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1 -xwiki:XWiki.Admin
1 +XWiki.barryrulesandrocks@gmailcom
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1 -====Democracy and democratic practices are intertwined with racial violence. That means they perpetuate violent democratic structures ====
2 -**Olson,** Professor of Political Science at Northern Arizona University, **04**
3 -(Joel, The Abolition of White Democracy, Minnesota Press, 2004, pg. 24
4 -Two public acts characterized the democratic will of antebellum America: the vote and the
5 -AND
6 -potential citizens, largely by distinguishing themselves from slaves and free Black persons.
7 -
8 -
9 -====The affirmative relies on the government for solutions – this creates an illusion that we are making progressive action. Reform will inevitably lead to the further retrenchment of racism. Independently, this colonizes our education in the debate sphere – prior impact====
10 -Woan 11 (Master of Arts in Philosophy, Politics, and Law in the Graduate School of Binghamton University) 2011
11 -(Tansy, "The value of resistance in a permanently white, civil society," http://gradworks.umi.com/14/96/1496586.html, August 2011, pg 9-19)
12 -Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, in then influential Black Power, describe
13 -AND
14 -will emerge triggering another racial disruption, continuing this cycle of racial politics.
15 -
16 -
17 -====Thus we should focus our energies and points of attention on an unflinching paradigmatic analysis that calls for the end of world====
18 -Wilderson 2010 ~~Frank B., I told you he was on some guerilla shit, Red, White and Black: Cinema and the Structure of U.S. Antagonisms, pages ix-x~~
19 -STRANGE AS it might seem, this book project began in South Africa. During
20 -AND
21 -, Andile Mngxitama, Prishani Naidoo, John Shai, and S'bu Zulu.
EntryDate
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1 -2016-09-18 15:42:43.0
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1 -Courtney Coffman
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1 -Law Magnet MG
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1 -Palo Alto He Neg
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1 -Democracy Afro K
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1 -Greenhill
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1 -A. Interpretation The aff must defend the Sept/Octo 2016 topic as a general principle. To clarify, the aff cannot specify any country/subset of countries as well as types of nuclear power production.
1 +A is the interpretation: The aff must defend the resolution as a policy implementable action specifying course of action and not just a value statement. This implies hypothetical government action and implementation/solvency for concrete change.
2 2  
3 -A. Interpretation – The aff must defend the resolution as a policy implementable action specifying course of action and not just a value statement. This implies hypothetical government action and implementation/solvency for concrete change.
3 +A. Interpretation – The aff must defend the Sept/Octo 2016 topic as a general principle. To clarify, the aff cannot specify any country/subset of countries as well as types of nuclear power production.
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1 -2016-09-18 15:44:31.0
1 +2016-09-17 23:34:21.0
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1 -Any
1 +Courtney Coffman
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1 +Law Magnet MG
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1 -=DA=
2 -
3 -
4 -====The courts aren't clogged now – but management has to be done carefully.====
5 -Bates 15 Bates is a United States District Judge for the United States District Court for the District of Columbia, "Annual Report 2014," USCourts.gov, http://www.uscourts.gov/statistics-reports/annual-report-2014 Judge John D. Bates.
6 -It was a great privilege to be only the second judge to serve as Director
7 -AND
8 -his accomplished leadership skills, will continue the tradition of excellent public service.
9 -
10 -
11 -====Limiting QI clogs the courts – empirically confirmed – best study, Noll 8'====
12 -Noll, David L. "Qualified Immunity in Limbo: Rights, Procedure, and the Social Costs of Damages Litigation Against Public Officials." NYUL Rev. 83 (2008): 911.
13 -In the context of ordinary civil litigation between two private parties, the total (
14 -AND
15 -and has undoubtedly affected the development of the modern qualified immunity doctrine.53
16 -
17 -
18 -====That breaks the courts, Thomas 16'====
19 -Suja A. Thomas. "Frivolous Cases." 2010. DePaul University. http://via.library.depaul.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1180andcontext=law-review
20 -There is a focus on frivolous cases because of cost. Frivolous cases may be
21 -AND
22 -, it also "frustrate~~s~~ settlement of legitimate suits. '51
23 -
24 -
25 -=DA=
26 -
27 -
28 -====Lack of immunity would open police to a flood of litigation that hamstrings law enforcement.====
29 -King 16 Andrew King (Assistant Prosecuting Attorney). "Keep Qualified Immunity… For Now." Mimesis Law. 1 July 2016. http://mimesislaw.com/fault-lines/keep-qualified-immunity-for-now/11010
30 -
31 -Plus, qualified immunity, along with other mechanisms, prevents and screens out a
32 -AND
33 -. Let's figure out a better one before tearing down the old one.
34 -
35 -
36 -====Decline of active and engaged policing is driving a record spike in crime, caused by police fear of backlash====
37 -Hofstetter 16 George Hofstetter (President of the Association for Los Angeles Deputy Sheriffs). "Proactive policing and the violent crime rate." 2016. http://campaign.r20.constantcontact.com/render?m=1119707513166andca=4a80a442-8caf-45c4-97ca-745c0f1b6f88
38 -This past week, FBI Director James Comey waded back into the debate over policing
39 -AND
40 -homicides topped 30 to 40 a month - levels not seen in years.
41 -
42 -
43 -====Violent crime creates self-reinforcing cycles that doom youth.====
44 -Reich et al. 2: (Kathleen Reich, M.P.P., Patti L. Culross, M.D., M.P.H., and Richard E. Behrman, M.D. "Children, Youth, and Gun Violence: Analysis and Recommendations." The Future of Children. Children, Youth, and Gun Violence. Volume 12 – Number 2 Summer/Fall 2002) http://futureofchildren.org/publications/journals/article/index.xml?journalid=42andarticleid=162andsectionid=1035andsubmit
45 -
46 -Just as the economic costs of gun violence are substantial, so are the
47 -AND
48 -be killed or die, and 19 sometimes wished they were dead.
49 -
50 -
51 -====Gun violence kills and disproportionately harms blacks.====
52 -Pew Research 13: (Pew Research. "Blacks Suffer Disproportionate Share of Firearm Homicide Deaths." MAY 21, 2013)
53 -
54 -In 2010, there were 31,672 deaths in the U.S.
55 -AND
56 -of shooting homicide victims in 2010, but 13 of the population.
57 -
58 -
59 -=DA=
60 -
61 -
62 -====Increased civil litigation against police decimates municipal budgets – especially in cases of police misconduct and brutality====
63 -**Elinson and Frosch 15** (Zusha Elinson and Dan Frosch, Cost of Police-Misconduct Cases Soars in Big U.S. Cities, WSJ, LEFC July 15, 2015)
64 -
65 -For most of the police departments surveyed by the Journal, the costliest claims
66 -AND
67 -money into that fund to pay for the lawsuits has really been challenging."
68 -
69 -
70 -====Turns case— lack of city and department funds increase policing and fines, disproportionately targets blacks.====
71 -**Kopf 16** (Dan Kopf, data journalist. The Fining of Black America, Priceonomics, LEFC June 24, 2016)
72 -In March 2010, years before Ferguson, Missouri, became known for sparking the
73 -AND
74 -to exploit residents for fine revenue are those with the most African Americans.
75 -
76 -
77 -====City budgets key to national economy====
78 -Morath 10/26 Eric; covers the economy from The Wall Street Journal's Washington Bureau; 10/26/2016; "Slowdown in State, Local Investment Dents U.S. Economy"; http://www.wsj.com/articles/slowdown-in-state-local-investment-dents-u-s-economy-1477495758;
79 -A sharp pullback in spending by cities and states on infrastructure—from highways to
80 -AND
81 -rising, leaving many states with little discretion to deploy tax dollars elsewhere.
82 -
83 -
84 -====National economy loss leads to nuclear war====
85 -Harris and Burrows 9 Mathew, PhD European History @ Cambridge, counselor in the National Intelligence Council (NIC) and Jennifer is a member of the NIC's Long Range Analysis Unit "Revisiting the Future: Geopolitical Effects of the Financial Crisis" http://www.ciaonet.org/journals/twq/v32i2/f_0016178_13952.pdf Increased Potential for Global Conflict (RECUT CWLC)\
86 -Of course, the report encompasses more than economics and indeed believes the future is
87 -AND
88 -within and between states in a more dog-eat-dog world.
EntryDate
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1 -2016-12-02 21:20:26.0
Judge
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1 -Thomas Phung
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1 -Sky View JE
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1 -5
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1 -Palo Alto He Neg
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1 -Court Clog, Crime, City
Tournament
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1 -Alta Silver and Black
Caselist.CitesClass[6]
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1 -Endowments are high now but dropping rapidly - protests are alienating alumni donors, who are of older generations
2 -Hartocollis 8/4 – Anemona Hartocollis, writer for NYT: August 4, 2016(“College Students Protest, Alumni’s Fondness Fades and Checks Shrink” New York Times Available at http://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/05/us/college-protests-alumni-donations.html?_r=0 Accessed on 12/15/16)
3 -Scott MacConnell cherishes the memory of his years at Amherst College, where he discovered his future métier as a theatrical designer. But protests on campus over cultural and racial sensitivities last year soured his feelings.
4 -Now Mr. MacConnell, who graduated in 1960, is expressing his discontent through his wallet. In June, he cut the college out of his will.
5 -“As an alumnus of the college, I feel that I have been lied to, patronized and basically dismissed as an old, white bigot who is insensitive to the needs and feelings of the current college community,” Mr. MacConnell, 77, wrote in a letter to the college’s alumni fund in December, when he first warned that he was reducing his support to the college to a token $5.
6 -A backlash from alumni is an unexpected aftershock of the campus disruptions of the last academic year. Although fund-raisers are still gauging the extent of the effect on philanthropy, some colleges — particularly small, elite liberal arts institutions — have reported a decline in donations, accompanied by a laundry list of g5.
7 -Alumni from a range of generations say they are baffled by today’s college culture. Among their laments: Students are too wrapped up in racial and identity politics. They are allowed to take too many frivolous courses. They have repudiated the heroes and traditions of the past by judging them by today’s standards rather than in the context of their times. Fraternities are being unfairly maligned, and men are being demonized by sexual assault investigations. And university administrations have been too meek in addressing protesters whose messages have seemed to fly in the face of free speech.
8 -Scott C. Johnston, who graduated from Yale in 1982, said he was on campus last fall when activists tried to shut down a free speech conference, “because apparently they missed irony class that day.” He recalled the Yale student who was videotaped screaming at a professor, Nicholas Christakis, that he had failed “to create a place of comfort and home” for students in his capacity as the head of a residential college.
9 -A rally at New Haven Superior Court demanding justice for Corey Menafee, an African-American dining hall worker at Yale’s Calhoun College who was charged with breaking a window pane that depicted black slaves carrying cotton. Credit Peter Hvizdak/New Haven Register, via Associated Press
10 -“I don’t think anything has damaged Yale’s brand quite like that,” said Mr. Johnston, a founder of an internet start-up and a former hedge fund manager. “This is not your daddy’s liberalism.”
11 -“The worst part,” he continued, “is that campus administrators are wilting before the activists like flowers.” Yale College’s alumni fund was flat between this year and last, according to Karen Peart, a university spokeswoman.
12 -Among about 35 small, selective liberal arts colleges belonging to the fund-raising organization Staff, or Sharing the Annual Fund Fundamentals, that recently reported their initial annual fund results for the 2016 fiscal year, 29 percent were behind 2015 in dollars, and 64 percent were behind in donors, according to a steering committee member, Scott Kleinheksel of Claremont McKenna College in California. His school, which was also the site of protests, had a decline in donor participation but a rise in giving.
13 -At Amherst, the amount of money given by alumni dropped 6.5 percent for the fiscal year that ended June 30, and participation in the alumni fund dropped 1.9 percentage points, to 50.6 percent, the lowest participation rate since 1975, when the college began admitting women, according to the college. The amount raised from big donors decreased significantly. Some of the decline was because of a falloff after two large reunion gifts last year, according to Pete Mackey, a spokesman for Amherst.
14 -At Princeton, where protesters unsuccessfully demanded the removal of Woodrow Wilson’s name from university buildings and programs, undergraduate alumni donations dropped 6.6 percent from a record high the year before, and participation dropped 1.9 percentage points, according to the university’s website. A Princeton spokesman, John Cramer, said there was no evidence the drop was connected to campus protests.
15 -
16 -Protest lead to reduced donations, enrollments, and financial support by the government
17 -Keller 2/21 – Rudi Keller writer for the Columbia tribune: 2/21/16(“University of Missouri fundraising takes $6 million hit in December as donors hold back funds” Available at http://www.columbiatribune.com/news/education/turmoil_at_mu/university-of-missouri-fundraising-takes-million-hit-in-december-as/article_ed7cfd5b-3b3e-5b18-95d9 f2945ac51172.html Accessed on 12/15/16)
18 -New pledges and donations to the University of Missouri fell $6 million in December as the campus weathered the fallout of public discontent that also threatens to erode the school’s finances via state support and tuition revenue. December combines Christmas generosity and the promise of tax deductions on returns due April 15, making it a prime time for fundraisers at major institutions.
19 -In December 2014, new pledges and donations for all campus activities including athletics totaled $19.6 million, according to figures compiled by the university’s advancement office. Only $13.6 million came in this December, a drop of about 31 percent. The figures represent new commitments and donations that are not given in fulfillment of previous pledges, Vice Chancellor of University Advancement Tom Hiles said.
20 -For the three complete months since campus protests made international news in November, new pledges and donations to MU declined by about $7.4 million. Along with the decrease in new support, pledges totaling about $2 million were withdrawn, Hiles said. About 10 were gifts of $25,000 or more, including one for $500,000, he said.
21 -Total new pledges and donations in fiscal year 2015 totaled $147.6 million, down from a record $164.1 million in fiscal year 2014.
22 -The advancement office has fielded more than 2,000 calls from people upset with the university and tracks them by topic on a heat map.
23 -“It ran the gamut from” Assistant Professor Melissa “Click to Planned Parenthood to just a general lack of leadership,” Hiles said. “‘Who’s in charge? Are the students running it?’ If I heard inmates are running the asylum one more time I was going to … . Those were the general categories.”
24 -Student demonstrations over racism and marginalization on campus made international headlines after the Tiger football team announced it would boycott athletic activities in support of a hunger strike by Concerned Student 1950 member Jonathan Butler.
25 -Athletic donations also have dipped, including a 68 percent drop in December cash gifts compared to December 2014 and a 38 percent decline in new pledges and donations as tallied in Hiles’ office during November, December and January. The Athletic Department’s decreased fundraising over that period — $1.3 million — is included in the total campus decline of $7.4 million.
26 -Giving by smaller donors, defined as those who give less than $10,000, declined by about 5 percent in the three-month period, with drops in November and December somewhat offset by a January increase in giving. Small donors gave or pledged $4.76 million in the period, down from $5.02 million the previous year. “We definitely got hit in our annual fund and other points,” Hiles said. “It was rough because normally December is our best month.”
27 -While his office fielded calls, Hiles said staff members researched callers who said they would never donate again. The result, he said, was “about a 90 percent correlation with people who ... have never given.”
28 -The final word on other financial issues is unresolved. A House committee already has denied the university a portion of the budget increase allocated to other state colleges and universities. Chairwoman Donna Lichtenegger, R-Jackson, cited Click’s continued employment and a demonstration that interrupted a UM System Board of Curators meeting for the cut. At a Wednesday hearing of the Joint Committee on Education, interim MU Chancellor Hank Foley said figures show an anticipated enrollment drop of 900 students, which roughly equates to a $20 million loss of tuition revenue.
29 -Endowment funds are key to US competitiveness – ensures college quality
30 -Leigh 14 Steven R. Leigh (dean of CU-Boulder’s College of Arts and Sciences), "Endowments and the future of higher education," UColorado Boulder, March 2014
31 -These broad trends point directly to the need for CU-Boulder’s College of Arts and Sciences to increase endowment funding across the college. Endowments drive improvements in the quality of an institution and reflect alums, donors and supporters who recognize the importance of research universities in the 21st century. Endowed professorships are the first and most important component of increasing our academic quality. Named chairs recognize significant faculty achievements and help the university support faculty salary and research. CU-Boulder professors are among the most productive in the nation and are heavily recruited by competitors, including Harvard, Yale, Stanford, Cornell, Berkeley, Illinois, UC Irvine and many others. Often, these competitors offer our faculty endowed professorships, conferring prestige and research support. CU must provide its faculty with comparable support to be competitive. A second major area for endowments is student scholarships and, for graduate students, fellowships. A stable source of income that helps pay tuition is the most direct and effective way to offset the costs of education. Endowed scholarships are also effective recruiting tools for admitting the nation’s best to CU. Our dynamic programs, departments and majors are attracting more and more applicants, including the best in the nation. Like faculty support, endowed scholarships and fellowships confer prestige and, most importantly, allow students to focus entirely on academics without balancing jobs and worrying about future loan repayments. Finally, endowment funding for programs greatly enriches the institution, providing capabilities that are difficult to attain when tuition revenue provides the majority of funding. Institutions funded mainly by tuition must make sure that expenditures directly benefit students, which sometimes limits options for innovation and risk-taking. Programmatic funding enables faculty and students to take risks in their research and creative work. For example, in my own field, this might involve traveling to an unexplored region to prospect for human fossils or archaeological sites. Support for high-risk projects allows our faculty and students to develop new areas of knowledge, benefitting society by broadening the capacity of the institution to innovate. The future of higher education, including CU’s future, depends to a large degree on how successfully we can build major endowments. Ultimately, U.S. competitiveness and leadership in the global knowledge economy depends on this as well. For alums, donors and supporters, endowments indelibly affirm the importance of higher education and enduringly preserve its viability and vitality.
32 -Innovation solves great power war
33 -Taylor 4 – Professor of Political Science, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (Mark, “The Politics of Technological Change: International Relations versus Domestic Institutions,” Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 4/1/2004, http://www.scribd.com/doc/46554792/Taylor)
34 -I. Introduction Technological innovation is of central importance to the study of international relations (IR), affecting almost every aspect of the sub-field. First and foremost, a nation’s technological capability has a significant effect on its economic growth, industrial might, and military prowess; therefore relative national technological capabilities necessarily influence the balance of power between states, and hence have a role in calculations of war and alliance formation. Second, technology and innovative capacity also determine a nation’s trade profile, affecting which products it will import and export, as well as where multinational corporations will base their production facilities. Third, insofar as innovation-driven economic growth both attracts investment and produces surplus capital, a nation’s technological ability will also affect international financial flows and who has power over them. Thus, in broad theoretical terms, technological change is important to the study of IR because of its overall implications for both the relative and absolute power of states. And if theory alone does not convince, then history also tells us that nations on the technological ascent generally experience a corresponding and dramatic change in their global stature and influence, such as Britain during the first industrial revolution, the United States and Germany during the second industrial revolution, and Japan during the twentieth century. Conversely, great powers which fail to maintain their place at the technological frontier generally drift and fade from influence on international scene. This is not to suggest that technological innovation alone determines international politics, but rather that shifts in both relative and absolute technological capability have a major impact on international relations, and therefore need to be better understood by IR scholars. Indeed, the importance of technological innovation to international relations is seldom disputed by IR theorists. Technology is rarely the sole or overriding causal variable in any given IR theory, but a broad overview of the major theoretical debates reveals the ubiquity of technological causality. For example, from Waltz to Posen, almost all Realists have a place for technology in their explanations of international politics. At the very least, they describe it as an essential part of the distribution of material capabilities across nations, or an indirect source of military doctrine. And for some, like Gilpin quoted above, technology is the very cornerstone of great power domination, and its transfer the main vehicle by which war and change occur in world politics. Jervis tells us that the balance of offensive and defensive military technology affects the incentives for war. Walt agrees, arguing that technological change can alter a state’s aggregate power, and thereby affect both alliance formation and the international balance of threats. Liberals are less directly concerned with technological change, but they must admit that by raising or lowering the costs of using force, technological progress affects the rational attractiveness of international cooperation and regimes. Technology also lowers information and transactions costs and thus increases the applicability of international institutions, a cornerstone of Liberal IR theory. And in fostering flows of trade, finance, and information, technological change can lead to Keohane’s interdependence or Thomas Friedman et al’s globalization. Meanwhile, over at the “third debate”, Constructivists cover the causal spectrum on the issue, from Katzenstein’s “cultural norms” which shape security concerns and thereby affect technological innovation; to Wendt’s “stripped down technological determinism” in which technology inevitably drives nations to form a world state. However most Constructivists seem to favor Wendt, arguing that new technology changes people’s identities within society, and sometimes even creates new cross-national constituencies, thereby affecting international politics. Of course, Marxists tend to see technology as determining all social relations and the entire course of history, though they describe mankind’s major fault lines as running between economic classes rather than nation-states. Finally, Buzan and Little remind us that without advances in the technologies of transportation, communication, production, and war, international systems would not exist in the first place.
35 -
36 -US leadership prevents great power war and existential governance crises
37 -Brooks, Ikenberry, and Wohlforth ’13 (Stephen, Associate Professor of Government at Dartmouth College, John Ikenberry is the Albert G. Milbank Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University in the Department of Politics and the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, William C. Wohlforth is the Daniel Webster Professor in the Department of Government at Dartmouth College “Don’t Come Home America: The Case Against Retrenchment,” International Security, Vol. 37, No. 3 (Winter 2012/13), pp. 7–51)
38 -A core premise of deep engagement is that it prevents the emergence of a far more dangerous global security environment. For one thing, as noted above, the United States’ overseas presence gives it the leverage to restrain partners from taking provocative action. Perhaps more important, its core alliance commitments also deter states with aspirations to regional hegemony from contemplating expansion and make its partners more secure, reducing their incentive to adopt solutions to their security problems that threaten others and thus stoke security dilemmas. The contention that engaged U.S. power dampens the baleful effects of anarchy is consistent with influential variants of realist theory. Indeed, arguably the scariest portrayal of the war-prone world that would emerge absent the “American Pacifier” is provided in the works of John Mearsheimer, who forecasts dangerous multipolar regions replete with security competition, arms races, nuclear proliferation and associated preventive war temptations, regional rivalries, and even runs at regional hegemony and full-scale great power war. 72 How do retrenchment advocates, the bulk of whom are realists, discount this benefit? Their arguments are complicated, but two capture most of the variation: (1) U.S. security guarantees are not necessary to prevent dangerous rivalries and conflict in Eurasia; or (2) prevention of rivalry and conflict in Eurasia is not a U.S. interest. Each response is connected to a different theory or set of theories, which makes sense given that the whole debate hinges on a complex future counterfactual (what would happen to Eurasia’s security setting if the United States truly disengaged?). Although a certain answer is impossible, each of these responses is nonetheless a weaker argument for retrenchment than advocates acknowledge. The first response flows from defensive realism as well as other international relations theories that discount the conflict-generating potential of anarchy under contemporary conditions. 73 Defensive realists maintain that the high expected costs of territorial conquest, defense dominance, and an array of policies and practices that can be used credibly to signal benign intent, mean that Eurasia’s major states could manage regional multipolarity peacefully without the American pacifier. Retrenchment would be a bet on this scholarship, particularly in regions where the kinds of stabilizers that nonrealist theories point to—such as democratic governance or dense institutional linkages—are either absent or weakly present. There are three other major bodies of scholarship, however, that might give decisionmakers pause before making this bet. First is regional expertise. Needless to say, there is no consensus on the net security effects of U.S. withdrawal. Regarding each region, there are optimists and pessimists. Few experts expect a return of intense great power competition in a post-American Europe, but many doubt European governments will pay the political costs of increased EU defense cooperation and the budgetary costs of increasing military outlays. 74 The result might be a Europe that is incapable of securing itself from various threats that could be destabilizing within the region and beyond (e.g., a regional conflict akin to the 1990s Balkan wars), lacks capacity for global security missions in which U.S. leaders might want European participation, and is vulnerable to the influence of outside rising powers. What about the other parts of Eurasia where the United States has a substantial military presence? Regarding the Middle East, the balance begins to swing toward pessimists concerned that states currently backed by Washington— notably Israel, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia—might take actions upon U.S. retrenchment that would intensify security dilemmas. And concerning East Asia, pessimism regarding the region’s prospects without the American pacifier is pronounced. Arguably the principal concern expressed by area experts is that Japan and South Korea are likely to obtain a nuclear capacity and increase their military commitments, which could stoke a destabilizing reaction from China. It is notable that during the Cold War, both South Korea and Taiwan moved to obtain a nuclear weapons capacity and were only constrained from doing so by a still-engaged United States. 75 The second body of scholarship casting doubt on the bet on defensive realism’s sanguine portrayal is all of the research that undermines its conception of state preferences. Defensive realism’s optimism about what would happen if the United States retrenched is very much dependent on its particular—and highly restrictive—assumption about state preferences; once we relax this assumption, then much of its basis for optimism vanishes. Specifically, the prediction of post-American tranquility throughout Eurasia rests on the assumption that security is the only relevant state preference, with security defined narrowly in terms of protection from violent external attacks on the homeland. Under that assumption, the security problem is largely solved as soon as offense and defense are clearly distinguishable, and offense is extremely expensive relative to defense. Burgeoning research across the social and other sciences, however, undermines that core assumption: states have preferences not only for security but also for prestige, status, and other aims, and they engage in trade-offs among the various objectives. 76 In addition, they define security not just in terms of territorial protection but in view of many and varied milieu goals. It follows that even states that are relatively secure may nevertheless engage in highly competitive behavior. Empirical studies show that this is indeed sometimes the case. 77 In sum, a bet on a benign postretrenchment Eurasia is a bet that leaders of major countries will never allow these nonsecurity preferences to influence their strategic choices. To the degree that these bodies of scholarly knowledge have predictive leverage, U.S. retrenchment would result in a significant deterioration in the security environment in at least some of the world’s key regions. We have already mentioned the third, even more alarming body of scholarship. Offensive realism predicts that the withdrawal of the American pacifier will yield either a competitive regional multipolarity complete with associated insecurity, arms racing, crisis instability, nuclear proliferation, and the like, or bids for regional hegemony, which may be beyond the capacity of local great powers to contain (and which in any case would generate intensely competitive behavior, possibly including regional great power war). Hence it is unsurprising that retrenchment advocates are prone to focus on the second argument noted above: that avoiding wars and security dilemmas in the world’s core regions is not a U.S. national interest. Few doubt that the United States could survive the return of insecurity and conflict among Eurasian powers, but at what cost? Much of the work in this area has focused on the economic externalities of a renewed threat of insecurity and war, which we discuss below. Focusing on the pure security ramifications, there are two main reasons why decisionmakers may be rationally reluctant to run the retrenchment experiment. First, overall higher levels of conflict make the world a more dangerous place. Were Eurasia to return to higher levels of interstate military competition, one would see overall higher levels of military spending and innovation and a higher likelihood of competitive regional proxy wars and arming of client states—all of which would be concerning, in part because it would promote a faster diffusion of military power away from the United States. Greater regional insecurity could well feed proliferation cascades, as states such as Egypt, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Saudi Arabia all might choose to create nuclear forces. 78 It is unlikely that proliferation decisions by any of these actors would be the end of the game: they would likely generate pressure locally for more proliferation. Following Kenneth Waltz, many retrenchment advocates are proliferation optimists, assuming that nuclear deterrence solves the security problem. 79 Usually carried out in dyadic terms, the debate over the stability of proliferationchanges as the numbers go up. Proliferation optimism rests on assumptions of rationality and narrow security preferences. In social science, however, such assumptions are inevitably probabilistic. Optimists assume that most states are led by rational leaders, most will overcome organizational problems and resist the temptation to preempt before feared neighbors nuclearize, and most pursue only security and are risk averse. Confidence in such probabilistic assumptions declines if the world were to move from nine to twenty, thirty, or forty nuclear states. In addition, many of the other dangers noted by analysts who are concerned about the destabilizing effects of nuclear proliferation—including the risk of accidents and the prospects that some new nuclear powers will not have truly survivable forces—seem prone to go up as the number of nuclear powers grows. 80 Moreover, the risk of “unforeseen crisis dynamics” that could spin out of control is also higher as the number of nuclear powers increases. Finally, add to these concerns the enhanced danger of nuclear leakage, and a world with overall higher levels of security competition becomes yet more worrisome. The argument that maintaining Eurasian peace is not a U.S. interest faces a second problem. On widely accepted realist assumptions, acknowledging that U.S. engagement preserves peace dramatically narrows the difference between retrenchment and deep engagement. For many supporters of retrenchment, the optimal strategy for a power such as the United States, which has attained regional hegemony and is separated from other great powers by oceans, is offshore balancing: stay over the horizon and “pass the buck” to local powers to do the dangerous work of counterbalancing any local rising power. The United States should commit to onshore balancing only when local balancing is likely to fail and a great power appears to be a credible contender for regional hegemony, as in the cases of Germany, Japan, and the Soviet Union in the midtwentieth century. The problem is that China’s rise puts the possibility of its attaining regional hegemony on the table, at least in the medium to long term. As Mearsheimer notes, “The United States will have to play a key role in countering China, because its Asian neighbors are not strong enough to do it by themselves.” 81 Therefore, unless China’s rise stalls, “the United States is likely to act toward China similar to the way it behaved toward the Soviet Union during the Cold War.” 82 It follows that the United States should take no action that would compromise its capacity to move to onshore balancing in the future. It will need to maintain key alliance relationships in Asia as well as the formidably expensive military capacity to intervene there. The implication is to get out of Iraq and Afghanistan, reduce the presence in Europe, and pivot to Asia— just what the United States is doing. 83 In sum, the argument that U.S. security commitments are unnecessary for peace is countered by a lot of scholarship, including highly influential realist scholarship. In addition, the argument that Eurasian peace is unnecessary for U.S. security is weakened by the potential for a large number of nasty security consequences as well as the need to retain a latent onshore balancing capacity that dramatically reduces the savings retrenchment might bring. Moreover, switching between offshore and onshore balancing could well be difªcult. Bringing together the thrust of many of the arguments discussed so far underlines the degree to which the case for retrenchment misses the underlying logic of the deep engagement strategy. By supplying reassurance, deterrence, and active management, the United States lowers security competition in the world’s key regions, thereby preventing the emergence of a hothouse atmosphere for growing new military capabilities. Alliance ties dissuade partners from ramping up and also provide leverage to prevent military transfers to potential rivals. On top of all this, the United States’ formidable military machine may deter entry by potential rivals. Current great power military expenditures as a percentage of GDP are at historical lows, and thus far other major powers have shied away from seeking to match top-end U.S. military capabilities. In addition, they have so far been careful to avoid attracting the “focused enmity” of the United States. 84 All of the world’s most modern militaries are U.S. allies (America’s alliance system of more than sixty countries now accounts for some 80 percent of global military spending), and the gap between the U.S. military capability and that of potential rivals is by many measures growing rather than shrinking. 85
EntryDate
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1 -2017-01-07 23:29:37.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Justin Choi
Opponent
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1 -Raisbeck Aviation ER
ParentRound
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1 -8
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2
Team
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1 -Palo Alto He Neg
Title
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -JanFeb Endowments DA
Tournament
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1 -UPS
Caselist.CitesClass[7]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,29 +1,0 @@
1 -Analytic
2 -
3 -Whiteness is alive and well; your conception of free speech stems from a white paradigm which excludes the Asian body; we are not good enough at your language, not smart enough to comprehend your culture, and definitely not capable enough to fend for ourselves with words. In fact, we are just nerdy computer scientists who love calculus and stay locked up playing video games all day, doomed out of the political because we don’t have the capacity for a voice, so why give us one? Racism thrives off of this free speech.
4 -
5 -Chou, Lee, and Ho 16 Chou, Rosalind S., Kristen Lee, and Simon Ho. "Asian Americans on Campus." Google Books. Taylor and Francis, 2016. Web. 03 Jan. 2017.
6 -
7 -The narration of America has always been different for Asians. This new racism has been kept silent and manifested itself in the myth of the model minority. This myth 1) renders Asian American oppression as illegitimate 2) calls for the discrimination of other minorities 3) places the Asian American in a double bind as either aggressive or overly privileged. Breaking down this myth is crucial; a critical starting point to shifting the rule of engagement with all oppressed groups especially in academic spaces such as debate.
8 -
9 -Chang 93 1993, 장 Robert S. Chang is a Professor of Law and an Associate Dean for Research and Faculty Development, He also serves on the advisory board of Berkeley’s Asian American Law Journal. “Toward an Asian American Legal Scholarship: Critical Race Theory, Post-Structuralism, and Narrative Space”, 81 Cal. L. Rev. 1241 p. 1255-1258
10 -
11 -I will advocate the process of conscientization as a method of interrogating and engaging in the resolution.
12 -
13 -We are a better use of counter narratives for promoting criticism and engaging in activism.
14 -
15 -Engaging debate and the resolution through the process of conscientization offers a way to name our world, understand oppression and engage in critical reflective methods – Such is key to education and results in change. We must name our world before we can actively and productively engage in it.
16 -
17 -Osajima 7 2007, Keith Osajima is a professor and Director of the Race and Ethnic Studies Program at the University of Redlands. REPLENISHING THE RANKS: Raising Critical Consciousness Among Asian Americans; JOURNAL OF ASIAN AMERICAN STUDIES (JAAS), February, Volume 10, No. 1; p. 67
18 -
19 -And conscientization is a prerequisite; by promoting self-discovery we better understand the pedagogical practices and oppressive structures
20 -
21 -Yep 98 (San Francisco State University, Department of Speech and Communication Studies, Freire's Conscientization, Dialogue, and Liberation: Personal Reflections on Classroom Discussions of Marginality, Journal of Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Identity, Vol. 3, No. 2, 1998)
22 -
23 -The discursive practice of the aff creates space for Asian American legal scholarship and engagement in legal practices while filling the gaps left by status quo’s failure to account for the Asian American.
24 -
25 -Chang 93 1993, 장 Robert S. Chang is a Professor of Law and an Associate Dean for Research and Faculty Development, He also serves on the advisory board of Berkeley’s Asian American Law Journal. “Toward an Asian American Legal Scholarship: Critical Race Theory, Post-Structuralism, and Narrative Space”, 81 Cal. L. Rev. 1241
26 -
27 -Reject racism that’s a D rule.
28 -
29 -Memmi 2K (Albert, Professor Emeritus of Sociology @ U of Paris, Naiteire, Racism, Translated by Steve Martinot, p. 163-165)
EntryDate
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1 -2017-01-15 00:35:31.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Calen Smith
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Carmel Valley Independent RA
ParentRound
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -9
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2
Team
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Palo Alto He Neg
Title
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -JanFeb Conscientization 1NC
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Harvard-Westlake
Caselist.CitesClass[8]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,12 +1,0 @@
1 -CP Text: Public colleges and universities ought not restrict constitutionally protected speech except for debate events in which students are competing or have access to said event.
2 -1. There is structural violence in debate, and an exclusion which keeps out people of color if we allow racist to speak in the debate sphere it will not only keep people of color out but can prevent them from joining .
3 -
4 -Elijah Smith, 2013 cross examination debate association (ceda) and national debate tournament (ndt) champion, September 4th 2013, A conversation in Ruins: Race and Black Participation in Lincoln Douglas debate, Victory Briefs, http://victorybriefs.com/vbd/2013/9/a-conversation-in-ruins-race-and-black-participation-in-lincoln-douglas-debate
5 -
6 -
7 -The let them speak logic and method fail in terms of debate as Racism and it’s ability fester is constituted by choices like these on behalf of institutions. When we allow racist practices and speech to continue it begins to gain traction and a following which turns the aff.
8 -Elijah Smith, 2013 cross examination debate association (ceda) and national debate tournament (ndt) champion, September 4th 2013, A conversation in Ruins: Race and Black Participation in Lincoln Douglas debate, Victory Briefs, http://victorybriefs.com/vbd/2013/9/a-conversation-in-ruins-race-and-black-participation-in-lincoln-douglas-debate
9 -
10 -This is especially true in regards to high school students and debate seeing that these conversation are rare and dissuaded against we cant allow the little discussion we do get we should prioritize it.
11 -
12 -Elijah Smith, 2013 cross examination debate association (ceda) and national debate tournament (ndt) champion, September 4th 2013, A conversation in Ruins: Race and Black Participation in Lincoln Douglas debate, Victory Briefs, http://victorybriefs.com/vbd/2013/9/a-conversation-in-ruins-race-and-black-participation-in-lincoln-douglas-debate
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2017-01-15 08:30:52.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Elijah Smith
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Greenhill BZ
ParentRound
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -10
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -4
Team
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Palo Alto He Neg
Title
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -JanFeb Debate CP
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Harvard-Westlake
Caselist.CitesClass[9]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,9 +1,0 @@
1 -Someone has spent too much time hugging Mickey mouse and needs to grow up, we are in California not Florida but the 1ac is recreating Disneyland—the ridiculous simulation games we play naturalize free speech policy-making in the real world. Conceals the inherent unreality of the world outside the round—the terminal impact is limitless nihilism.
2 -Baudrillard 81 (Jean, Simulacra and Simulation: The Hyperreal and the Imaginary, 1981, CP)
3 -
4 -We reject the assumption that it is somehow desirable to be disciplined and obedient participants in reformist capitalism, laboring and lurching towards the apocalypse – we should stop numbing ourselves to the lacerated communication of poetry that is excluded by their humanist discourse – opening yourself to the impossible is a pre-requisite to any constructive engagement or construction of meaning
5 -Land 92 (Nick, Bataille’s personal erotica author, Thirst for Annihilation, Georges Bataille and Virulent Nihilism, pg 140-141)
6 -
7 -The political has lost the will for positive action and now all that is left in the power of the masses is negation – Our alternative is the strategy of the masses
8 -
9 -Baudrillard 93 (Jean, The Transparency of Evil: Essays on Extreme Phenomena, 1993)
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2017-01-15 08:32:08.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Elijah Smith
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Greenhill BZ
ParentRound
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -11
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -4
Team
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Palo Alto He Neg
Title
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Bman
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Harvard-Westlake
Caselist.RoundClass[3]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -3
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2016-09-18 15:42:41.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Courtney Coffman
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Law Magnet MG
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -4
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Greenhill
Caselist.RoundClass[4]
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,1 @@
1 -2016-09-18 15:44:26.0
1 +2016-09-17 23:34:17.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,1 @@
1 -Any
1 +Courtney Coffman
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,1 @@
1 -Any
1 +Law Magnet MG
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,1 @@
1 -1
1 +4
Caselist.RoundClass[5]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -5
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,1 @@
1 -2016-12-02 21:20:25.0
1 +2016-09-18 00:21:16.637
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,1 @@
1 -Thomas Phung
1 +All
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,1 @@
1 -Sky View JE
1 +All
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,1 @@
1 -2
1 +1
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,1 @@
1 -Alta Silver and Black
1 +Greenhill
Caselist.RoundClass[7]
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2017-01-07 23:26:08.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Justin Choi
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Raisbeck Aviation ER
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -University of Puget Sound
Caselist.RoundClass[8]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -6
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2017-01-07 23:29:35.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Justin Choi
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Raisbeck Aviation ER
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -UPS
Caselist.RoundClass[9]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -7
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2017-01-15 00:35:29.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Calen Smith
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Carmel Valley Independent RA
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Harvard-Westlake
Caselist.RoundClass[10]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -8
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2017-01-15 08:30:50.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Elijah Smith
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Greenhill BZ
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -4
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Harvard-Westlake
Caselist.RoundClass[11]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -9
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2017-01-15 08:32:07.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Elijah Smith
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Greenhill BZ
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -4
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Harvard-Westlake

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