Summary

• Objects (1 modified, 1 added, 0 removed)
  • Caselist.RoundClass[0]
  • Caselist.CitesClass[1]

Details

Caselist.RoundClass[0]

EntryDate

...	...	@@ -1,1 +1,1 @@
1		-2017-01-14 06:59:32.660
	1	+2017-01-14 06:59:32.0

Caselist.CitesClass[1]

Cites

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,72 @@
	1	+====Craig Santos Perez, a Chamoru scholar and poet writes:====
	2	+
	3	+
	4	+====when you take away the punctuation====
	5	+
	6	+
	7	+====he says of====
	8	+
	9	+
	10	+====lines lifted from the documents about====
	11	+
	12	+
	13	+====military-occupied land====
	14	+
	15	+
	16	+====its acreage and location====
	17	+
	18	+
	19	+====you take away its finality====
	20	+
	21	+
	22	+====opening the possibility of other futures====
	23	+
	24	+
	25	+===Part 1 – The Nation===
	26	+====*America the proud, America the free – this nation’s hegemonic sense of national identity has insidious origins in a legacy of genocide against the indigenous people of this land – the ontological grounding of "Americanness" has been founded on this settler colonialism====
	27	+**Byrd ‘11 **~~Jodi, Chickasaaw and Asst. Prof of American Indian Studies and English at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, The Transit of Empire: Indigenous Critics of Colonialism, p. xxi-xlii~~ ***We don’t endorse ableist or gendered language.
	28	+Although critical theory has focused much attention on the role of frontiers and Manifest Destiny
	29	+AND
	30	+to represent the passage of time and the interactions of relationships and kinship differently
	31	+
	32	+====Perhaps nowhere is this ontological grounding clearer than in the narratives we are told of our origins. College campuses and universities actively elide certain histories in favor of a dominant narrative of America the great – but American education as an institution is built on Native genocide, and curricula reflect these origins – this culminates in the ongoing social death of indigenous bodies====
	33	+**Tuck and Gaztambide-Fernández ’13 **(Eve; Associate Professor of Critical Race and Indigenous Studies at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE), University of Toronto; Ruben, Assistant Professor in the Department of Curriculum, Teaching and Learning at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto, "Curriculum, Replacement, and Settler Futurity," Journal of Curriculum Theorizing, Volume 29, Number 1, 2013, http://journal.jctonline.org/index.php/jct/article/view/411/pdf, accessed 10/7/16)
	34	+Settler colonialism is the specific formation of colonialism in which the colonizer comes to stay
	35	+AND
	36	+errand into the wilderness" Puritan jeremiad that ensure replacement and settler futurity.
	37	+
	38	+====This is not simply in historic writings within the ivory tower – college campuses actively crack down on anti-colonialist speech====
	39	+**Khan 15**, Tariq. "Masking Oppression As "Free Speech": An Anarchist Take." Agency. October 28, 2015. Web. December 08, 2016. http://www.anarchistagency.com/commentary/masking-oppression-as-free-speech-an- anarchist-take/. *bracketed for clarity
	40	+In the present-day United States, a shallow idea of "free speech
	41	+AND
	42	+years there has been a noticeable campus crackdown on anti-colonialist expression.
	43	+====These ideas, when underpinning college campuses and higher education specifically, multiply ongoing colonial processes at home and abroad====
	44	+**Chatterjee and Maira 14** (Piya Chatterjee, PhD, associate professor of women’s studies at UC Riverside, Sunaina Maira, professor of Asian American studies at UC Davis, 2014, "The Imperial University: Race, War, and the Nation State," pp 11-13) gz
	45	+While the heightened patriotism in the wake of 9/11 and a decade of
	46	+AND
	47	+S. intelligence and prison systems enact violent logics of incapacitation and counterinsurgency.
	48	+====Thus, in response to the settler colonialism imbued within the resolution and this educational space, I advocate for free speech. ====
	49	+===Part 2 – The University===
	50	+====The role of the ballot is to vote for the debater that best deconstructs colonialism. Its dominance in educational spaces makes every site of opposition key –judges have an obligation to reframe these mindsets –your endorsement in this debate — is crucial to this ongoing effort====
	51	+====Berry 11====
	52	+Berry 11 ~~Sara, Professor of History at the Center of Africana Studies at Johns Hopkins University, "Deconstructing a Curriculum of Dominance", http://ojs.library.ubc.ca/index.php/tci/article/viewFile/183650/183640~~
	53	+Therefore, in this article we write collaboratively toward deconstructing how we might redress such
	54	+AND
	55	+to bring a benevolent curriculum of civilization to the ‘uncivilized outsiders.’
	56	+
	57	+====This particularly fits your role as an educator – while you can’t implement policies, your ballot serves to inculcate disruptive norms of communication and scholarship that reverberate beyond the insularity of this academic space and links learning to justice ====
	58	+**====GIROUX 04 ~~Giroux, Henry "Critical Pedagogy and the Postmodern/Modern Divide: Towards a Pedagogy of Democratization" 2004 Teacher Education Quarterly. Professor at Penn state~~ ====**
	59	+An oppositional cultural politics can take many forms, but given the current assault by neoliberalism on all aspects of democratic public life, it seems ~~is~~ imperative that educators revitalise the struggles to create conditions in which learning would be linked to social change in a wide variety of social sites, and pedagogy would take on the task of regenerat~~e~~ing both a renewed sense of social and political agency and a critical subversion of dominant power itself. Under such circumstances, agency becomes the site through which power is not transcended but reworked, replayed, and restaged in productive ways. Central to my argument is the assumption that politics is not only about power, but it also, as Cornelius Castoriadis (1996) points out, "has to do with political judgements and value choices" (p.8), indicating that questions of civic education and critical pedagogy (learning how to become a skilled citizen) are central to the struggle over political agency and democracy. In this instance, critical pedagogy emphasizes critical reflexivity, bridging the gap between learning and everyday life, understanding the connection between power and knowledge, and extending democratic rights andidentities by using the resources of history. However, among many educators and social theorists, there is awidespread refusal to recognize that this form of education is not only the foundation for expanding and enabling political agency, but it also takes place across a wide variety of public spheres mediated through the very force of culture itself. One of the central tasks of any viable critical pedagogy would be to make visible alternative models of radical democratic relations in a wide variety of sites. These spaces can make the pedagogical more political by raising fundamental questions such as: What is the relationship between social justice and the distribution of public resources and goods? What are the conditions, knowledge and skills that are a prerequisite for political agency and social change? At the very least, such a project involves understanding and critically engaging dominant public transcripts and values within a broader set of historical and institutional contexts. Making the political more pedagogical in this instance suggests producing modes of knowledge and social practices that not only affirm oppositional cultural work, but offer opportunities to mobilize instances of collective outrage, if not collective action. Such mobilisation opposes glaring material inequities and the growing cynical belief that today’s culture of investment and finance makes it impossible to address many ofthe major social problems facing boththe U.S. andthelarger world. Most importantly, such work points to the link between civic education, critical pedagogy, and modes of oppositional political agency that are pivotal to elucidating a politics that promotes autonomy and social change. At the very least, critical pedagogy proposes that education is a form of political intervention in the world that is capable of creating the possibilities for social transformation. Rather than viewing teaching as technical practice, radical pedagogy in the broadest terms is a moral and political practice premised on the assumption that learning is not about processing received knowledge but actually transforming it as part of a more expansive struggle for individual rights and social justice. This implies that any viable notion of pedagogy and resistance should illustrate how knowledge, values, desire, and social relations are always implicated in relations of power, and how such an understanding can be used pedagogically and politically by students to further expand and deepen the imperatives of economic and political democracy. The fundamental challenge facing educators within the current age of neoliberalism is to provide the conditions for students to address how knowledge is related to the power of both self-definition and social agency. Central to such a challenge is providing students with the skills, knowledge, and authority they need to inquire and act upon what it means to live in a substantive democracy, to recognize anti-democratic forms of power, and to fight deeply rooted injustices in a society and world founded on systemic economic, racial, and gendered inequalities.
	60	+
	61	+
	62	+====*Working in white-majority spaces like debate is not an appropriation of indigenous identity but a necessary injection of decolonization through a parallel process – this helps me negotiate my relationship to settler colonialism, and the discussion of alternate histories helps define your relationship — the endorsement of the ballot is both necessary and sufficient for my call====
	63	+**Bloom and Carmine 10/4/2016**
	64	+~~Liza Minno Bloom and Berkley Carnine, 10/4/2016, "Since 2008, Liza Minno Bloom and Berkley Carnine have worked with the Black Mesa Indigenous Support (BMIS) collective in solidarity with the Dineh people of Black Mesa, AZ who are resisting a forced relocation due to coal mining. Black Mesa holds the largest deposit of low-sulfur coal in the U.S. It is home to tens of thousands of Dineh and several hundred Hopi people and their sacred sites, burial grounds, animals, farms, and homes. The federal government has relocated between 10,000 and 20,000 Dineh people and several hundred Hopi from their ancestral homelands on Black Mesa since 1974 when the "Relocation Law" (PL-95-531) passed. This constitutes the largest relocation of Indigenous people in this country since the Trail of Tears and it is ongoing today." "Towards Decolonization and Settler Responsibility," https://unsettlingamerica.wordpress.com/2016/10/04/towards-decolonization-and-settler-responsibility-reflections-on-a-decade-of-indigenous-solidarity-organizing/, DS~~
	65	+Decolonization¶ Talking about "decolonizing" in a settler colonial context. where the
	66	+AND
	67	+our relationships with land, with each other, and with the state.
	68	+====*Reject their rhetorical imperialism—centering red pedagogy in speech is crucial to any change in scholarship====
	69	+**Grande ‘8** (Sandy, Professor of Education at Connecticut College, "Red Pedagogy: The Un-Methodology," Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies, p 244)
	70	+However the question of indigenous sovereignty is resolved politically, there will be significant implications
	71	+AND
	72	+as it should be" (Alfred, 1999, p. 132).

EntryDate

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
	1	+2017-01-14 06:59:34.587

Judge

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
	1	+all

Opponent

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
	1	+all

ParentRound

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
	1	+0

Round

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
	1	+Doubles

Team

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
	1	+Notre Dame Sur Aff

Title

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
	1	+JANFEB Aff

Tournament

...	...	@@ -1,0 +1,1 @@
	1	+CPS