’s relationship with minorities, in part by working with a task force of Brooklyn clergy. Bishop Gerald Seabrooks of Rehoboth Cathedral said the partnership has paid off and will continue to do so if parents work harder at raising their kids. "I think it’s more of a spiritual problem than a jobs problem," he said. "In the 1930s, we didn’t have jobs, but we weren’t killing each other.
EntryDate
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1 +2016-11-28 20:56:55.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Allie Woodhouse
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Immaculate Heart DD
ParentRound
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +14
Round
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +2
Team
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Southlake Carroll Patel Neg
Title
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +NOVDEC- Crime DA
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Glenbrooks
Caselist.RoundClass[11]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +13
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +2016-11-20 19:37:32.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Isis Davis-Marks
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Strake Jesuit VL
Round
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +6
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,3 @@
1 +1AC Accountability
2 +NC Black Nihilism K Case
3 +NR K
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Glenbrooks
Caselist.RoundClass[12]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +14
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +2016-11-28 20:48:41.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Breann Smith, Jennifer Neely, Dawn Paciotti
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Colleyville Heritage CW
Round
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Semis
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,3 @@
1 +1AC SV
2 +NC Legalism K Turns
3 +NRK and Turns
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Hockaday
Caselist.RoundClass[13]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +15
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +2016-11-28 20:52:59.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Aisha Bawany, Dawn Paciotti, Breann Smith
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Cedar Park MT
Round
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Finals
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,3 @@
1 +AC Accountability
2 +NC Wynter K Turns
3 +NR Wynter
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Hockaday
Caselist.RoundClass[14]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +16,17
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +2016-11-28 20:56:54.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Allie Woodhouse
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Immaculate Heart DD
Round
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +2
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,3 @@
1 +AC AccountabilitySpillovers
2 +NC Body Cameras CP Case
3 +NR Case turns
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
1 +Glenbrooks

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