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+Japan accepted nuclear power because of American imperialism after World War 2 – the aff frames the nuclear issue as a problem with the Japanese government, but this explanation is too simplistic. The starting point of AC is inaccurate because it doesn’t look at the historical causes |
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+Jacobs – Hiroshima Peace Institute, PhD (Robert How Nuclear Power Followed Nuclear Weaponry into Japan International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War https://www.ippnw.de/commonFiles/pdfs/Atomenergie/Fukushima/HiroshimaNagasakiFukushima_Robert_Jacobs.pdf Acc 27 Aug 2016) CW |
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+In 1945 Japan, became the AND foreign markets and unstable regimes. |
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+The buraku problem presented in the aff is deep rooted –American imperialism and the subsequent change in policy set the framework of monopoly that allows the buraku class to exist in the first place – means the neg method is a prerequisite |
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+Ruyle 79 – CSU Long Beach (Eugene E. Conflicting Japanese Interpretations of the Outcaste Problem "(Buraku mondai)" American Ethnologist Vol 6 No 1 Feb 1979 pp.55-72 JSTOR http://www.jstor.org/stable/643384 Acc 9/4/16) CW |
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+By 1950, counterrevolution had set AND objective discrimination against the outcastes. |
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+Stigma doesn’t just exist – it is also a result of post-war attitudes. People don’t want to discuss harms of nuclear power in the same way people don’t want to discuss Japanese colonialism in WWII. The aff’s simplistic explanations thus fails to be truly disruptive of dominant narratives since those are hidden by the taboo of WWII so the neg is a prerequisite in examining why stigma exists in the first place |
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+Hammering 16 – Columbia University (Klaus K. Yamamoto Propriety, Shame, and the State in Post-Fukushima Japan Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Columbia University, 2016 pp. 641-3 https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/download/fedora_content/download/ac:197639/CONTENT/YamamotoHammering_columbia_0054D_13239.pdf Acc 28 Aug 2016) CW |
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+Now ostracized from political life AND entailed especially high radiation exposure.37 |
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+The 1NC speech act is a genealogical investigation and deconstruction of this international master narrative of nuclear power and histories of American imperialism and WWII that we read are part of a process to breakdown these shared assumptions that we have and the harmful ideology they set up. The alternative we endorse is to engage in a genealogical approach to the topic. Our speech act disrupts these narratives and remembers forgotten histories. |
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+Our genealogical approach towards “history’s effects” has value because it opens space for politics while still acknowledging the gaps and discontinuities between our practices in the world of debate and the political order as it is currently construed. Critiques of shared assumptions about the past are open to the future. Tracing the descent of history’s effects on knowledge and power disrupts master narratives and opens space for intellectual deliberations – means the neg method is a prerequisite to any proposals being effective |
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+Wendy Brown 1, prof at Berkeley, Politics out of History, 37-44 |
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+Why have I insisted on AND can be of enormous value. |
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+We are not trying to offer a perfect solution, but the genealogical method allows us to deconstruct every part of society and open it to constant critique keeping us from staying complicit in any issues in the status quo. |
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+The role of the ballot is to vote for the debater who better performs a genealogy that brings subjugated knowledges to light. It’s a prerequisite to any link to the role of the judge since subjugated knowledges can’t be considered as methodological options until they have a seat at the table – best way to solve for structual violence. Medina |
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+Medina, José. "Toward a Foucaultian epistemology of resistance: counter-memory, epistemic friction, and guerrilla pluralism." Foucault Studies 12 (2011): 9-35 |
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+Subjugated knowledges remain invisible to AND silent scars of forgotten struggles. |
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+Our role as intellectuals is not to provide prophetic solutions, but to offer analyses that reveal the problems within hegemonic institutions. Foucault 80 |
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+(Michel, “Questions of Method,” in “The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality,” (1991), by Michel Foucault, Graham Burchell, and Colin Gordon, p. 82-85) |
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+It's in so far as AND reformers have realized their ideas. |
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+Genealogical strategies are easily coopted for unless there is an unending, constant stream of critical investigation and epistemic questioning – their plan text is a closure of epistemic uncertainty in favor of a universal truth of what should be done, turns all of case and prevents the aff from creating real change |
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+Medina 11 – prof @ Vanderbilt |
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+(Jose, Toward a Foucaultian Epistemology of Resistance: Counter-Memory, Epistemic Friction, and Guerrilla Pluralism, Foucault Studies, No. 12, pp. 9-35, October 2011) |
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+As Foucault puts it, genealogies AND and knowledge of the past. |