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Summary

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1 +The rhetoric of terror is an extension of a specific form of securitization. This independently turns case and increases biopower
2 +Kapitan, 03 (Tomis Kapitan, Professor of Philosophy, Northern Illonois Univeristy, 2003, “Terrorism and International Justice”)
3 +
4 +More dramatically, the ‘terrorist’ rhetoric actually increases terrorism in four distinct ways. First, it magnifies the effect of terrorist actions by heightening the fear among the target population. If we demonize the terrorists, if we portray them as arbitrary irrational beings with a “disposition toward unbridled violence,” then we are amplifying the fear and alarm generated by terrorist incidents. Second, those who succumb to the rhetoric contribute to the cycle of revenge and retaliation by endorsing terrorist actions of their own government, not only against those who commit terrorist actions, but also against those populations from whose ranks the terrorists emerge, for the simple reason that terrorists are frequently themselves civilians, living amid other civilians not so engaged. The consequence has been an increase in terrorist violence under the rubric of ‘retaliation’ or ‘counter-terrorism’. Third, short of genocide, a violent response is likely to stiffen the resolve of those from whose ranks terrorists have emerged, leading them to regard their foes as people who cannot be reasoned with, as people who, because they avail themselves so readily of the ‘terrorist’ rhetoric, know only the language of the ‘terrorist’ rhetoric, know only the language of force. As long as they perceive themselves to be victims of intolerable injustices and view their oppressors as unwilling to arrive at an acceptable compromise, they are likely to answer violence with more violence. Fourth, and most insidiously, those who employ the rhetoric of terrorism for their own political ends, are encouraging actions that they understand will generate or sustain further violence directed against civilians. Inasmuch as their verbal behavior is intended to secure political objectives through these means, then it is an instance of terrorism just as much as any direct order to carry out a bombing of civilian targets. In both cases, there is purposeful verbal action aimed at bringing about a particular result through violence against civilians.
5 +
6 +Liberal Democracy helps rationalize or obscure power relations- worsens biopower
7 +Torgerson ’99 (Professor Trent University “The promise of Green Politics: Environmentalism and Public Spheres” 1999)
8 +The democracy actually achieved under liberal democracy has largely come as a result of struggles over the past two centuries or so by subordinated peoples who have sought to gain some measure of power against starkly authoritarian and oligarchical institutions. With the rise of representative government, the gradual extension of suffrage to people who had been formally and informally excluded by class, race, and gender serves as a marker of these historical struggles. But the advent of universal adult suffrage in liberal democracies has by no means eliminated the significance of authoritarian and oligarchical patterns in social, economic, and state institutions. Liberal democracy never pretended to do away with the dramatic economic and social inequalities of capitalism; these were conceived as necessary and legitimate. There was, of course, the supposed equality of the market. All were proclaimed formally equal in the sphere of the market~-~-capitalists and workers, rich and poor alike~-~-whether or not they had anything more to sell than their skins. Demands for social justice were in part eventually (and rather grudgingly) accommodated with welfare-state policies that bolstered consumer demand and promoted mass acquiesence. Still, liberal democracy singles out government as an island of democracy in an undemocratic sea of economic and social relations. The effect is to render democracy largely a governmental formality, something of a symbol that fosters the legitimacy of the established order while helping to rationalize or obscure actual power relations.
9 +
10 +
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12 +
13 +Biopower allows the sovereign to construct internal ememies- turns case- rawles difference principal means we have an obligation to fight this oppression
14 +Charrett, 09 Catherine – International Catalan Institute for Peace, “A Critical Application of Securitizing Theory: Overcoming the Normative Dilemma of Writing Security” http://www.gencat.cat/icip/pdf/WP7_ANG.pdf
15 +In his 2002 article, ‘Defining Social Constructivism in Security Studies’, Huysmans discusses the normative dilemma of speaking or writing security, which he argues is grounded in an understanding of the performative role of language. Huysmans explains that “language is not just a communicative instrument used to talk about a real world outside of language. Rather it operates as a mediating instrument that brings social practices into a particular communicative, institutionalized framework” (Huysmans 2002: 44). Here Huysmans is referring to the symbolic power of ‘security,’ as a word and a concept, and how its invocation articulates a specific rationality. Security is thus understood as a political technology, which “interlocks system of knowledge, representations, practices, and institutional forms that 15 imagine, direct and act upon bodies, spaces, and flows in certain ways” (Burke 2002: 2). Post-structural scholarship argues that the political technology of security links sovereignty, discipline and government under the bio-power of governmentaility which seeks to (re)-order society, preserve power relations, and oppress or exclude opposition (Burke 2002: 1-27; Neocleous 2008; Bigo 2002: 63-92). Others in this camp have argued that dominant modes of security work to define ‘the other’ as inferior and threatening and instill images of fear within a population. A feminist perspective acknowledges that the state then seeks to fill its role as the patriarchal protector, “provoking feelings of allegiance, safety, and submission” (Burke 2002: 20-21). Consequently, security, as a concept and a political tool, is able to promote subjectivities of fear and it often materializes as the product of oppressive or undemocratic acts as well as processes of social and political exclusion.
16 +
17 +
18 +The alternative is to explicitly affirm Russia and chinas opposition to globalism. By refusing to accept biopolitical thought in the debate sphere we separate ourselves from the states power structures
19 +Godiwala ‘6 Godiwala, Dimple. Dimple Godiwala was educated at the Universities of Bombay and Oxford. She is the author of 'Breaking the Bounds: British Feminist Dramatists Writing in the Mainstream "The Western patriarchal impulse" Interactions 15.1 (2006): Web. Dimple is quoting Foucault in this.
20 +Maybe the target nowadays is not to discover what we are, but to refuse what we are. We have to imagine and to build up what we could be to get rid of a political 'double bind',which is the simultaneous individualization and totalization of modern power structures. The conclusion would be that the political, ethical, social, philosophical problem of our days is notto try and liberate the individual from the state, and from the state's institutions, but to liberate us both from the state and from the type of individualization which is linked to the state. We have to promote new forms of subjectivity through refusal of this kind of individuality which has been imposed upon us for several centuries.
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1 +UIL Districts at Arlington

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