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+====The 1AC is part of a non-proliferation regime that attempts to mask global inequality by turning the proliferation debate into a technocratic, scientific question dominated by government rationality – that ruse of solvency preserves nuke power and weapons for wealthy Western countries, quashes challenges to the system and invades privacy through state-sponsored surveillance==== |
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+**Biswas 14** |
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+Biswas, Shampa. Prof of PoliSci @ Whitman, Nuclear Desire: Power and the Postcolonial Nuclear Order. Minneapolis, US: Univ Of Minnesota Press, 2014. ProQuest ebrary. Web. 8 August 2016. |
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+But even if these efforts may not have been particularly "effective" in making |
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+AND |
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+production is sustained are the subjects of chapters 3 and 4, respectively. |
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+ |
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+====The aff is a form of nuclear apartheid that seeks to mask and justify institutional racism==== |
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+**Biswas 14** |
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+Biswas, Shampa. Prof of PoliSci @ Whitman, Nuclear Desire: Power and the Postcolonial Nuclear Order. Minneapolis, US: Univ Of Minnesota Press, 2014. ProQuest ebrary. Web. 8 August 2016. |
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+Thus India was able to wield the charge of "nuclear apartheid" as it |
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+AND |
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+that may well have helped justify proliferation and hampered progress toward universal disarmament. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====The only possible alternative is an intellectual re-evaluation. The role of the ballot is opening new spaces for conceptualizing IR ==== |
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+**Bilgin 5** (Pinar, Assist Prof of IR at Bilkent U, Regional security in the Middle East: a critical perspective, p 205-207) |
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+Emphasising the mutually interactive relationship between intellectuals and social movements should not be taken to |
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+AND |
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+of a 'desired' future but is also cognisant of 'threats to the future'. |