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1 +The university is dead and it is the jobs of the students to reject meaningless systems of control like public college AN 10’ Anarchistnews.org, “The university, social death, and the inside joke”, published 18 February 2010, http://anarchistnews.org/content/university-social-death-and-inside-joke
2 +An unfortunate slip of the tongue found University of California president comparing his position to that of a cemetery: "There are many people under you, but no one is listening."3 This quote was rapidly relayed around the State's campuses, which have recently seen themselves become the first major battleground in the contemporary fight over Higher Education in the United States. It was used as an excuse for artistic parody by hundreds of students, who engaged in die-ins, zombie marches and other tired activist strategies. More recently, however, it has become a catalyst for a much more serious discussion about the relationship between death, the University and modern capitalism. Beyond Zombie Politics, an article published online on October 22nd, claimed that the University system is dying and that it should be the responsibility of modern dissidents to let it die. "It is not possible to save the UC or defend its major contours. It is a dying institution,” they assert.4 “We must accept this and recognize it as a reason to forward our own radical visions of reconstructed institutions of educational and knowledge production in relation to wilder crises confronting us."5 Yet, while this article offers an interesting revisiting of the conflicts that forged the modern research institution, it ends with a pessimistic nihilism that fails to provide any real alternatives, or motivation for any sort of struggle. For this reason, one must find the Necrosocial, a piece written by students barricaded in Wheeler hall at UC Berkeley on November 18th, a far more suitable point of departure. "Totally managed death. A machine for administering death, for the proliferation of technologies of death," they announce of the University they have occupied.6 "As elsewhere, things rule. Dead objects rule."7
3 +The University education has destroyed any value to life through pedagogical training, strategic protests are key to escape the system AN 2 Anarchistnews.org, “The university, social death, and the inside joke”, published 18 February 2010, http://anarchistnews.org/content/university-social-death-and-inside-joke
4 +The University is also the perfect focal point for an economy based on simulation. There, we are taught to question everything; this allows for the constant entropy and reabsorption of signs, ideal for living in what Autonomist theorist Franco Berardi calls ‘semiocapitalism’. In Symbolic Exchange and Death, Baudrillard tells us that our new economy "conforms to the global usage we have of the surrounding world of reading and selective decoding - we live less as users than as readers and selectors, reading cells.”39 Yet he adds that “by the same token you are yourself constantly selected and tested by the medium itself.” The subject of the hyperreal economy is increasingly analogous to the student; constantly undergoing evaluation, constantly producing and reproducing value. Berardi explains in his work Precarious Rhapsody that “the worker does not exist any more as a person. He is just the interchangeable producer of microfragments of recombinant semiosis which enters into the continuous flux of the network.”40 A precarious worker may have several jobs in a day. They may be paid by performance, graded like a student might be. Increasingly, a society dependent on affective labor is turning every job interview into an audition, an evaluation not just of the education and experience, but also of the social capital of the candidate. Many in the field of cultural studies have commented on the increasing dependence of corporations on the internet, on social networking sites and viral marketing. Others have talked of participatory management schemes, of the conflation between work and play, or on the growing importance of fan and venture labor. Yet a vital conclusion remains to be drawn, in that all these modulations are analogous to emulating ‘the poverty of student life’. Baudrillard tells us that “the school no longer exists because every strand of social process is shot through with discipline and pedagogical training.” 41Modern capitalist enterprise seeks to reappropriate the University as the new model of the semiotic economy.
5 +
6 +Performance Protests are uniquely susceptible to being shut down and are being targeted for their aesthetics, constitutional protection is key Fisher 15 11 November 2015, Max Fisher writer for Vox, a famous online publication ranging around the gambit in terms of current events, “When the campus PC police are conservative: why media ignored the free speech meltdown at William and Mary” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bSKpDwDhq24
7 +Things got much worse in late 2007, when a small student club announced it had invited a group called the Sex Workers Art Show, a well-reviewed variety show of performances and speeches by former sex workers. The group had performed on campus the previous two years to little controversy. But the alumni campaign against Nichol, by then well-organized and picking up every controversy it could, either organized or encouraged (it wasn't clear at the time) alumni protests on campus. They demanded Nichol step in to block the performance. He refused, issuing a statement highlighting free speech and academic freedom: The First Amendment and the defining traditions of openness that sustain universities are hallmarks of academic inquiry and freedom. It is the speech we disdain that often puts these principles to the test. The College of William and Mary will not knowingly and intentionally violate the constitutional rights of its students. Censorship has no place at a great university. Here was a college president standing up against censorship and against those who wished to curb campus speech simply because that speech abstractly offended them. But many of those voices who are today so concerned with academic freedom and campus speech were either nowhere to be found or siding with the censors. In the final months before Nichol was fired, members of the Virginia state legislature urged him to cancel the performance. They summoned college board members, who are appointed by the state, to Richmond to be grilled in public hearings. The state, its budget a disaster amid the financial crisis, was at that point deciding just how much it would need to cut from the college's funding. The threat of further cuts hung in the air, now alongside the already-real threat of withheld donations. In early 2008, the board fired Nichol — and offered him a cash bonus (which he rejected) if he promised not to say that he'd been fired for his politics.
8 +Impacts
9 +If we do not escape that ontological view of our profitability to the capitalist system, by failing to rethink our capitalist ontology, we will reach a point of ontological damnation that is worse than extinction. Zimmerman,
10 +(Professor of Philosophy at Tulane), 94 (Michael, Contesting the Earth’s Future, p. 104).
11 +Heidegger asserted that human self-assertion, combined with the eclipse of being, threatens the relation between being and human Dasein. Loss of this relation would be even more dangerous than a nuclear war that might "bring about the complete annihilation of humanity and the destruction of the earth." This controversial claim is comparable to the Christian teaching that it is better to forfeit the world than to lose one's soul by losing one's relation to God. Heidegger apparently thought along these lines: it is possible that after a nuclear war, life might once again emerge, but it is far less likely that there will ever again occur an ontological clearing through which such life could manifest itself. Further, since modernity's one-dimensional disclosure of entities virtually denies them any "being" at all, the loss of humanity's openness for being is already occurring.55 Modernity's background mood is horror in the face of nihilism, which is consistent with the aim of providing material "happiness" for everyone by reducing nature to pure energy.56 The unleashing of vast quantities of energy in nuclear war would be equivalent to modernity's slow-motion destruction of nature: unbounded destruction would equal limitless consumption. If humanity avoided nuclear war only to survive as contented clever animals, Heidegger believed we would exist in a state of ontological damnation: hell on earth, masquerading as material paradise. Deep ecologists might agree that a world of material human comfort purchased at the price of everything wild would not be a world worth living in, for in killing wild nature, people would be as good as dead. But most of them could not agree that the loss of humanity's relation to being would be worse than nuclear omnicide, for it is wrong to suppose that the lives of millions of extinct and unknown species are somehow lessened because they were never "disclosed" by humanity.
12 +
13 +Framing
14 +The Role of the Ballot goes to whoever best proposes an anti-capitalist pedagogy, re-evaluating education tactics is the only way to end the anonymization of workers the capitalist mindset engrains
15 +Zizek and Daly 04
16 +Glyn. Lecturer in International Studies at the University College Northampton; Slavoj Zizek, world famous philosophy on psychoanalysis and capitalism; Conversations with Žižek. 14-19
17 +For Žižek it is imperative that we cut through this Gordian knot of postmodern protocol and recognize that our ethico-political responsibility is to confront the constitutive violence of today's global capitalism and its obscene naturalization/anonymization of the millions who are subjugated by it throughout the world. Against the standardized positions of postmodern culture - with all its pieties concerning 'multiculturalist' etiquette - Žižek is arguing for a politics that might be called 'radically incorrect' in the sense that it breaks with these types of positions and focuses instead on the very organizing principles of today's social reality: the principles of global liberal capitalism. This requires some care and subtlety. For too long, Marxism has been bedevilled by an almost fetishistic economism that has tended towards political morbidity. With the likes of Hilferding and Gramsci, and more recently Laclau and Mouffe, crucial theoretical advances have been made that enable the trascendence of all forms of economism. In this new context, however, Žižek argues that the problem that now presents itself is almost that of the opposite fetish. That is to say, the prohibitive anxieties surrounding the taboo of economism can function as a way of not engaging with the economic reality and as a way of implicitly accepting the latter as a basic horizon of existence. In an ironic Freudian-Lacanian twist, the fear of economism can end up reinforcing a de facto economic necessity in respect of contemporary capitalism (i.e. the initial prohibition conjures up the very thing it fears). This is not to endorse any retrograde return to economism. Žižek's point is rather that in rejecting economism we should not lose sight of the systemic power of capital in shaping the lives and destinies of humanity and our very sense of the possible. In particular, we should not overlook Marx's central insight that in order to create a universal global system the forces of capitalism seek to conceal the politico-discursive violence of its construction through a kind of gentrification of that system. What is persistently denied by neo-liberals such as Rorty (1989) and Fukuyama (1992) is that the gentrification of global liberal capitalism is one whose 'universalism' fundamentally reproduces and depends upon a disavowed violence that excludes vast sectors of the world's population. In this way, neo-liberal ideology attempts to naturalize capitalism by presenting its outcomes of winning and losing as if they were simply a matter of chance and sound judgement in a neutral marketplace. Capitalism does indeed create a space for a certain diversity, at least for the central capitalist regions, but it is neither neutral nor ideal and its price in terms of social exclusion is exorbitant. That is to say, the human cost in terms of inherent global poverty and degraded 'life-chances' cannot be calculated within the existing economic rationale and, in consequence, social exclusion remains mystified and nameless (viz. the patronizing reference to the developing world). And Žižek's point is that this mystification is magnified through capitalism's profound capacity to ingest its own excesses and negativity; to redirect (or misdirect) social antagonisms and to absorb them within a culture of differential affirmation. Instead of Bolshevism, the tendency of today is towards a kind of political boutiquism that is readily sustained by postmodern forms of consumerism and lifestyle.
18 +Advocacy
19 +
20 +Plan: Resolved: Public colleges and universities in the United States ought not restrict constitutionally protected speech.
21 +
22 +Solvency
23 +By moving beyond language and productivity, performance protests allow us to move beyond the state and truly end capitalism Virno and Hardt 06’ Paulo Virno and Michael Hardt, “Radical thought in Italy: A potential Politics”, October 5 2006, Republished in “Southern Nights” on May 6 2013, https://socialecologies.wordpress.com/2013/05/06/paul-virno-exodus-quote-of-the-day/
24 +The key to political action (or rather the only possibility of extracting it from its present state of paralysis) consists in developing the publicness of Intellect outside of Work, and in opposition to it. The issue here has two distinct profiles, which are, however, strictly complementary. On the one hand, general intellect can only affirm itself as an autonomous public sphere, thus avoiding the “transfer” of its own potential into the absolute power of Administration, if it cuts the linkage that binds it to the production of commodities and wage labor. On the other hand, the subversion of capitalist relations of production henceforth develops only with the institution of a non-State public sphere, a political community that has as its hinge general intellect. The salient characteristics of the post-Fordist experience (servile virtuosity, the valorization even of the faculty of language, the necessary relation with the “presence of others,” and so forth) postulate as a conflictual response nothing less than a radically new form of democracy.
25 +In an age where language has been consumed by the capitalist university, strategic performance protests are the only way to fight the modern capitalist state Fuentes Marcela A. Fuentes, Masters Professor teaching in Northwestern University’s School of Communication, “Performance, Politics, and Protest”, No Date, http://scalar.usc.edu/nehvectors/wips/performance-politics-and-protest
26 +Contemporary activism in both its “live” and online deployments exposes the intertwined relationship between aesthetics and politics. Though historically there have been numerous examples of tactical uses of embodied behavior within so-called civil disobedience events—for example, Gandhi’s peaceful sit-ins, Rosa Parks’ refusal to comply with segregationist rules, and the rounds of the mothers of the disappeared in Argentina and beyond—contemporary protests rely heavily on symbolic elements and uses of the body to communicate claims across borders and languages. Anchored in the society of the spectacle, demonstrators put in practice a variety of communicative styles and mobilizing techniques that include strategic uses of non-linguistic, embodied actions as statement. These practices, such as pots and pans protests (cacerolazos) and impromptu assemblies or consultas, which originated in Latin America, are appropriated by progressive and conservative movements alike, locally and globally. In some cases, such as within the Occupy Movement or in diasporic contexts, the fact of citing a specific protest tactic creates historical continuity and ideological affinity across borders. This “performatic literacy” demonstrates how contemporary protestors are building on and expanding previous repertoires of protest. More and more we witness and participate in local and global acts of protest and solidarity that entail visual, aural, and behavioral figurations evaluated by demonstrators as effective ways of making claims, reclaiming spaces, and denouncing abusive conditions. For example, in 2011 in Chile, students danced Michael Jackson’s "Thriller" (now a classic Flash Mob choreography) to oppose the Chilean state’s policies of defunding public education. Jackson’s zombies clearly conveyed the protestors’ understanding of the embodied effect (drawing vital energy from otherwise youthful beings) of the government’s neoliberal turn regarding education. Similarly, in Canada, students appropriated the tactic of banging pots and pans that emerged in the 70s in Chile to reject impending tuition hikes. Both groups of students, Chilean and Canadian, considered these choreographed actions to be effective tools to get national and international attention and to put pressure on the government towards a favorable result. Both performances, the flash mob choreography and the pots and pans protests, are methods of amplifying the reach and tone of the local protests, and both carry the potential of being replicated in other parts of the world, creating networks of empathy and nodes within a larger social movement against neoliberalism and neoconservatism
27 +
28 +Student protests and free speech movements reframe political activism towards subtraction that is the only way to move towards a post-capitalist world Bifo 03’ “Disobediance and Cognitariat” An interview between Marco Scotini and Franco Berardi, world renowned Italian Marxist, http://www.disobediencearchive.com/texts/cognitariat.html
29 +MS: Several theories, such as yours, that have surfaced from the Italian operaismo - workerism - currently argue that civil disobedience, once stripped of its liberal tradition, represents “the basic form of political action of the multitude”. Premising by saying that you don’t like to define yourself using the term “multitude” but prefer “social subjectivity”, or “social chain”, what do you feel is the role of civil disobedience? Increasingly, “exodus” and “desertion” seem to have become key words in the post-Fordist lexicon. Bifo: I would propose fitting the concept of civil disobedience into the more general theme concerning the exodus, or “subtraction”. What does “subtraction” mean? In my opinion, it is a concept that is quite close to, or which determines more precisely, what we have always understood together with the question of the refusal of work. The refusal of work – which is probably the concept that most deeply marks the entire Italian autonomism and operaismo (workerism) experience – is the deep understanding and awareness of a separation between useful and felicitous activity and its obligatory productive destination. The refusal of work is not necessarily a sign of laziness, although can also be that, but it shouldn’t be attached such an oversimplified definition. On the contrary, it is “active life”: active life as the capability to capture what is most useful and happy for us and our community. When the historic process and political violence force performance to an escalating, inevitable degree – for reasons that are not only social but are also linked to the social psychic dimension and existential impoverishment – then subtraction becomes an action (that can only be a collective nature) through which we reconstruct the basic condition for active life. For example, I am amazed at how little we have thought (when the refusal of work was a commonly-used tool) about the fact that most people really want to work because the rest of life can be so unhappy. Deep down, the workplace is a sort of haven and a way to affirm one’s identity. “Subtraction” means building collective situations in which the sense lies in the pleasure and utility of building something together with others. Perhaps the historic defeat of the politics of movement is related to the fact that we have worked exhaustively toward pars destruens on the refusal of work and not enough on building situations of collective happiness. We have talked about it sporadically but over past few years, the issue has come up more and more frequently, but we haven’t been able – especially in the 1970s – to match destruction of its domination on work and construction of permanent spaces of collective existence in subtraction
30 +He Continues . . .
31 +Let’s look back at five decades of social movements, starting in 1964, when the Free Speech Movement in California launched the long history of worldwide uprisings that would occur in ’68. This student movement was the first uprising of cognitive labor. The ambiguity of technology in the relationship between knowledge and power was already emerging. Fifty years after the Free Speech Movement at Berkeley, we now see that the self-organization of the general intellect is the only prospect for the decades to come. The year 1968 inaugurated an age of conflict, decomposition, and fragmentation in the internal life of the general intellect. But it also inaugurated an age of autonomous cooperation. Aspects of the good life were created in the cultural underground, as well as in some spheres of the larger cultural landscape. Autonomous cooperation always has to be seen in light of its rich ambiguity. On the one hand, it offers the possibility of exiting the capitalist form. On the other hand, it experiments with new forms of production that capital will exploit tomorrow. Autonomy is not about achieving purity. It is absolute contamination; it is the motor of development and the critique of this development itself. We run on the dynamic of disaster in many ways: from the point of view of the environmental catastrophe, the point of view of the proliferation of wars, of the dramatic impoverishment of daily life, and so on. But autonomy is always running on the dynamic of disaster. And is always trying to create possibilities for escaping.
32 +Vote aff based on our speech act, only by extending the space of commons into debate can we form alternatives to capitalism
33 +De Angelis 3 (Massimo, Dept of Economics at East London, The commoner, http://www.ainfos.ca/03/jan/ainfos00479.html)
34 +Once we acknowledge the existence of the galaxy of alternatives as they emerge from concrete needs and aspirations, we can ground today's new political discourse in the thinking and practice of the actualization and the coordination of alternatives, so as each social node and each individual within it has the power to decide and take control over their lives. It is this actualization and this coordination that rescues existing alternatives from the cloud of their invisibility, because alternatives, as with any human product, are social products, and they need to be recognized and validated socially. Our political projects must push their way through beyond the existing forms of coordination, beyond the visible fist of the state, beyond the invisible hand of competitive markets, and beyond the hard realities of their interconnections that express themselves in today forms of neoliberal governance, promoting cooperation through competition and community through disempowerment. As I will argue, this new political discourse is based on the project of defending and extending the space of commons, at the same time building and strengthening communities through the social fields.
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