Summary

• Objects (1 modified, 1 added, 0 removed)
  • Caselist.RoundClass[9]
  • Caselist.CitesClass[11]

Details

Caselist.RoundClass[9]

EntryDate

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1		-2016-10-29 01:11:01.831
	1	+2016-10-29 01:11:01.0

Caselist.CitesClass[11]

Cites

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	1	+====Progress is the elaboration of civil society into the future. The politics of the 1AC can only reproduce the violence of the state -a state predicated off the violence of the black body- and their racial progress is only a justification for more violence –and create an Antiblack future.====
	2	+**Dillon 13 ~~Stephen Dillon, Assistant Professor of Queer Studies at Hampshire College, Ph.D. in American Studies and Feminist / Sexuality Scholar, "’It’s here, it’s that time:’ Race, queer futurity, and the temporality of violence in Born in Flames"~~**
	3	+In one of the first lines of the film, a state newscaster covering the celebration of the revolution’s tenth anniversary says that the news program will look "at the progress of the last ten years, and will look forward to the future." 4 Progress is central to the discourses produced by the revolutionary state and is the liberal conception of time that the Women’s Army attempts to undo. Progress is named as a time that is cyclical and forcefully forgetful (Söderbäck 2012, 303). Indeed, progress, patience, and reform are the temporalities used by the state to justify and erase the violence that continues under the names of justice, equality, and democracy. The state describes the future as a space of safety and security in order to maintain the violence of the present, and to temper the rage of those who refuse to wait for the future’s warm embrace to arrive. According to the state media, the Women’s Army is not "interested in the progress of all of us" because their actions and demands contradict the teleology of state development and reform. 5 The state declares change will come, to be patient, to trust in the progress of time. Critically, this narrative is not just produced by the state, but also by the white feminist editors of the Socialist Youth Review. When asked about the actions of the Women’s Army, and more specifically about the continuation of sexual violence in the revolution, they respond:
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	7	+====Impact: Time does not pass; it accumulates and as a result, blackness marked as slavery since the middle passage has remained a death sentence even in the present – there’s a history of violence.====
	8	+**Dillon 13 ~~Stephen Dillon, Assistant Professor of Queer Studies at Hampshire College, Ph.D. in American Studies and Feminist / Sexuality Scholar, "’It’s here, it’s that time:’ Race, queer futurity, and the temporality of violence in Born in Flames"~~**
	9	+In Specters of the Atlantic: Finance Capital, Slavery, and the Philosophy of History, Ian Baucom argues for a conception of history that undoes liberal notions of progress, change, and time. Baucom’s theory of history centers on the massacre of 132 slaves aboard the slave ship The Zong in 1781. Over three days, the slaves were handcuffed and thrown overboard in order to collect the insurance money that sealed their value even in death. For Baucom, the massacre is the paradigmatic event of modernity. It encompasses the racial, financial, and epistemological regimes that have not only failed to dissolve with the passage of time, but instead, have intensified so that our current moment finds itself anticipated and enveloped by this event. As Baucom argues: "Time does not pass, it accumulates" (Baucom 2005, 24). Time does not erase what has happened, dissolving terror and violence into the progress of the future, nor is the past passively sedimented in the present. Rather, the past returns to the present in expanded form so that the present "finds stored and accumulated within itself a nonsynchronous array of past times" (29). The present is possessed by the logics and protocols of racial capitalism’s past – by a perfectly routine massacre that was and is repeated endlessly across space and time in the (post)colony, prison, frontier, torture room, plantation, reservation, riot zone, and on and on. Racial terror returns from a past that is not an end to take hold (of bodies, institutions, infrastructure, discourse, and libidinal life) and does not let go. In this way, the past and present are not ontologically discrete categories, but are, rather, complex human constructs. The present is not a quarantined, autonomous thing. What was begun does not end but instead intensifies so that the past and present become indistinguishable. Hortense Spillers provides a powerful theorization of time as accumulation in her classic essay, "Mama’s Baby, Papa’s Maybe: An American Grammar Book:" "Even though the captive flesh/body has been "liberated," and no one need pretend that even the quotation marks do not matter, dominant symbolic activity, the ruling episteme that releases the dynamics of naming and valuation, remains grounded in originating metaphors of captivity and mutilation so that it is as if neither time nor history, nor historiography or its topics, show movement, as the human subject is "murdered" over and over again by the passions of a blood- less and anonymous archaism, showing itself in endless disguise." (Spillers 1987, 68) According to Spillers, the anti-blackness inaugurated under chattel slavery is a death sentence enacted across generations, one that changes name and shape across time and space even as its continuity endures. Yet, for Spillers, time not only accumulates, it also captures. Her conception of temporality means that time is a form of captivity: one that makes her a "marked woman" (65). She is marked by a history of violence, trauma, and terror that alters normative conceptions of temporality. In other words, anti-blackness and racial terror are epistemological and bodily forces, but they are also temporal intensities that structure subjectivity and life chances.
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	12	+====The alternative is to burn down the conception of the future and time as a method to destroy the notions of temporality as we know it in order to stop the accumulation of time. Black bodies are always already dying and always have been – there is no tomorrow for those who die tonight. There is no time to care about their impacts when they are always already systematically destroyed in society.====
	13	+**Dillon 13 ~~Stephen Dillon, Assistant Professor of Queer Studies at Hampshire College, Ph.D. in American Studies and Feminist / Sexuality Scholar, "’It’s here, it’s that time:’ Race, queer futurity, and the temporality of violence in Born in Flames"~~**
	14	+In his 1972 text Blood in My Eye, published shortly after he was shot and killed by guards at San Quentin prison, Jackson writes of racism, death, and revolution: "Their line is: "Ain’t nobody but black folks gonna die in the revolution." This argument completely overlooks the fact that we have always done most of the dying, and still do: dying at the stake, through social neglect or in U.S. foreign wars. The point is now to construct a situation where someone else will join in the dying. If it fails and we have to do most of the dying anyway, we’re certainly no worse off than before." Here, Jackson argues that the social order of the United States is saturated with an antiblackness that produces, in the words of Ruth Wilson Gilmore, "the state-sanctioned or extralegal production and exploitation of group differentiated vulnerability to premature death"(2007, 28). Jackson’s text is littered with a polemic that links race and death in a way that preemptively echoes Michel Foucault’s declaration that racism is the process of "introducing a break into the domain of life that is under power’s control: the break between what must live and what must die" (Foucault 2003, 254). When Jackson, Gilmore, and Foucault define race as the production of premature death, they make a connection between race and the future. Race is the accumulation of premature death and dying. For Jackson, race fractures the future so that the future looks like incarceration or the premature death of malnutrition, disease, and exhaustion. The future was not the hopefulness of unknown possibilities. It was rather the devastating weight of knowing that death was coming cloaked in abandonment, neglect, incarceration, or murder. In other words, according to Jackson, death was always and already rushing towards the present of blackness. In the last line of No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive, Lee Edelman similarly connects the future to premature death when he references the murder of Matthew Shepard. He writes: "Somewhere, someone else will be savagely beaten and left to die – sacrificed to a future whose beat goes on, like a pulse or a heart – and another corpse will be left like a mangled scarecrow to frighten the birds who are gathering now, who are beating their wings, and who, like the death drive, keep on coming" (Edelman 2004, 154). For Edelman, the future will necessarily continue to produce a world that is unlivable for queer people. In this way, the polemics of black liberation and Edelman’s anti-social thesis share an affinity around the theorization of the future as overdetermined by premature death, yet they diverge in how they imagine death’s relationship to race and power. For Edelman, the future looks like repetition of the death of Matthew Shepard (a white gay man), while for Jackson, it looks like the premature death of incarceration, the ghetto, and chattel slavery’s haunting contortion of the present. In other words, the state and anti-blackness were central to the anti-sociality of the black liberation movement. Within Jackson’s analysis, the state is the primary mechanism for unevenly distributing racialized regimes of value and disposability. Following the writing of Fanon, Jackson argued that for this relationship to be abolished: "The government of the U.S.A and all that it stands for, all that it represents, must be destroyed. This is the starting point, and the end" (Jackson 1972, 54). Jackson’s polemic crescendos when he describes the future he desires: "We must accept the eventuality of bringing the U.S.A to its knees; accept the closing off of critical sections of the city with barbed wire, armed pig carriers crisscrossing the city streets, soldiers everywhere, tommy guns pointed at stomach level, smoke curling black against the daylight sky, the smell of cordite, house-to-house searches, doors being kicked down, the commonness of death." If the past and present have produced the accumulation of the premature death of black people, then Jackson imagines the complete undoing of the social order as the way out of temporal capture. The future of the social order means no future, and so the future must come to an end. Fanon similarly imagines the relationship between the native and the future of the social order: "They won’t be reformed characters to please colonial society, fitting in with the morality of its rulers; quite on the contrary, they take for granted the impossibility of their entering the city save by hand grenades and revolvers" (Fanon 1963, 130). Here, the invitation to the safety and security of the city (or the social order as it is) is an offer to continue a life that is a half-life. Possibility comes from a starting point that is an end. In her writing from captivity, Angela Davis articulates this logic in relationship to the prison. In the 1971 essay "Political Prisoners, Prisons, and Black Liberation," Davis argues that the sole purpose of the police was to "intimidate blacks" and "to persuade us with their violence that we are powerless to alter the conditions of our lives" (39). Davis theorizes the violence of police and prisons as pervasive and unrelenting. Throughout the essay, Davis names the complicity between an anti-blackness as old as liberal freedom and new forms of penal and policing technologies that emerged in the 1970s in response to political upheaval and insurrection. Davis calls for the abolition of what she terms the "law-enforcement-judicial-penal network" in addition to arguing for the construction of a mass movement that could contest the "victory of fascism" (50). Yet, in line with the political imaginaries at the time – an imaginary articulated by Born In Flames – Davis wanted more than an end to the prison and the violence of the police. Like other early black feminist writing, Davis did not just call for the overthrow of one form of state power so that a new one may take its place. Instead, Davis implied that the social order itself must be undone. For Davis, the prison was not the primary problem. The prison was made possible by the libidinal, symbolic, and discursive regimes that actualized the uneven institutionalized distribution of value and disposability along the lines of race, gender, and sexuality. Davis called for the total epistemological and ontological undoing of the forms of knowledge and subjectivity that were produced by the racial state. In short, hope, for Davis, meant that the prison could not have a future, and more so, that a world that could have the prison would need to end as well. Critically, Jackson did not understand the end of the future of the social order as particularly different from his present because "I’ve lived with repression every moment of my life, a repression so formidable that any movement on my part can only bring relief" (1972, 7). Jackson’s understanding of the future arose from his critique of reform. Derived from his correspondence with Davis, Jackson argued that the essence of fascism was reform or more specifically "economic reform" (118). 11 Every reform that modified or improved the operations of global capitalism and white supremacy only extended the life of the social order. And the life of the social order, according to Jackson and Fanon, is parasitic on the control, exploitation, incarceration, and premature death of black people. The creation of a new world could not rely on "long term politics" because patience, reform, and change meant nothing to "the person who expects to die tomorrow" (10). For Jackson, the future is a time those without a future cannot risk. The future was not coming and so the present could not wait.

EntryDate

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	1	+2016-10-29 01:11:03.137

Judge

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	1	+Demarcus Powell

Opponent

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	1	+Kinkaid VL

ParentRound

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	1	+9

Round

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	1	+4

Team

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	1	+Southlake Carroll Patel Neg

Title

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	1	+1- Dillon K

Tournament

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	1	+Grapevine