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... ... @@ -1,16 +1,0 @@ 1 -Shinzo Abe pushing for constitutional revision of Article 9 – just shy of PC required 2 -Walters 7/26 (Riley Electoral Win for Japanese Prime Minister Draws International Concern Providence Mag 7/26/16 https://providencemag.com/2016/07/electoral-win-japanese-prime-minister-draws-international-concern/ Acc 9/1/16) CW 3 -As the longest serving Prime Minster in a decade, Shinzo Abe has pushed a platform of social, economic, and strategic issues meant to spur Japan’s economy and raise its profile in the world community. Of particular concern to Japan’s neighbors is whether PM Abe will revise Japan’s 70-year-old constitution to allow for greater strategic engagement by Japan’s Self-Defense Forces and ease the Diet’s ability to make constitutional revisions. Article 96 of Japan’s constitution stipulates that amendments to the constitution can be enacted only with the affirmation of a two-thirds majority in both Houses of the Diet, followed by a majority vote by the general populace. Currently the LDP and Komeito hold more than two-thirds (326 of 475) of the seats in the Lower House. However, following elections on July 10 they remain shy of the mark in the Upper House, holding only 146 of the 162 seats needed for a two-thirds majority. To secure the necessary super majority there, Prime Minister Abe would need to attract votes from other smaller parties less enthusiastic about constitutional revision, as well as convince a citizenry wary of constitutional revision. Getting all the necessary votes and the public on the side of constitutional revision may require more political capital than the LDP is willing to spend. The public is divided on the topic of constitutional revision and expressed only faint interest in even debating the issue. Economic issues still remain the public’s top concern. 4 - 5 -Nuclear phase-out extremely popular 6 -Kingston 13 (Jeff Will the real Shinzo Abe emerge after Diet success? CNN 23 July 2013 http://www.cnn.com/2013/07/23/opinion/japan-real-abe-kingston/index.html Acc 9/1/16) CW 7 -Abe also faces stiff public opposition over his plans to restart the nation's idled nuclear reactors. He is seen to be in the "nuclear village's" pocket, the vested interests in business and bureaucratic circles that advocate nuclear energy. But some 70 of the Japanese public favors phasing out nuclear power because of lingering safety concerns; 150,000 people remain displaced by the three reactor meltdowns in 2011. Moreover, TEPCO's ongoing clean-up at the crippled Fukushima nuclear plant has been marred by a series of screw-ups worthy of the Keystone cops and there are concerns that new safety guidelines may be trumped by political expediency. 8 -Methodology: The survey was conducted in 24 countries: Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Mexico, Poland, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, South Korea, Spain, Sweden, Turkey and the United States of America. An international sample of 18,787 adults aged 18-64 were interviewed between May 6 and May 21, 2011 via the Ipsos Online Panel system. Approximately 1000+ individuals participated in each country with the exception of Argentina, Indonesia, Mexico, Poland, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, South Korea, Sweden, Russia and Turkey, where each have a sample 500+. Weighting was then employed to balance demographics and ensure that the sample’s composition reflected that of the adult population according to the most recent country Census data and to provide results intended to approximate the sample universe. A survey with an unweighted probability sample of this size and a 100 response rate would have an estimated margin of error of +/-3.1 percentage points for a sample of 1,000 and an estimated margin of error of +/- 4.5 percentage points for a sample of 500 9 - 10 -Constitution revision causes explosive East Asian arms race 11 -Siegel 07 (Michael T. Questioning the Rationale for Changing Japan’s Peace Constitution Asia-Pacific Geopolitics: Hegemony Vs. Human Security ed. Joseph A. Camilleri pp. 75-92 1/1/07 Google Books Acc 9/1/16) CW 12 -For almost sixty years, Japan has been protected from the security dilemma by the peace Constitution. Under the present Constitution, no Japanese government could carry out a belligerent act against another country. This has given Japan the opportunity to build up a very strong military without that constituting a direct threat to other countries. This is not to say that neighbouring countries do not watch Japan cautiously. But as long as Japan ’s Constitution is unchanged, Japan’s military strength will not constitute a direct threat. This may have resulted in there being little awareness in Japan of the risks involved. While it is frequently mentioned that constitutional revision runs the risk of creating tensions in Asia, there has been little systemic and explicit discussion of the security dilemma in the mainstream press or in the public pronouncements of politicians in regard to the issue of constitutional revision. Japan currently has one of the highest levels of military spending in the world (842 billion in constant 2003 US dollars in 2004 according to SIPRI,32 or almost $46 billion according to the CIA World Factboolt.33 thereby ranking fourth in the world according to SIPRI or third according to the CIA). If Article 9 is changed, if Japan becomes a country capable of military action overseas, then Japan’s military potential will immediately come to constitute a threat to its neighbours of vastly different proportions than it does now. For the security and stability of the region. a change in Article 9 would constitute the equivalent of an instantaneous arms build-up of enormous proportions. An Agence France-Presse report on interviews conducted with security experts in Japan after one of the reports of the Prime Minister ‘5 Council on Security and Defense Capabilities concluded that ‘Japanese moves to overhaul its “defense- only” security policy that could enable it to launch pre-emptive strikes on foreign missile bases will trigger a wave of unease across Asia’ adding that ‘Any suggestions that Japan is taking a higher military profile have unnerved China and other Asian countries that were invaded by Japan during World War 11’“ If Japan’s Constitution is changed, that in itself is likely to start an arms race in the region - with all the risks that that entails. 13 - 14 -East Asian arms race triggers global annihilation. Ogura and Oh 97 15 - Toshimaru Ogura and Ingyu Oh are professors of economics, April, “Nuclear clouds over the Korean peninsula and Japan,” 1997Accessed July 10, 2008 via Lexis-Nexis (Monthly Review) 16 -North Korea, South Korea, and Japan have achieved quasi- or virtual nuclear armament. Although these countries do not produce or possess actual bombs, they possess sufficient technological know-how to possess one or several nuclear arsenals. Thus, virtual armament creates a new nightmare in this region - nuclear annihilation. Given the concentration of economic affluence and military power in this region and its growing importance to the world system, any hot conflict among these countries would threaten to escalate into a global conflagration. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,17 +1,0 @@ 1 --If the affirmative parametricizes the resolution and does not defend generic links to the whole resolution, then they must disclose the plan text of the aff they are reading on the NDCA case wiki at least half an hour before the round or when pairings come out. 2 --Debaters who claim the negative must defend the “converse” of the resolution must clarify, in the form of a text in the AC, a list of possible violations of the interp. 3 --the Affirmative must only include paradigmatic theory spikes in the AC, meaning reasons why theory is drop the arg/debater, competing interps/reasonability, and RVI’s, or meta theory arguments pertaining to the theory debate, not substance. 4 --All debate positions must only contain secular arguments, or arguments that are not warranted by religious beliefs, UNLESS the debater presenting the position receives consent from the audience, judge(s), and opponent before the round. 5 --aff should disclose bidirectional 1ar theory interps that they want the negative to meet 6 --rob's must have an explicit weighing text and must be disclosed at least 15 min before the round1. Clarify how we determine what a legitimate advocacy is and how offense links back to the role of the ballot, such as whether topicality constrains the aff advocacy or not. 7 -2. Every plank of the ROB must be warranted, just like the standard text for a normative ethical theory, and what area of debate must be warranted i.e. which assumptions we should accept and which we shouldn’t. 8 -3. Clarify what theoretical objections do and do not link to the aff, and whether or not the aff comes before theory. 9 -4. Describe how to weigh and compare between competing advocacies i.e. whether the role of the ballot is solely determined by the flow or another method of engagement. 10 --the affirmative must defend the specific implementation of a policy 11 --all 1AR interps that pertain to some action that must be taken by the negative in or out of round must be disclosed on the opponents wiki at least 15 min prior to the round. 12 --the affirmative must must disclose burden structure 13 --debaters may not read descriptive standards 14 -A. If a debater inserts brackets in their evidence in order to change one or more words, they must right before or after reading the evidence, during the speech, indicate orally that the evidence is bracketed by saying “This evidence is bracketed” or something to that extent. 15 -A. must disclose burden structure 16 -A. may not read descriptive standards 17 -A. must have an advocacy text which minimally specifies both the actors and the actions or mindsets which they are adopting as a solvency mechanism. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -If you want to get in touch with me or have a question about anything I have disclosed, message me on Facebook under my name or email me at nuravxyz@gmail.com - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,12 +1,0 @@ 1 -Pluralism exists – only acknowledging diverse circumstances between states creates tribal homogeneity – turns case since not recognizing particulars justifies violence to certain groups 2 -Young 94 - Professor Emeritus at the University of Wisconsin-Madison (Crawford Ethnic Diversity and Public Policy: An Overview occasional paper no. 8 world summit for social development 11/1/94 UNRISD http://www.unrisd.org/80256B3C005BCCF9/(httpAuxPages)/E543236D2B275A5B80256B6400502008/$file/OPWSSD8.pdf Acc 9/10/16) CW 3 -Some fundamental postulates which shape this analysis require statement. The most basic premise — which few believed in 1950 but most would concede today — is that cultural pluralism is an enduring attribute of contemporary political societies. When closely inspected, the overwhelming majority of the nation states in our global community reveal significant internal cleavages based upon ethnicity, race or religion. The significance of these differences in the social and political process varies widely, as does the degree of saliency, intensity and politization of communal segments, both within and between states. But there is no longer any justification for clinging to the belief that the array of processes commonly labelled “modernization” (expanding networks and media of communication, urbanization, rising educational and literacy levels, increasing complexity of economic activity and social structuration) lead ineluctably to deepening levels of attachment to the “nation” defined by the state of residence, or the erosion of cultural solidarities of ethnos, race or religion separate from the nation state unit. Rather the reverse seems the normal pattern; social change tends to produce stronger communal identities. In addition, the cultural segments themselves are subject to evolution and change in the crucible of social process and political competition. At the same time, identities are usually multiple and layered; subnational affective ties are not necessarily in conflict with the state-defined nation (though they may be). Thus, “nation building” may partly succeed while communal cleavages deepen. A normative premise of this paper is that cultural diversity requires acknowledgement rather than judgement; the presumption that the healthy endstate equilibrium for the nation state is homogeneity must be dethroned. The spectacles of ethnic cleansing in the contemporary world suggest the deep moral flaw to the premise of homogenization. But no endorsement is intended for the contrary proposition that states have an obligation to promote and enforce difference. Rather the presumption is that cultural pluralism is a natural attribute of a political society. Over time, an integrated national culture may take form; Eugen Weber brilliantly delineates this process in the case of France.5 States naturally seek to earn the loyalty of their citizenry. But this need not — and in the contemporary world cannot — be done by coercive fiat. 4 - 5 -Alternative: aff country will prohibit nuclear power except in cases where the indigenous groups affected desire that nuclear power production 6 -Some indigenous groups see waste facilities as good. To clarify, my argument is not that all groups should do this, but they need the option- the aff denies that. Grover et al 92 7 -Gover et al, Kevin, and Jana L. Walker (Native American Attorneys at Gover, Stetson and Williams). "Escaping Environmental Paternalism: One Tribe's Approach to Developing a Commercial Waste Disposal Project in Indian Country." University of Colorado Law Review 63 (1992): 933. 8 -The second and more controversial issue facing tribes involves the use of reservation lands as sites for commercial solid and hazardous waste disposal facilities. Looking at the waste industry as a form of economic development, in many respects it can be a good match for tribal communities. The industry is usually willing to pay the costs of developing new projects without requiring a tribe to put any cash up front. Since most tribes just do not have the money to independently fund large-scale economic development, this makes the industry attractive to Indian communities desperate for development. The waste industry needs isolation and an abundance of land, and, again, because of the overall lack of tribal economic development, undeveloped land is a resource that many tribes have. The waste industry also provides numerous opportunities for unskilled and semi-skilled workers, including training in the construction and environmental compliance fields. On most reservations, unemployment is extremely high and opportunities for training Indians very limited. Finally, the waste industry is and must be recognized as an indispensable and legitimate part of the services sector of the economy, and as such, can be an extremely profitable form of development for tribes. All of this means that, under certain circumstances, a solid or hazardous waste disposal project may represent a viable and appropriate form of industrial development for some tribes and can provide extraordinary opportunities for economic development on some reservations. It is not appropriate for every community, and we certainly are not urging tribes to site waste facilities on their reservations. Each tribe must decide for itself if it is interested in such development. Our intent is merely to put things in a more honest perspective and to describe one process that, when and if a tribe seriously considers a commercial waste proposal, it can use to evaluate the proposal effectively and, if it's feasible, plan for its development. 9 - 10 -Political self-determination solves root cause – key to tribal status, culture, and resistance to colonialism. Turns case because a) ruse of solvency b) white settlers making policies for them is what ultimately causes colonialism impacts 11 -Moore 02 (Margaret The Right of Indigenous Peoples to Collective Self-Determination 3/22-27/2002 ECPR Joint Sessions Universita di Torino, Turin https://ecpr.eu/Events/PaperDetails.aspx?PaperID=14599andEventID=47 Acc 9/11/16) CW 12 -By ignoring the historical and territorial nature of most indigenous peoples= claims to be self-determining, this argument fails to connect indigenous memory with the institutions of political autonomy justified under this argument. This is not a purely symbolic issue: on the contrary, the way that indigenous peoples are described Bas a sub-set of national minorities - - has a strong bearing on the structure of the argument. Indeed, the argument seems to apply better to the claims of national minorities than indigenous peoples. To see this, consider Kymlicka=s description of a societal culture=, which is his term for the kind of cultural structure that is closely linked with the exercise of autonomy. A Asocietal culture@ is defined as a culture Awhose practices and institutions cover the full range of human activities, encompassing both public and private lives.@15 He elaborates that a societal culture Aprovides its members with meaningful ways of life across the full range of human activities, including social, educational, religious, recreational and economic life, encompassing both public and private space. These cultures tend to be territorially concentrated and based on a shared language...and are institutionally embodied B in schools, media, economy, government, etc.@16 To create, and maintain, a societal culture is, Kymlicka correctly says, an Aimmensely ambitious and arduous project.@17 National minorities like the Québécois, the Scots, Basques, Catalans and others can plausibly be said to have a societal culture=, but many indigenous peoples do not have, and cannot reasonably aspire to, a full societal culture, which encompasses all aspects of life. This is because their original culture has been persecuted and degraded, mainly through the policies of the white settler societies among whom they live. It would require a major transformation in the conditions of their existence to be able to reasonably aspire to such an encompassing culture. To be fair, Kymlicka does not deploy the concept of societal culture to rule indigenous people from his argument for self-government Bin fact, he suggests that claims of equality dictate that self government should be extended to them B but it is not clear, first, that the linkage between autonomy and societal culture, which is crucial to the argument, applies in their case; and, second, why the equality argument is not deployed to grant self-governing rights to other small cultural groups. For this reason, many proponents of indigenous rights think that it is necessary to consider, as the equality-culture-autonomy argument does not, the historical nature of indigenous marginalization and the injustice attached to their continuing inequality and deprivation. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,13 @@ 1 +-If the affirmative parametricizes the resolution and does not defend generic links to the whole resolution, then they must disclose the plan text of the aff they are reading on the NDCA case wiki at least half an hour before the round or when pairings come out. 2 +-Debaters who claim the negative must defend the “converse” of the resolution must clarify, in the form of a text in the AC, a list of possible violations of the interp. 3 +-the Affirmative must only include paradigmatic theory spikes in the AC, meaning reasons why theory is drop the arg/debater, competing interps/reasonability, and RVI’s, or meta theory arguments pertaining to the theory debate, not substance. 4 +-All debate positions must only contain secular arguments, or arguments that are not warranted by religious beliefs, UNLESS the debater presenting the position receives consent from the audience, judge(s), and opponent before the round. 5 +-aff should disclose bidirectional 1ar theory interps that they want the negative to meet 6 +-rob's must have an explicit weighing text and must be disclosed at least 15 min before the round1. Clarify how we determine what a legitimate advocacy is and how offense links back to the role of the ballot, such as whether topicality constrains the aff advocacy or not. 7 +2. Every plank of the ROB must be warranted, just like the standard text for a normative ethical theory, and what area of debate must be warranted i.e. which assumptions we should accept and which we shouldn’t. 8 +3. Clarify what theoretical objections do and do not link to the aff, and whether or not the aff comes before theory. 9 +4. Describe how to weigh and compare between competing advocacies i.e. whether the role of the ballot is solely determined by the flow or another method of engagement. 10 +-the affirmative must defend the specific implementation of a policy 11 +-all 1AR interps that pertain to some action that must be taken by the negative in or out of round must be disclosed on the opponents wiki at least 15 min prior to the round. 12 +-the affirmative must must disclose burden structure 13 +-debaters may not read descriptive standards - EntryDate
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