Changes for page Marlborough Coates Neg

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++Political inaction is the logical consequence of ivory-tower academia that elevates writing over people. Debate needs to pre-empt academia’s nihilistic echo chamber – by teaching high school students college and grad school material, debate uniquely enables the possibility of training us to participate in effective, real-world emancipatory politics. The K destroys that possibility by bogging us down in theory that enslaves social movements to invented concepts and eliminates any possibility of effecting change as would-be activists become content to sip overpriced coffee while discussing the latest twist on post-Feminist psychoanalytic Afro-Marxist pessimism. Grounding impacts in anything other than tangible improvements in the lives of the downtrodden is the sole threat to leftist politics in the age of Trump, and should earn them a loss.  Fuck Theory writes:
++
++Ft, @FuckTheory, Twitter. 10 Nov 2016. Acc 20 Nov 2016.  MO. Pilcrows indicate a new tweet. No tweets have been omitted.
++For at least 20 years, upper-middle class, often tenured academics have been teaching young people that politics is a futile form of irony. ¶I've watched Ivy League professors with tenure explain to graduate students with no health insurance that striking for pay is silly. ¶I've heard smug male assholes with Ph.D.s describe registering voters as the "busywork" of political activity.¶ I've watched Derrideans and Lacanians who own homes sneer at 19-year-olds who raise their hand to ask what forms of activism are useful.¶ I've watched ridiculous theory fakers who don't understand the first thing about Foucault explain to eager kids that society is a prison.¶ I've watched post-Zizek fuckboy Marxists condescendingly tell young socialists that signification, not class, is the REAL locus of struggle.¶ I've watched spirited black kids, spirited LGBT kids, spirited poor kids, show up at college hopeful for action only to be sold nihilism.¶ I've watched Tim Dean tell young men that ethical gay liberation means filling as many anonymous assholes with cum as possible.¶ I've watched Lee Edelman tell students with a shit-eating grin that hope is surrender and that fighting for the future is "heteronormative."¶ Kids who are the first of their family to go to college. Kids who spent their whole life fighting for a scholarship.¶  Kids who worked full time while they studied for their SATs rather than having the family tutor come with to the Hamptons every summer.¶ Kids who - like me - grew up looking with awe at the worn, dog-eared copies of the Communist Manifesto on their grandparents' bookshelves.¶ Kids who - like me - had the shit kicked out of them for being smart, for being queer, for being brave, for being different.¶ Kids who - like me - were told by adults that high school is hell but if I can JUST make it to college I'll find intellectual paradise.¶ The smartest kids. The most determined kids. The most enthusiastic kids. The kids who needed a concept of ethical politics the most.¶ The kids who could and in many cases would have gone back to their communities to teach, to write, to lead, to work.¶  For decades, smug, privileged hypocrites have enjoyed the benefits and social advantages they discouraged students from fighting for.¶ DO NOT @ ME TODAY I WILL RIP YOUR FACE OFF AND EAT YOUR FUCKING CHILDREN.¶ For decades, a small group of overpaid assholes too blind to see how lucky they are have been sapping the vigor of an entire generation. ¶ They haven't been pursuing a *different* form of activity. No. They have colluded with nihilism to ideologically devalue activity as such.¶ For decades, this country's smartest kids have had their entire concept of political activity reduced to this: Meme: Portrait of Michel Foucault, followed by Admiral Ackbar “It’s a trap!”¶ This is not the first time I have said these things. I've been saying them for years.¶ This rotting nihilism, this political Soylent, is a big part of why I stopped doing "queer theory" and eventually left academia.¶ This rotting nihilism is behind my commitment to pure positivity, to Spinozan metaphysics, to Nietzsche's joy and Irigaray's wonder.¶ This rotting nihilism is the reason I wept tears of relief the first time I read the Ethics, because here, finally, was pure love of being.¶ This isn't the first time I've said these things. I've been saying them for years. But it has become necessary to say them again.¶ It has become necessary because we are now bluntly, painfully living the consequences of that vile, pseudo-political anti-ethics.¶ Don't get me wrong, I'm not saying the tenured "queer" assholes at NYU and Yale are actually responsible for Trump.¶ No academic has ever had that much power, as much as they love to pretend they could.¶ But they are directly responsible for the nihilism and irony of a specific, crucial segment of the population who SHOULD be a vanguard.¶ Yesterday morning, my little segment of the Twitterverse was troubled by the rancid stench of a dazzlingly dumb and blind Jacobin op-ed.¶ This op-ed announced that the election result was the fault of "elites" and that the solution to it was "politics."¶ "Elites."¶ That op-ed was signed by five people...including not one but TWO white, well-educated, heterosexual married couples.¶ One of those heterosexual men teaches at Princeton. Aaaaand...the other has an MFA in writing from Sarah Lawrence  But yeah. "Elites."  ¶ What was these bold self-described radicals' proposed solution? "Politics."¶ Not a specific political orientation. Not a specific plan of political action. Not a coherent set of principles. "Do politics." Um. OK.¶ Then, this morning, no less a journalistic thinkfluencer than Hamilton Nolan excitedly announced a new movement. Image: Screencap of Deadspin, The Concourse, article titled “The New Movement Starts Now,” by Hamilton Nolan¶ Again, he doesn't have any particular platform or a specific political agenda.¶ He just thinks, you know, all things considered maybe politics is something we should maybe consider starting to do.¶ You'd think at least ONE of these dudes who talk about politics online for a living might have at least HEARD of @prisonculture, right?¶ I don't mention these white writers because they or their writing actually matter. I mention them as excellent, convenient examples.¶ Examples of a specific, crucial segment of the privileged, degree-hoarding elite who have been bitterly failed by their teachers.¶ Examples of a generation of students, with parents either hard-working or rich, trained by the handmaidens of late-capitalist automation.¶ A generation of students who can emit bullshit on command but can't actually write.¶ A generation of students who are impressed by neologisms but have no grasp of concepts.¶ A generation of students who think fully articulating why something can't be done is more profound than actually doing something.¶ A generation of students who value novelty more than history and think the phrase "always-already" absolves them of historicizing.¶ A generation of students who don't care about the coherent sic of the theory as long as they can feel superior to those kids from high school.¶ A generation of students who think memes are a form of political engagement.¶ A generation of students who think Lacan is a psychoanalyst and Zizek is a philosopher and that's exactly what their ideas look like.¶ Most importantly, though: a generation of students who think "politics" is something you can CHOOSE to do, can choose to opt in or out of.¶ Because that? That's the real privilege. Those are the real blinders. That is the real meaning of "elite": the ability to opt out of doing.¶ The freedom to "do" politics because of an intellectual curiosity and not because your life and the lives of those you love are in danger.¶ The privilege to genuinely live life thinking nobody around IS doing politics, and that, oh hey, maybe politics is something we should do?¶ In 2008 at the huge gender studies conference at Penn, I saw Jose Muñoz and Lisa fucking Duggan give a talk.¶ In 2008 at the huge gender studies conference at Penn, I saw Jose Muñoz and Lisa fucking Duggan give a talk.¶ Muñoz and Duggan get on stage and start talking in a cheery, excited tone about how they were recently having drinks in a West Village bar.¶ And as they were in this West Village bar drinking, they started to think, "Omg, isn't optimism like, SO over? Lol eyerolling emoji"¶ "So then we though, like, omg, what if instead of being hopeful and optimistic all the time, queer people tried being hopeless? Gag! Lol"¶ This, btw, is just a few hours after Jack Halberstam got up to talk about masochism and Mishima's suicide as models for queer politics.¶ So they're giving this talk and I am absolutely horrified, not just at the content, but at the Mean Girls-meets-deconstruction smugness.¶ Then the talk ends and there's a QandA. A very tall black woman with a single huge braid gets up to the microphone.¶ She looks at them and says "I'm a black lesbian, and I'm here to tell you that there is nothing affirming or positive about hopelessness."¶ (All quotations are approximate but I would wager at least 10-20 of my current followers must have been in that room that day).¶ You guys, I have never seen two people with confused arguments backpedal so fucking fast. SO fucking fast.¶ That was the day I stopped calling myself a queer theorist. And that talk is the best metaphor I have for the blindness I'm talking about.¶ Again, let's not exaggerate the importance of "theory." Trump didn't win the presidency because Lisa Duggan has her head up her own ass.¶ But when I look at how (over)educated white people of my generation talk about politics, I see the indelible smeary residue of that mindset.¶ One of the most painful things about this election - grim echo of 2000 - is how small the gap was in so many states.¶ And yes, that gap could maybe have been closed if Clinton had been shaking hands in Wisconsin instead of making cameos on Broad City.¶ But maybe it could also have been closed if an extra 5000 white people with BAs in English or history had sat their parents down for a talk.¶ Maybe it could have been closed if nobody were actually fucking stupid enough to think that "accelerationism" is a reason to vote for Trump.¶ Maybe that gap could have been closed if we had worried more and rolled our eyes less, if we had remembered more or talked to our elders.¶ There are people alive still who survived the Holocaust. My grandmother is still alive. The one with the scissors. Fascism isn't a fantasy.¶ And I too assumed that Clinton would win. I too thought I didn't have to do much except shrug and roll my eyes. I was wrong.¶ Many of us were wrong. And we're going to live with that fact for a long time. ...or maybe just until the tsunamis devour the cities.¶ The brunt of that fact is the realization that more could and should have been done, somehow, somewhere.¶ And I sympathize with guilt, truly I do. I'm not just Jewish but also a Freudian.¶ But the fact that you or I now awake to a new need or new urgency for action does not mean other have not, ahem, always-already been acting.¶ The work has been happening. People have been fighting. People have been dying.¶ It is only the bourgeois ideology of insular, self-oriented exceptionalism that makes you think you need to or even CAN start something new.¶ You're walking into the middle of a memorial service to tell the people who lost their loved ones that there's a war happening. No. Shit.¶ You know what pissed me off the most about Nolan's piece? This shit here: screencap of article¶ The last major moment of socio-political crisis in U.S. history was in the '60s and '70s? Really?¶ Go fuck yourself. Picture of c. 1980s Act Up HIV/AIDS March? ¶ The worst are the people saying it's "Time to get angry." What are you talking about? I've been a cauldron of seething rage for years.¶ You know why it's so quiet in your ivory tower? Because you throw anyone who makes too much noise out the window, that's why.¶ You told women of color they were too angry.¶ You told trans people they were too angry.¶ You told the militant gays they were too angry.¶ I was asked to undergo psychiatric evaluation by a university because of an angry email I wrote about my pay and my health care costs.¶ The same people who now want to get angry have spent literally years telling me my tone precludes rational engagement.¶ Another crucial moment in my decision to leave academia was a conversation with a professor of South Asian background.¶ I confessed to them that I had a really hard time with the passive-aggressive social protocols of WASP interactions.¶ They told me I just had to learn to talk like the WASPs do and I'd be fine.¶ Let me close with three appeals.¶ To those who teach their students to negate and dissemble instead of thinking, to those who spread false "theory": your time has come.¶ We see you. We finally understand you.¶ And most importantly: nobody believes anymore that your bullshit is a road to a career and bourgeois prosperity. Your trick has expired.¶ To those who are waking up and "getting angry," which mostly means educated white people, I say: welcome. Start by listening and learning.¶ You have likely been ill-served by poor teachers. That isn't on you. But it is on you to learn differently.¶ Many of you post-theory undergrads and grad students I'm thinking of have the Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism on your bookshelf.¶ I'm sure you've read the Matthew Arnold and Walter Benjamin selections. Have you read those by Barbara Smith and Barbara Christian?¶ There are people already fighting virtually any fight you can think of fighting. Consider joining them.¶ But whether you join them or not, your paramount responsibility is not to continue spreading the blindness and negation you were taught.¶ Finally, to those still seeking their concepts; to those still hungry for knowledge; to those who are and will continue to be students:¶ Adequate knowledge is joyous. Good concepts are joyous. Healthy inquiry is joyous. Believe me. Believe that knowing can be fun not anxious.¶ I do not condemn disengagement or solitude. And I understand but do not approve of asceticism. But I resolutely, absolutely reject nihilism.¶ Reject those false teachers who tell you not to fight, not to need, not to question, not to hope. ¶ They are avatars of ressentiment, intellectual proxies of the status quo.¶ Trace a history of thought that affirms life. Read Spinoza. Read Nietzsche. Read Deleuze. Read Bergson. Read DuBois's Black Reconstruction.¶ Build communities of shared knowledge to replace the authority of inherited knowledge. Make new concepts.¶ And never again make the mistake of thinking politics or ethics are choices. They are not. They are imperatives.¶ OK all done thanks for listening and for mostly not replying in the middle of the thread you guys are great¶

EntryDate

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	1	+2017-02-19 05:39:54.0

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	1	+Zohair Madhani

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	1	+Lake Highland MK

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	1	+Fuck Theory K

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	1	+Berkeley

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++Interpretation: Cambridge Dictionary ’17 defines “Any”
++Cambridge Dictionary ‘17 - English Grammar Today, “Any,” Cambridge Dictionary (Web). Eds: Ronald Carter, Michael McCarthy, Geraldine Mark, and Anne O’Keeffe. Cambridge University Press. 2017. Accessed February 19, 2017.
++
++(used in negative statements and questions) some, or even the smallest amount(of):
++
++
++To clarify, if we replace the word any in the resolution with this definition, it reads “Public colleges and universities ought not to restrict (some, or even the smallest amount of) constitutionally protected speech.” This interpretation means that the aff plan may not specify a type of speech, but it may specify a subset of colleges or method of implementation.

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	1	+2017-03-04 05:11:03.0

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	1	+Aron Berger

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++Link
++By adopting the pessimistic view that the government will always be an overzealous censoring body that harms minorities, the Aff assumes that running away from the government and trying to restrict it as much as possible is the only solution to combating oppression when really it provides the vehicle necessary to combat institutional problems. Nozick ’89
++Robert Nozick Prof., Harvard University, The Examined Life: Philosophical Mediations, New York: Simon and Schuster (1989), p. 286-287
++WE WANT our individual lives to express our conceptions of reality (and of responsiveness to that); so too we want the institutions demarcating our lives together to express and saliently symbolize our desired mutual relations. Democratic institutions and the liberties coordinate with them are not simply effective means toward controlling the powers of government and directing these toward matters of joint concern; they themselves express and symbolize, in a pointed and official way, our equal human dignity, our autonomy and powers of self-direction. We vote, although we are cognizant of the minuscule probability that our own actual vote will have some decisive effect on the outcome, in part as an expression and symbolic affirmation of our status as autonomous and self-governing beings whose considered judgments or even opinions have to be given weight equal to those of others. That symbolism is important to us. Within the operation of democratic institutions, too, we want expressions of the values that concern us and bind us together. The libertarian position I once propounded now seems to me seriously inadequate, in part because it did not fully knit the humane considerations and joint cooperative activities it left room for more closely into its fabric. It neglected the symbolic importance of an official political concern with issues or problems, as a way of marking their importance or urgency, and hence of expressing, intensifying, channeling, encouraging, and validating our private actions and concerns toward them. Joint goals that the government ignores completely – it is different with private or family goals – tend to appear unworthy of our joint attention and hence to receive little. There are some things we choose to do together through government in solemn marking of our human solidarity, served by the fact that we do them together in this official fashion and often also by the content of the action itself.
++
++Their strategy of negativity assumes the foundational premises of racism as its starting point for politics and teaches white people and the government to act as though they can’t help to stop this oppression and forces black Americans to internalize oppression. hooks ’95.
++hooks, bell (Distinguished Professor in Residence Berea College). “Killing Rage: Ending Racism”. New York: H. Holt and Co, 1995. http://books.google.com/booksid=3JlNFYKLheUCandq=unitary+representations#v=snippetandq=unitary20representationsandf=false, p.269 DM
++More than ever before in our history, black Americans are succumbing to and internalizing the racist assumption that there can be no meaningful bonds of intimacy between blacks and whites. It is fascinating to explore why it is that black people trapped in the worst situation of racial oppres sion—enslavement—had the foresight to see that it would be disempowering for them to lose sight of the capacity of white people to transform themselves and divest of white supremacy, even as many black folks today who in no way suffer such extreme racist oppression and exploitation are convinced that white people will not repudiate racism. Con temporary black folks, like their white counterparts, have passively accepted the internalization of white supremacist assumptions. Organized white supremacists have always taught that there can never be trust and intimacy between the superior white race and the inferior black race. When black people internalize these sentiments, no resistance to white supremacy is taking place; rather we become complicit in spreading racist notions. It does not matter that so many black people feel white people will never repudiate racism because of being daily assaulted by white denial and refusal of accountability. We must not allow the actions of white folks who blindly endorse racism to determine the direction of our resistance. Like our white allies in struggle we must consistently keep the faith, by always sharing the truth that 270white people can be anti-racist, that racism is not some immutable character flaw. ¶ Of course many white people are comfortable with a rhetoric of race that suggests racism cannot be changed, that all white people are “inherently racist” simply because they are born and raised in this society. Such misguided thinking socializes white people both to remain ignorant of the way in which white supremacist attitudes are learned and to assume a posture of learned helplessness as though they have no agency—no capacity to resist this thinking. Luckily we have many autobiographies by white folks committed to anti-racist struggle that provide documentary testimony that many of these individuals repudiated racism when they were children. Far from passively accepting It as inherent, they instinctively felt it was wrong. Many of them witnessed bizarre acts of white racist aggression towards black folks in everyday life and responded to the injustice of the situation. Sadly, in our times so many white folks are easily convinced by racist whites and black folks who have internalized racism that they can never be really free of racism. ¶ These feelings also then obscure the reality of white privilege. As long as white folks are taught to accept racism as “natural” then they do not have to see themselves as consciously creating a racist society by their actions, by their political choices. This means as well that they do not have to face the way in which acting in a racist manner ensures the maintenance of white privilege. Indeed, denying their agency allows them to believe white privilege does not exist even as they daily exercise it. If the young white woman who had been raped had chosen to hold all black males account able for what happened, she would have been exercising white privilege and reinforcing the structure of racist thought which teaches that all black people are alike. Unfortunately,¶  271so many white people are eager to believe racism cannot be changed because internalizing that assumption downplays the issue of accountability. No responsibility need be taken for not changing something ¡fit is perceived as immutable. To accept racism as a system of domination that can be changed would demand that everyone who sees him- or herself as embracing a vision of radai social equality would be required to assert anti-racist habits of being. We know from histories both present and past that white people (and everyone else) who commit themselves to living in anti-racist ways need to make sacrifices, to courageously endure the uncomfortable to challenge and change.¶ Whites, people of color, and black folks are reluctant to commit themselves fully and deeply to an anti-racist struggle that is ongoing because there is such a pervasive feeling of hopelessness—a conviction that nothing will ever change. How any of us can continue to hold those feelings when we study the history of racism in this society and see how much has changed makes no logical sense. Clearly we have not gone far enough. In the late sixties, Martin Luther King posed the question “Where do we go from here.” To live in anti-racist society we must collectively renew our commitment to a democratic vision of racial justice and equality. Pursuing that vision we create a culture where beloved community flourishes and is sustained. Those of us who know the joy of being with folks from all walks of life, all races, who are fundamentalls’ anti-racist in their habits of being need to give public testimony. We need to share not only what we have experienced but the conditions of change that make such an experience possible. The interracial circle of love that I know can happen because each individual present in it has made his or her own commitment to living an anti- racist life and to furthering the struggle to end white supremacy 272 will become a reality for everyone only if those of us who have created these communities share how they emerge in our lives and the strategies we use to sustain them. Our devout commitment to building diverse communities is central. These commitments to anti-racist living are just one expression of who we are and what we share with one an other but they form the foundation of that sharing. Like all beloved communities we affirm our differences. It is this generous spirit of affirmation that gives us the courage to challenge one another, to work through misunderstandings, especially those that have to do with race and racism. In a beloved community solidarity and trust are grounded in profound commitment to a shared vision. Those of us who are always anti-racist long for a world in which everyone can form a beloved community where borders can be crossed and cultural hybridity celebrated. Anyone can begin to make such a community by truly seeking to live in an anti-racist world. If that longing guides our vision and our actions, the new culture will be born and anti-racist communities of resis tance will emerge everywhere. That is where we must go from here.
++Furthermore, their removal of hate speech codes in particular is a manifestation of the idea that governments cannot help minorities and must bow out of the fight against racism.
++Impacts
++Hate speech goes hand in hand with racism and not limiting it makes us a society that fosters racism and reinforces stereotypes. Yun and Delgado ‘94
++Yun, David H.  Member of the Colorado bar. J.D., University of Colorado and Richard Delgado Charles Inglis Thomson Professor of Law, University of Colorado. J.D., U.C.- Berkeley. "The Neoconservative Case Against Hate-Speech Regulation—Lively, D'Souza, Gates, Carter, and the Toughlove Crowd." Vanderbilt Law Review 47 (1994). MC
++But is it so clear that efforts to control hate speech are a waste of time and resources, at least compared to other problems that the campaigners could be addressing? What neoconservative writers may fail to realize is that eliminating hate speech goes hand in hand with reducing what they term "real racism." Certainly, being the victim of hate speech is a less serious affront than being denied a job, a house, or an education. It is, however, equally true that a society that speaks and thinks of minorities derisively is fostering an environment in which such discrimination will occur frequently. This is so for two reasons. First, hate speech, in combination with an entire panoply of media imagery, constructs and reinforces a picture of minorities in the public mind." This picture or stereotype varies from era to era, but is rarely positive: persons of color are happy and carefree, lascivious. criminal. devious- treacherous, untrustworthy, immoral, of lower intelligence than whites, and so on.
++1.	The aff’s ideology excuses the government from standing up against structural problems and ensures that racism continues. This is especially important in our political climate when the president is endorsed by the KKK. We need to take the power of government and use it against structural problems.
++
++Counter speech does not solve on college campuses. There no effective way for minorities to answer racial insults, reason will seldom affect the speaker and often when minorities talk back they are physically assaulted. Delgado and Yun ‘94
++Delgado, Richard, Charles Inglis Thomson Professor of Law, University of Colorado. J.D., U.C.- Berkeley and David H. Yun Member of the Colorado bar. J.D., University of Colorado. "Pressure Valves and Bloodied Chickens: An Analysis of Paternalistic Objections to Hate Speech Regulation." California Law Review 82 (1994): 871. MC
++Defenders of the First Amendment sometimes argue that minorities should talk back to the aggressor. .FN8S Nat Hentoff, for example, writes that antiracism rules teach black people to depend on whites for protection, while talking back clears the air, emphasizes self-reliance, and strengthens one's self-image as an active agent in charge of one's own destiny. FN86 The "talking back" solution to campus racism draws force from the First Amendment principle of "more speech,' according to which additional dialogue is always a preferred response to speech that some find troubling. FN87 *884 Proponents of this approach oppose hate speech rules, then, not so much because they limit speech, but because they believe that it is good for minorities to learn to speak out. A few go on to offer another reason: that a minority who speaks out will be able to educate the speaker who has uttered a racially hurtful remark. FN88 Racism, they hold, is the product of ignorance and fear. If a victim of racist hate speech takes the time to explain matters, he or she may succeed in altering the speaker's perception so that the speaker will no longer utter racist remarks. FN89 ¶ How valid is this argument? Like many paternalistic arguments, it is offered blandly, virtually as an article of faith. ln the nature of paternalism, those who make the argument are in a position of power, and therefore believe themselves able to make things so merely by asserting them as true. FN90 They rarely offer empirical proof of their claims, because none is needed. The social world is as they say because it is their world: they created it that way. FN9l¶  In reality, those who hurl racial epithets do so because they feel empowered to do so. FN92 Indeed, their principal objective is to reassert and reinscribe that power. One who talks back is perceived as issuing a direct challenge to that power. The action is seen as outrageous, as calling for a forceful response. Often racist remarks are delivered in several-on-one situations, in which responding in kind is foolhardy. FN93 Many highly publicized cases of racial homicide began in just this fashion. A group began badgering a black person. The black person talked back, and paid with his life. FN94 Other racist remarks are delivered in a cowardly fashion, by means of graffiti scrawled on a campus wall late at night or on a poster placed outside of a black student's dormitory door. FN95 In these situations, more speech is, of course, impossible. ¶ "'885 Racist speech is rarely a mistake, rarely something that could be corrected or countered by discussion. What would be the answer to 'Nigger, go back to Africa. You don't belong at the University"? "Sir, you misconceive the situation. Prevailing ethics and constitutional interpretation hold that I, an African American, am an individual of equal dignity and entitled to attend this university in the same manner as others. Now that I have informed you of this, I am sure you will modify your remarks in the future"? FN96 ¶ The idea that talking back is safe for the victim or potentially educative for the racist simply does not correspond with reality. It ignores the power dimension to racist remarks, forces minorities to run very real risks, and treats a hateful attempt to force the victim outside the human community as an invitation for discussion. Even when successful, talking back is a burden. Why should minority undergraduates, already charged with their own education, be responsible constantly for educating others?
++1.	This means the aff does not solve for domination because counter-speech and speaking out against structural problems that are protected by those with power does not work.
++2.	Turns case by showing for telling minorities to use their free speech will always end up leading to more death and aggression against minorities.
++
++Racist speech undermines the operation of the marketplace of idea by marginalizing the expression of people of color. Dorsett ‘96
++Dorsett, Dana Moon. UCLA graduate; practices law in LA at the Law offices of Dana Moon, O'Melveny and Myers LLP "Hate Speech Debate and Free Expression." S. Cal. Interdisc. LJ 5 (1996): 259. AJ
++Professor Lawrence argues that racist speech is inconsistent with rational deliberation in the marketplace of ideas because it "infects, skews, and disables the operation of the market.... Racism is irrational and often unconscious."55 Racism alienates the victims from the marketplace because it "systematically" silences "whole segments of the population '56 either through the "visceral" shock and "preemptive effect on further speech" of racist words57 or by "muting or devaluing the speech of blacks and other non-whites."" s Thus, racial insults are said to disserve the purpose of the first amendment to foster the greatest amount of speech.5 9 ¶Racist speech produces an "instinctive, defensive psychological reaction." 60 Reasoned response is precluded by "fear, rage, shock and flight."'" When attacked by words denoting one's "subhuman status and untouchability," little emotional and reputation redress exist especially when the "message and meaning of the epithet resonates with beliefs widely held in society."62 "The racist name-caller is accompanied by a cultural chorus of equally demeaning speech and symbols. '63 As Professor Delgado notes, what words would have the same impact as "'go home, N-er, you don't belong on this cam- pus?' . . . you white?"64
++1.	This turns the case and means no internal link to all of their impacts.
++Alt
++The Roll of the Ballot is to reject pessimism in the political sphere and embrace optimism.
++
++Optimism is the crucial ingredient in the political struggle for a more just, verdant, and peaceful world. Without an optimistic outlook, global capitalism and neocolonialism become inevitable. Rory ‘15
++Rowan, Rory, “Extinction as usual?: Geo-social futures and left optimism”, e-flux journal, May-August 2015.
++Optimism remains a crucial affective resource for galvanizing political struggles, particularly important in forging enduring alliances across plural collectives dispersed in space and diverse in ethos – exactly the type of articulations needed to ensure more socially just and ecologically sustainable geo-social futures. This is why it is crucial not to cede optimism to reactionary forces or dismiss it as utopian naïveté. Without some basic acceptance of the idea that through collective effort our relations with one another and the planet can be transformed for the better, why would we act at all? Rejecting this possibility would be to consent to an existence that is all stick and no carrot, a purely defensive life governed by ad hoc reactions, that would elevate the contingent ideology of neoliberal individualism into an inescapable anthropological fact and reduce each of us to a little Katechon securing the best worst option until shit really hits the fan. Adopting a worldview from which all optimism has been expunged would in effect naturalize the existing catastrophic trajectories of global capitalism and militarized colonialism as inevitable and accept that indeed “there is no other way,” not due to faith in the brilliance of the plan but because of a lack of recognition that collective capacities may challenge it.
++
++The only thing we must fear is fear itself ~-~- lack of a strong sense of collective self-efficacy is the biggest obstacle to mobilizing efforts and marshaling resources necessary to solve pressing global problems. Bandura ‘98
++Bandura, Albert, “Personal and collective efficacy in human adaptation and change”, Advances in Psychological Science: Social, personal, and cultural aspects, 1998.
++The psychological barriers created by beliefs of collective powerlessness are more demoralizing, and debilitating than are external impediments. The less people bring their influence to bear on conditions that affect their lives the more control they relinquish to others. People who have high collective efficacy will mobilize their efforts and resources to surmount the obstacles to the changes they seek. But those convinced of their collective powerlessness will cease trying, even though changes are attainable through perseverant collective effort. As a society, we enjoy the benefits left by those before us who collectively fought inhumanities and worked for social reforms that permit a better life. Our own collective efficacy will, in turn, shape how future generations will live their lives. The times call for social initiative that build people’s sense of collective efficacy to influence conditions that shape their lives and that of future

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