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1 -====First, the purpose of debate education should be to train youth to challenge oppressive structures, not perpetuate them,====
2 -**Bohmer 91** "Teaching Privileged Students about Gender, Race, and Class Oppression." Teaching Sociology, Vol. 19, No. 2 (April, 1991) pp. 154-163.
3 -Our strong emphasis on institutional oppression is not only due to our
4 -AND
5 -ways of introducing race, gender, and class into the sociology curriculum.
6 -
7 -====Second, structural violence excludes certain individuals from the moral sphere, meaning it’s impossible to create a coherent moral code without resolving issues of structural violence ====
8 -
9 -====Third, Ideal theory ignores histories of injustice in its attempt to generalize a perfect society. Non Ideal theory is the only option to recognize and resist recreating injustice====
10 -**Mills 2** "Ideal Theory" as Ideology CHARLES W. MILLS
11 -The crucial common claim—whether couched in terms of ideology and fetishism, or
12 -AND
13 -the more local level, the descriptive concepts arrived at may be misleading.
14 -
15 -
16 -====Fourth, discussions cannot be based on ideal theory- we must engage in real world discussions but those discussions mean nothing unless they change the values to the people they affect,====
17 -**Curry 14** Dr. Tommy J. Curry 1 The Cost of a Thing: A Kingian Reformulation of a Living Wage Argument in the 21st Century. 2014
18 -Despite the pronouncement of debate as an activity and intellectual exercise pointing to
19 -AND
20 -used to currently justify the living wages in under our contemporary moral parameters.
21 -
22 -====Therefore, the role of the ballot is to vote for the debater who takes the best action to improve conditions for marginalized groups. This requires state action, not just critical reflection- moving away from the state dooms the lefts’ critique to failure—we must work within the state without being statist, meaning if the neg alt isn’t a state policy I’m the only one with a risk of offense====
23 -**Connally 2k8 **~~William, Professor of Political Science at John Hopkins, Capitalism and Christianity, American Style, page numbers are at the bottom of the card.~~
24 -Before turning to possible strategies to promote these objectives, we need to face an
25 -AND
26 -were it to occur, would undermine rather than vitalize democratic culture.
27 -
28 -
29 -====Implications:====
30 -
31 -
32 -====A) Ceding the political leaves politics to the right; we probably don’t want Trump as president so we cant avoid politics entirely. B) Even if the state is implicitly bad, winning aff solvency shows a shift from its representations. C), State is necessary to affect material oppression in the AC.====
33 -
34 -
35 -====Thus I advocate that countries ought to prohibit the production of nuclear power ====
36 -
37 -
38 -==Contention 1: Indigenous sovereignty ==
39 -
40 -
41 -====Colonialism has been a implicit part of American patriotism – first they took away the land and forced indigenous peoples onto reservations and now they are taking away the remaining red sovereignty by bribing and abusing the indigenous land and reservations by placing dangerous nuclear power plants ====
42 -**Angel 91** Bradley (an international leader in the environmental health and justice movement, working with communities to stop pollution threats and to promote pollution prevention) "The Toxic Threat to Indian Lands" Greenpeace 1991 http://www.ejnet.org/ej/toxicthreattoindianlands.pdf DOA: 8.11.16//KAE
43 -Five hundred years ago explorer Christopher Columbus sailed from Europe, setting in motion a
44 -AND
45 -traditions and sovereignty becomes known, resistance by Indian people has spread rapidly.
46 -
47 -
48 -====Aboriginals and indigenous peoples face similar discrimination ====
49 -**Green 16 **Radioactive waste and the nuclear war on Australia's Aboriginal people Jim Green 1st July 2016 http://www.theecologist.org/News/news'analysis/2987853/radioactive'waste'and'the'nuclear'war'on'australias'aboriginal'people.html Dr James "Jim" Green is the national anti-nuclear campaigner with Friends of the Earth Australia and Australian coordinator of the Beyond Nuclear Initiative.~~1~~ Green is a regular media commentator on nuclear waste issues.~~2~~ He has an honours degree in public health from the University of Wollongong and was awarded a PhD in science and technology studies for his analysis of the Lucas Heights research reactor debates.~~3~~
50 -This isn't the first time that Aboriginal people in South Australia have faced the imposition
51 -AND
52 -This took place with no forewarning and no consultation with Aboriginal people.
53 -
54 -
55 -==== Prohibiting productin of nuclear power solves; eliminates the need for waste disposal and ====
56 -**Rozman 14** Izzati (Scholar and Author) "ARGUMENTATIVE REPORT SHOULD OR SHOULD NOT NUCLEAR POWER ENERGY BE BANNED GLOBALLY?" University Sultan Zainal Abidin, 2014 https://www.academia.edu/10107346/ARGUMENTATIVE'REPORT'SHOULD'OR'SHOULD'NOT'NUCLEAR'POWER'ENERGY'BE'BANNED'GLOBALLY DOA: 8.11.16//KAE
57 -Nuclear power should be banned globally not because of the availability of extensive reasons that
58 -AND
59 -depleting precious potable water resources and bring hazardous effect towards human and environment.
60 -
61 -
62 -==Contention 2: Japan ==
63 -
64 -
65 -====Nuclear power production entered Japan into an age of racial violence ====
66 -**Shrader-Frechette 1 **ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE Volume 5, Number 3, 2012 a Mary Ann Liebert, Inc. DOI: 10.1089/env.2011.0045 Nuclear Catastrophe, Disaster-Related Environmental Injustice, and Fukushima, Japan: Prima-Facie Evidence for a Japanese ‘‘Katrina’’ Kristin Shrader-Frechette http://www3.nd.edu/~~kshrader/pubs/ksf-ej-2012-fukushima.pdf // KAE
67 -Besides poor people, prima-facie, pre-FD-accident evidence also
68 -AND
69 -DREI victims? To answer these questions, consider first the FD accident.
70 -
71 -
72 -====Environmental injustice threats following nuclear power disasters promote racist and classist culture divides====
73 -**Shrader-Frechette 2** ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE Volume 5, Number 3, 2012 a Mary Ann Liebert, Inc. DOI: 10.1089/env.2011.0045 Nuclear Catastrophe, Disaster-Related Environmental Injustice, and Fukushima, Japan: Prima-Facie Evidence for a Japanese ‘‘Katrina’’ Kristin Shrader-Frechette http://www3.nd.edu/~~kshrader/pubs/ksf-ej-2012-fukushima.pdf // KAE
74 -Because Japan has few minorities, one might expect that its environmental-injustice
75 -AND
76 -that is able to assess the ultima-facie case for FD EI.
77 -
78 -
79 -==Contention 3: Masculinity ==
80 -
81 -
82 -====Nuclear power personifies a male structure perpetuating forms of masculine domination ====
83 -**Caputi 04**, Jane Goddesses and Monsters: Women, Myth, Power, and Popular Culture https://books.google.com/books/about/Goddesses'and'Monsters.html?id=C'r6meksRjUCandprintsec=frontcoverandsource=kp'read'button~~#v=onepageandq=nuclearandf=false 2004// KAE
84 -Feminist criticism has focused on exposing what Diana Russell (1989) calls "nuclear
85 -AND
86 -place, the mother’s body (Porter, 1991, 104-5).
87 -
88 -
89 -====Nuclear power is the symbol of masculinity – a political artifact that rapes the earth and creates a monopolization of control over the notion of femininity. Maintaining production of the atom bomb replicates the hierarchal chain of command and oppressive power structures that follow from nuclear power ====
90 -**Grint and Gill 95** The Gender-technology Relation: Contemporary Theory and Research By Keith Grint, Rosalind Gill//KAE
91 -nuclear technology is a useful example to illustrate some fundamental differences in approach to technology
92 -AND
93 -that it be controlled by a centralized, rigidly hierarchical chain of command.
94 -
95 -
96 -====Nuclear weapons support the Patriarchy and male dominations====
97 -**Canberra 84 **Published by Friends of the Earth (Canberra) in January 1984, ISBN 0 909313 27 X (pdf of original). A condensed version was published in Social Alternatives, Vol. 5, No. 2, 1986, pp. 9-16.//KAE
98 -Patriarchy - the collective domination of men over women - and other major social structures
99 -AND
100 -imagine the development of nuclear weapons in a society where feminine values predominated.
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1 -====Violence against womyn in systems of white supremacy become internalized – marked identities begin to desire the purity of unmarked whiteness, and thus normalize their world view. Oppression thus becomes a condition of happiness – women are happy in the kitchen, they don’t want to go out to work. The ultimate form of white patriarchy is the oppressed desiring their own oppression, and we need to disrupt this naïve happiness.====
2 -**Ahmed 10** Sara, 1/1/2010. Professor of Race and Cultural Studies, Goldsmiths College, University of London. The Promise of Happiness. Duke University Press.
3 -It is Sophy’s imagination… right way, to be assembled.
4 -
5 -====People do not take women seriously when they speak – now you have to. Rearticulation serves as a method to sever the ties of the power within language and speech acts from its historically gendered and racialized history. Nagging and disrupting the white-male hegemonic institutions in the academy creates a disruption of the language game that exists in the academy. Only by antagonizing the principles of exclusion can we disorient the habitual spaces of whiteness which is a prerequisite to combatting other forms of oppression ====
6 -**Patton 04** (Dr. Tracey Owens Patton is the director of African American and Diaspora Studies and a professor in the Department of Communication and Journalism at the University of Wyoming. Dr. Patton's area of expertise is critical cultural communication and rhetorical studies.2004 Reflections of a Black Woman Professor: Racism and Sexism in Academia, Howard Journal of Communications, 15:3, 197-198, Accessed 6/27/16, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10646170490483629)
7 -Through my personal…common set of struggles.
8 -
9 -====Thus I affirm the entirety of the resolution. We affirm to open up a space to endorse the feminist kill joy and creates sites of discourse that disorients and reconfigures the social order. ====
10 -**Ahmed 10** Sara Ahmed "Feminist Killjoys (And Other Willful Subjects)" The Scholar and Feminist Online The Barnard Center for Research on Women Summer 2010
11 -To be unseated… We must learn.
12 -
13 -====Our affirmative approach as a foundational criticism is necessary to resolve the structural antagonisms that formulate law – even the most progressive left legal reforms recreate those problems and attempt to disentangle the complexities of gender issues - Our aff is a prerequisite ====
14 -**Brown and Halley 02 **Wendy Brown and Janet Halley, 2002 (Left Legalism/Left Critique, Wendy Brown is First Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Berkeley, where she is also affiliated with the Department of Rhetoric, and where she is a core faculty member in the Designated Emphasis in Critical Theory. Janet Halley is the Royall Professor of Law at Harvard Law School. p. 18-25)
15 -Left legalistic projects… that bred them.
16 -
17 -====The notion of free speech assumes that all voices are equally treated, when in reality power inequities shape who can speak what====
18 -**Boler 2k** Megan Boler (Professor in the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto and editor of Digital Media and Democracy), "All Speech is Not Free: The Ethics of "Affirmative Action Pedagogy," Philosophy of Education, 2000
19 -All speech is not … limiting dominant voices.
20 -
21 -====Oppression in debate is perpetuated by the decisions community members make on a weekly basis. We look to real world implications in order to access debate’s liberatory potential. Thus, the role of the ballot is to vote for the best resistance strategy for the oppressed. ====
22 -Smith 13, Elijah. A Conversation in Ruins: Race and Black Participation in Lincoln Douglas Debate
23 -It will be … students cannot escape.
24 -
25 -====Freedom of speech requires emancipation from social oppression – The aff challenge traditional notions of free speech from a negative individual right to an opportunity to subvert disempowerment. Instead of viewing freedom of speech as a negative individual right, we should understand it as the right to speak up.  ====
26 -**Hornsby 95** Jennifer Hornsby "Disempowered Speech" University of Arkansas Press Philosophical Topics, Vol. 23, No. 2, Feminist Perspectives on Language, Knowledge, and Reality (FALL 1995),
27 -Free speech, or …. will be indispensable.
28 -
29 -====If that speech was too shrill for you then that’s part of the problem. Feminine participation and speech inside of the debate space is constantly suppressed to a relegated status of happiness and conformity. ====
30 -**Feinzig and Atyeo 11 **An Analysis of Gender Disparities in Lincoln-Douglas Debate Joshua Feinzig
31 -Natalie Atyeo
32 -Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School October 2, 2011 http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract'id=1957437
33 -Though the cited … lower vocal pitches.
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1 -====Recognition necessitates an understanding of social standpoints of the oppressed and fluidity of identity ====
2 -**Butler 09 **Frames of War: When Is Life Grievable? JUDITH BUTLER 2009 Pg. 8
3 -How then is … radically democratic results?
4 -
5 -====Language facilitates recognition as an instrument for compelling agency by allowing us to address one another and recognize existence. This allows for language to socially determine our existence and submits us to linguistic ontology.====
6 -**Butler 97** "Excitable Speech: A Politics of Performativity" by Judith Butler 1997 p. 5
7 -Language sustains the … of survivable subjects.
8 -
9 -====Ontology comes first because underpins all other impacts and is the basis for all politics====
10 -**Dillon 99 **(Michael, Professor of Politics at the University of Lancaster, Moral Spaces, p. 97-98)
11 -As Heidegger – himself… decision and judgment.
12 -analytics
13 -
14 -====And, our heuristic means we learn about the State without being it. Our framework teaches contingent, but engaged, middle grounds. No State pessimism or optimism bias for extreme Alts.====
15 -**Zanotti ’14** Dr. Laura Zanotti is an Associate Professor of Political Science at Virginia Tech.  Her research and teaching include critical political theory as well as international organizations, UN peacekeeping, democratization and the role of NGOs in post-conflict governance." Governmentality, Ontology, Methodology: Re-thinking Political Agency in the Global World" – Alternatives: Global, Local, Political – vol 38(4):p. 288-304,. A little unclear if this is late 2013 or early 2014 – The Stated "Version of Record" is Feb 20, 2014, but was originally published online on December 30th, 2013. Obtained via Sage Database.  KAE bracketed for grammar
16 -By questioning substantialist … and pessimistic activism.
17 -
18 -====Thus the standard is promoting critical social engagement. ====
19 -====I defend the resolution; Resolved: Public colleges and Universities in the United States ought not restrict any constitutionally protected speech. I defend the resolution as a general principle, so I don’t defend implementation.====
20 -====The squo presents an inherent problem; colleges restrict students ability to exercise their free speech. ====
21 -**Wheeler 16** , Lydia. "Colleges Are Restricting Free Speech on Campus, Lawmakers Say." TheHill. N.p., 02 Feb. 2016. Web. 06 Dec. 2016.
22 -In protecting students… use," he said.
23 -
24 -===Adv. 1 Activism===
25 -
26 -====The thesis of the affirmative is to open up free speech on campus to endorse methods like counter speech, which is a method of literal interrogation against harmful speech. Counter-speech works to combat hate speech—empirically verified. ====
27 -**Davidson ’16** The Freedom of Speech in Public Forums on College Campuses: A Single-Site Case Study on Pushing the Boundaries of the Freedom of Speech A Senior Project presented to The Faculty of the Journalism Department California Polytechnic State University, San Luis Obispo In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree Bachelor of Science in Journalism By Alexander Davidson June 2016 
28 -All experts agreed… combat the issue.
29 -
30 -====The aff creates a culture of counterspeech. Censorship is the only alternative and it undermines empowerment and makes offensive speakers into martyrs, increasing the effectiveness of their arguments—my evidence is directly comparative.====
31 -**Strossen 95 **1995 Hate Speech and Pornography: Do We Have to Choose between Freedom of Speech and Equality Nadine Strossen New York Law School *** multiple examples come from public colleges at ASU and more. Examples cited in card ununderlined bc I wanted to be efficient sorry. Can point to it if you’d like
32 -The viewpoint-neutrality… it enfeebles them.4 P
33 -
34 -====Public colleges restricting free speech creates administrative intervention which destroys grassroot activism ====
35 -**Brown 95 **~~Brown (Wendy L. Brown (born November 28, 1955) is an American professor of Political Science at the University of California, Berkeley~~1~~ where she is also affiliated with the Department of Rhetoric, and where she is a core faculty member in the Designated Emphasis in Critical Theory.~~2~~), Wendy. "States of injury: Power and freedom in late modernity." (1995). //~~
36 -It is important … essays arc written.
37 -
38 -====Censorship hurts the students’ ability to protest offensive speech in the future – granting college admin the authority to police speech creates a precident of rights infringement ====
39 -**Milligan 15 **From Megaphones to Muzzles Free speech is under fire on college campuses – and the attacks are coming from students. By Susan Milligan ~| Staff Writer Nov. 25, 2015, http://www.usnews.com/news/the-report/articles/2015/11/25/from-megaphones-to-muzzles-free-speech-safe-spaces-and-college-campuses
40 -To me, an institution… free speech rages on.
41 -
42 -====When colleges determine that certain words or concepts shouldn’t be said, it locks the trauma of oppression in the words themselves. By freeing up speech, the Aff takes away the oppressor’s ability to use those words as a weapon.====
43 -**Butler 97**, Judith (Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature, University of California-Berkeley), Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative, Routledge, 1997.
44 -Keeping such terms … is partially open.
45 -
46 -=== adv. 2 Education ===
47 -====Free speech restrictions prevent colleges from doing what they were made to do: namely, to educate tomorrow’s innovators, leaders, and activists. ====
48 -**Snyder 16** , Jeffrey Aaron, "Free Speech? Now That’s Offensive!" Inside Higher Ed, September 1, 2016.
49 -The Gallup survey… by its critics?
50 -analytics
51 -====Empirics prove that banning bigoted speech or acts doesn’t work. ====
52 -**Malik 12** , Kenan, "Why hate speech should not be banned," April 12, 2012.
53 -And in practice, … hate speech is involved.
54 -
55 -====The University is no longer open- it controls what knowledge can be disseminated- this is a new form of intolerance that has replaced previous intolerances- this prevents creating the best knowledge possible by limiting discussion and preventing idea exchange- this leads to extremity, polarization, and hinders politics, decision-making, and societal progress====
56 -**Nelson 15 **Nelson, Libby. Education Reporter Reporting on and explaining education. Previously: POLITICO Pro, Inside Higher Ed. Originally: Northwestern and Kansas City. "Obama on Liberal College Students Who Want to Be "coddled": "That's Not the Way We Learn"" Vox. Vox Media, Inc, 14 Sept. 2015. Web. 23 June 2016. http://www.vox.com/2015/9/14/9326965/obama-political-correctness.
57 -DES MOINES, Iowa —… , is all about."
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1 -====Look at how brave these universities are! They’re promising increased diversity and making a quota system for disadvantaged groups—well I mean, sorta. They don’t actually ever do anything and usually sweep problematic issues under the rug, but it’s the thought that counts right? ====
2 -
3 -====The effect of university policies aimed at helping oppressed bodies vanishes in thin air, but the legal walls created stay in place. On-campus activists are put into a situation where they constantly make futile policies, while the university ignores its commitments====
4 -**Ahmed 1** (Sara Ahmed is formerly the director of a new Centre for Feminist Research (CFR) at Goldsmiths, Professor of Race and Cultural Studies at Goldsmiths, and a scholar that writes on the intersection of queer theory, feminist theory, critical race theory, and post-colonialism/ Ahmed, Sara. Article from her independent research blog: Evidence Posted on July 12, 2016 – no pg. numbers, DOA 1/28/17 KE)
5 -To have evidence ... to silence the oppressed
6 -
7 -**Ahmed 2** (Sara Ahmed is formerly the director of a new Centre for Feminist Research (CFR) at Goldsmiths, Professor of Race and Cultural Studies at Goldsmiths, and a scholar that writes on the intersection of queer theory, feminist theory, critical race theory, and post-colonialism, "How Not to Do Things with Words" Wagadu: A Journal of Transnational Women’s and Gender Studies, 2016, vol. 16, pp 2-6.//Accessed 9/15/16 KE)
8 -How can not doing ...under the appearance of "having brought."
9 -
10 -====White patriarchy relies on this institutionalized promise of happiness, wherein oppression becomes happiness as it circulates the image of the happy woman in the kitchen, the thankful woman with lower pay and the happy slave. The contours of these restrictions relegate the Other to death through a denunciation of desire and will. ====
11 -**Ahmed 2** (Sara Ahmed is formerly the director of a new Centre for Feminist Research (CFR) at Goldsmiths, Professor of Race and Cultural Studies at Goldsmiths, and a scholar that writes on the intersection of queer theory, feminist theory, critical race theory, and post-colonialism. Ahmed, Sara. The Promise of Happiness. Durham: Duke U Press, 2010. Pg. 63-64 //DOA 1/29/17 KE)
12 -It is Sophy’s imagination ... as the general or social will.*
13 -
14 -====Speech is an expression of will, but the voice of the oppressed is lost as it becomes docile. Violence becomes the corrective tool to reorient non-conforming bodies into obedience with oppressive rule systems "for their own good"====
15 -**Ahmed 3** (Sara Ahmed is formerly the director of a new Centre for Feminist Research (CFR) at Goldsmiths, Professor of Race and Cultural Studies at Goldsmiths, and a scholar that writes on the intersection of queer theory, feminist theory, critical race theory, and post-colonialism, Willful Subjects, Duke University Press, pp 63-67.//Accessed 2/2/17 KE)
16 -The story gives us a ...are kept alive by forgetting
17 -
18 -====~~advo text~~ Thus I affirm the resolution. The 1AC is a standing resistance against institutionalized happiness in university settings through the figure of the killjoy. ====
19 -
20 -====The 1AC is a personal killjoy manifesto against the oppressive structures of happiness in academic spaces. Our genealogy repeats the unhappy history of students and debaters alike, where every round forces the academic institution to continually take on the weight of its past. A manifesto allows us to use our personal experiences against the institution to reassert our wills and to collapse systems of violence. To be a killjoy is to be a political activist, a nonconforming queer, or the angry black woman. There can be joy in the killing of joy – our manifesto just determines a purpose of feminist flight. ====
21 -**Ahmed 4** (Sara Ahmed is formerly the director of a new Centre for Feminist Research (CFR) at Goldsmiths, Professor of Race and Cultural Studies at Goldsmiths, and a scholar that writes on the intersection of queer theory, feminist theory, critical race theory, and post-colonialism, Living a Feminist Life, "Conclusion II", 2017, Duke University Press, pp 254-257 //Accessed 2/9/2017 GKKE)
22 -We must stay unhappy ...them if you can bear them. 
23 -
24 -====The killjoy is the praxis point to resolve other violent power structures – our project of phenomenology expose the origin of violence and present a unified call to rage against points of oppression within politics. ====
25 -**Ahmed 5** Sara Ahmed "Feminist Killjoys (And Other Willful Subjects)" The Scholar and Feminist Online The Barnard Center for Research on Women Summer 2010
26 -Phenomenology helps us ...with which they get associated.
27 -
28 -==== ~~rotb text?~~ The role of the ballot is vote for the debater that best mobilizes unhappiness as a way to fight oppression. Our manifesto is an archive of happiness that extends beyond the resolution; the ballot becomes a form of affect – every reading of the 1AC elicits an rfd, decision, and refutation which create new impressions to shape identity to reclaim the liberatory potential of academic settings. ====
29 -**Ahmed 6 **(Sara Ahmed is formerly the director of a new Centre for Feminist Research (CFR) at Goldsmiths, Professor of Race and Cultural Studies at Goldsmiths, and a scholar that writes on the intersection of queer theory, feminist theory, critical race theory, and post-colonialism. Ahmed, Sara. The Promise of Happiness. Durham: Duke U Press, 2010. Pg. 19-20//DOA 1/29/17 KE)
30 -Every writer is first ... book is to make room.
31 -
32 -====This means that only the aff is effective to create a survival mechanism for the Other in the institution; silence creates complacency under the guise of "safety" which become less safe for the marginalized bodies in the institutions====
33 -**Rodruiguez 11** (Dalia Rodriguez,2011, Qualitative Inquiry, "Silent rage and the politics of resitstance: countering seductions of whiteness and the road of politization and empowerment" https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/~~#inbox/155f2644f681f418?projector=1 ) pg. 594
34 -However, in addition to ...in the White academy.
35 -
36 -====Our manifesto points out the structures of complacency inside of institutions but critiques the normalcy of what it means to protest inside of it. Our refusal to be complacent with happiness in university settings redefines protest. Reshaping protest is crucial because institutions, like debate, discourage protest to maintain oppression and happiness. Speech is reregulated as the right to speak up. ====
37 -**Nguyen 14** Nicole Nguyen and R. Tina Catania The Feminist Wire August 5 2014 "On Feeling Depleted: Naming, Confronting, and Surviving Oppression in the Academy" thefeministwire.com/2014/08/feeling-depleted-naming-confronting-surviving-oppression-academy/
38 -We write because we ...strategize, to survive, to heal.
39 -
40 -====Our manifesto is a rupturing of happiness inside of debate's academic setting. Oppression in debate is perpetuated by the decisions community members make on a weekly basis. We look to real world implications in order to access debate’s liberatory potential. Thus, the role of the judge is to vote for the best resistance strategy for the oppressed. ====
41 -**Smith 13, Elijah. A Conversation in Ruins: Race and Black Participation in Lincoln Douglas Debate **
42 -It will be uncomfortable,...black students cannot escape.
43 -
44 -====Scenarios of nuclear war or extinction are deemed as the ‘good form of debate’ and help construct a space where violence against womxn is especially hidden and force female debaters to be complacent reading those positions. We are supposed to be nice debaters, more compelling, appropriate and sweet. Failure to do so creates more affect against the marginalized female body. Thus, the figure of the killjoy is uniquely good in debate. ====
45 -Bjork 92 (Rebecca, debater and university coach, "Symposium: Women in Debate: Reflections on the Ongoing Struggle", Effluents and affluence: The Global Pollution Debate, 1992")
46 -While reflecting on my ... real power that we have.
47 -
48 -====/slow down/ if that speech was too shrill for you then you’re part of the problem. The status of comfort in the activity deems feminine speech as shrill and disfavored. Women in debate become The Other in a new setting of the institution. Feminine participation and speech inside of debate is constantly suppressed to a relegated status of happiness and conformity. ====
49 -**Feinzig and Atyeo 11 **An Analysis of Gender Disparities in Lincoln-Douglas Debate Joshua Feinzig
50 -Natalie Atyeo
51 -Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School October 2, 2011 http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract'id=1957437
52 -Though the cited studies... in the debate community.
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1 -2017-02-20 12:30:04.0
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1 -11
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1 -Lake Travis Ehresman Aff
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1 -JANFEB - The nag AC v2
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1 -Harvard
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1 -3
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1 -2016-09-11 23:01:24.0
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1 -all
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1 -only broken 1AC Round reports 1NC r2 - anthro k 1NC r3 - rotb spec coal DA 1NC r5 - espec consult natives PIC
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1 -Grapevine
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1 -5
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1 -2017-01-17 00:25:54.0
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1 -Nik Patel, Lu Barazza, Zachary Zertuche
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1 -Westwood AG
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1 -Semis
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1 -1NC - revenge porn PIC endowments DA chilling effect DA mills fw
2 -1NR - PIC Fw
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1 -Churchill
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1 -6
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1 -2017-01-19 05:23:56.0
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1 -This was for lay rounds oops
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1 -Churchill
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1 -7
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1 -2017-02-20 12:30:03.0
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1 -R2 1NC intersectionality k academic freedom NC case turns - 1nr collapse to k turns
2 -R4 1NC Asexuality K 1NR collapse to floating word pik
3 -R6 1NC Wynter k white speech PIC case turns - 1NR collapse to PIC
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1 -Harvard
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1 +14
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1 -2017-05-10 01:10:00.294
1 +2017-05-10 01:10:00.0
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1 +====First, Feminist epistemology is critical to challenging the sexist and androcentric control over knowledge====
2 +**ANDERSON 95 **Feminist Epistemology: An Interpretation and a Defense
3 +Author(s): Elizabeth Anderson
4 +Source: Hypatia, Vol. 10, No. 3, Analytic Feminism (Summer, 1995), pp. 50-84 Published by: Wiley on behalf of Hypatia, Inc.
5 +Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3810237
6 +Accessed: 30-08-2015 05:59 KAE
7 +Feminist epistemology is about the ways gender influences what we take to be knowledge. Consider impersonal theoretical and scientific knowledge, the kind of knowledge privileged in the academy. Western societies have labeled this kind of knowledge "masculine" and prevented ~~~~womxn~~~~ from acquiring and producing it, often on the pretext that it would divert their vital energies from their "natural" reproductive labor (Hubbard1990; Schiebinger 1989). Theoretical knowledge is also often tailored to the needs of mostly male managers, bureaucrats, and officials exercising power in their role-given capacities (H. Rose 1987; Smith 1974; Collins 1990Feminist epistemologists claim that the ways gender categories have been used to understand the character and status of theoretical knowledge, whether men or ~~womxn~~ have produced and applied this knowledge, and whose interests it has served have often had a detrimental impact on its content. For instance, feminist epistemologists suggest that various kinds of practical know-how and personal knowledge (knowledge that bears the marks of the knower's biography and identity), such as the kinds of un theoretical knowledge that mothers have of children, are undervalued when they are labeled "feminine." Given the androcentric need to represent the "masculine" as independent of the "feminine," this labeling has led to a failure to use un theoretical knowledge effectively in theoretical reasoning (Smith 1974;H. Rose 1987). Traditional epistemology finds these claims of feminist epistemology to be highly disturbing, If not plainly absurd. Some feminist epistemologists in turn have rejected empiricism (Harding1986) or even traditional epistemology as a whole (Flax 1983) for its seeming inability to comprehend these claims. I argue, contrary to these views, that a naturalized empiricist epistemology offers excellent prospects for advancing a feminist epistemology of theoretical knowledge. The project of feminist epistemology with respect to theoretical knowledge has two primary aims (Longino 1993a). First, it endeavors to explain the achievements of feminist criticism of science, which is devoted to revealing sexism and androcentrism in theoretical inquiry. An adequate feminist epistemology must explain what it is for a scientific theory or practice to be sexist and androcentric, how these features are expressed in theoretical inquiry and in the application of theoretical knowledge, and what bearing these features have on evaluating research. Second, the project of feminist epistemology aims to defend feminist scientific practices, which incorporate commitment to the liberation of ~~womxn~~ and the social and political equality of all persons. An adequate feminist epistemology must explain how research projects with such moral and political commitments can produce knowledge that meets such epistemic standards as empirical adequacy and fruitfulness. I will argue that these aims can be satisfied by a branch of naturalized, social epistemology that retains commitments to a modest empiricism and to rational inquiry. Feminist naturalized epistemologists therefore demand no radical break from the fundamental internal commitments of empirical science. They may propose changes in our conceptions of what these commitments amount to, or changes in our methods of inquiry. But these can be derived from the core concept of reason, conjoined with perhaps surprising yet empirically supported hypotheses about social or psychological obstacles to achieving them, and the social and material arrangements required for enabling better research to be done. To see how such derivations are possible, modest conceptions of empiricism and reason must be explained before I outline a feminist epistemology that employs these notions.
8 +
9 +====Second, The role of the judge is to be a critical educator with doubt about dominant pedagogy. Pedagogy is never neutral. Every position either implicitly or actively promotes a positional mode of understanding. The only permissible educational model is one that challenges oppressive power structures. ====
10 +**Espinoza 03** Tejeda, Carlos, Manuel Espinoza, Kris Gutierrez. "Toward a decolonizing pedagogy: Social justice reconsidered." In Pedagogies of difference: Rethinking education for social change (2003): 9-38// KAE
11 +
12 +.Critical pedagogy has put forth the notion that classroom practice integrates particular curriculum content and design, instructional strategies and techniques, and forms of evaluation. It argues that these specify a particular version about what knowledge is of most worth, what it means to know something, and how we might construct a representation of our world and our place within it (McLaren 1998). From this perspective, the pedagogical is inherently ideological political. For us a decolonizing pedagogy encompasses both an anticolonial and decolonizing notion of pedagogy and an anticolonial and decolonizing pedagogical praxis. It is an anticolonial and decolonizing theory and praxis that insists that colonial domination and its frameworks operate and are reproduced in and through the curricular content and design, the instructional practices, the social organization of learning, and the forms of evaluation that inexorably sort and label students into enduring categories of success and failure of schooling. Thus, an anticolonial and decolonizing pedagogical praxis explicitly wor~~k~~ to transform these dimensions of schooling so that schools become sites for the development of a critical decolonizing consciousness and activity that work to ameliorate and ultimately end the mutually constitutive forms of violence that characterize our internal neocolonial condition. For us, a decolonizing pedagogy addresses both the means and the ends of schooling.
13 +Implications:
14 +Means the ballot is key. Assessments of win or loss define a worldview that implicitly casts doubt or approval on epistemological methods.
15 +Inclusion is a prior question. Before addressing material or philosophical issues, reconstructing our current forms of knowledge is necessary to create a space in which the oppressed actually matter.
16 +
17 +====Third, Challenging the historical conceptions of hierarchal epistemology is key to resist masculinist domination over women and nature====
18 +
19 +====Fourth, Educational spaces present a unique opportunity for individuals to act against hegemonic norms – organic womanist pedagogy has the strongest link to actually being able to reconstruct our knowledge structures. ====
20 +**Houde and Bullis 99 **Ecofeminist Pedagogy: An Exploratory Case Author(s): Lincoln J. Houde and Connie Bullis Source: Ethics and the Environment, Vol. 4, No. 2 (Autumn, 1999), pp. 143-174 Published by: Indiana University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40338974 Accessed: 16-09-2016 http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/40338974.pdf // KAE
21 +
22 +What is ecofeminist pedagogy? We have no authorial and definitive answers, but we embrace ecofeminist pedagogy as a way to critique t mal-industrial-complex and interrupt the hegemonic discursive system that and sustains meat-eating. Ecofeminist pedagogy can be interpreted as a critical approach theoretical and practical orientation and approach for bringing political co and educational practices together. As Weil (1993) explains, "Ecofeminist pedagogy is a perspective which challenges the domination and hierarchical systems of opposition that underlie the patriarchal structures and philosophies of the dominant cu and a methodology which attempts to untangle and disarm patriarchal indoctrin as it relates to various aspects of our life-styles, beliefs, ideas, and behaviors" (31 This ecofeminist teaching philosophy assumes that pedagogy and politics cate each other within mutually reinforcing moments, and to critique and refig tablished social identities and representations (Giroux 1991, 1994, 1997 1994a; Said 1983). "We should not forfeit the opportunity of theorizing both teachers and students as historical agents of resistance" (McLaren 1994, 213). Teach agents of resistance by working to question and transform hegemonic power rel For instance, teachers can use tactical interruptions to disrupt the dominant discourse order. An "interruption provides a gap in the narrative in which vegetarianism c entertained" (Adams, 1990, 137), "the gestalt shift by which vegetarianism heard" (136), and "destabilizes the text and the culture it represents" (139). These dissonant ruptures between meanings, values, and identities that simultane oppress and resist that students can cultivate a critical-relational c
23 +
24 +====Thus the role of the ballot is to vote for the debater who best takes steps to integrate ecofeminist pedagogy ====
25 +
26 +====Fifth, Organic womanism is a branch of ecofeminism, which allows an analysis with an intersection of race, class, and gender – epistemological starting point of the aff is necessary to resolve all other impacts. Nuclear production in the context of organic womanism is intrinsically tied to a connection with nature.====
27 +**Nalunnakkal 03** (The Rev. Dr. George Matthew Nalunnakkal, December 1, 2003, "Towards an Organic Womanism: New Contours of Ecofeminism in India", Journal of Ethics) // KAE
28 +
29 +Vandana Shiva is uncritical in her use of Brahminic Hindu symbols (especially problematic when such symbols are heavily used by the evangelists of "Cultural Nationalism' in India) and also quite insensitive to the Dalit (caste) dimensions of environmental concerns. However, there are others such as Aruna Gnanadason, Gabriele Dietrich and Elizabeth Joy, who seek to look at ecological issues from the vantage point of Dalit and Adivasi women.18 Any attempt to grapple with the issues of women and nature sans a focus on the caste and tribal interplay in India will be of little relevance. Towards an Organic Womanism Naming women… ~~19~~ One of the academic challenges for feminism in India, it appears, is that of expounding an organic womanist perspective as against a Western, middle class and at times elitist brand of ecofeminism, a perspective which would address the issues of women and nature, particularly from a Dalit/tribal perspective, not merely from a perspective of women in an unqualified sense. Imagined and presented as a homogenous and monovocal category, 'women' in eco-feminism remains by and large an un-problematized construct. Organic womanism, on the other hand, particularizes 'women' -it is the Dalit and Adivasi women interacting with land (ecology) that constitutes the core of organic womanism. The term 'organic womanism' is used here in preference to 'ecofeminism'. 'Womanism' is a category that has been popularized by African feminists. Pointing out the limitations of ecofeminism vis-a-vis its largely middle class orientation, and its inability to address the specific issues of the interlocking of race and gender, African feminists have coined the term 'womanism' as an alternative vision to ecofeminism. In the Indian context, which is also characterized by the phenomenon of casteism, womanism makes much more sense to women of Dalit and Adivasi locale. One of the arguments in favor of ecofeminism, though, is that it provides a much more inclusive framework, as it does not necessarily exclude men from interacting and co-operating with the project of feminism. Womanism, in this sense, need not be seen as an exclusive enterprise of women alone. At the same time, it will also be interested in retaining a certain sense of 'methodological exclusivism', which is required for an identity politics oriented discourse such as organic womanism. The adjective 'organic' is engaged here to highlight the natural relationship that Dalit and tribal women have with nature, which women of middle class and other sections of society do not possess at the same level and intensity. 21~~ Given that in India the ownership of women's body and sexuality, and that of land (ecology) has its base in the power relations that are primarily rooted in caste and ethnic structures, this perspective is of immense significance. In the caste-ridden Indian society, bodies of Dalits and tribal women continue to be the 'property' of upper caste men. As Elizabeth Joy expresses the plight of Dalit women: The Dalit women who work in the field constantly face the threat of rape…the bodies of Dalit women are the most exploited and abused. No other sections of women face this situation as Dalit women do.19 ~~22~~ Even today, in many parts of the country, Dalit women are raped and sexually abused by their feudal and upper caste lords. They are forced to undergo this experience almost like a ritual. Such accounts of atrocious demeaning of Dalit bodies and sexuality find little space in the cerebral exercises of Shiva and Mies. Moreover, it ought to be noted that in India, social division of labour (caste system) and sexual violence also plays a significant role in causing ecological crises.20 Shiva and Mies miss, almost entirely, this important cross- current of caste in the interplay of class and gender. While economic class reductionism is one of the major flaws in Marxist analysis, gender reductionism appears to be the real travesty in Shiva and Mies. According to them: We see the devastation of the earth and her beings by the corporate warriors, and the threat of nuclear annihilation by the military warriors as feminist concerns. It is the same masculinist mentality, which would deny us our right to own our bodies and our sexuality21 ~~23~~ The masculinist culprits here are identified as the corporate and military warriors, the global capitalist forces. However, the local protagonists, the 'upper caste' warriors and the system of casteism are let off in this scrutiny. The 'we' and the 'us' in Shiva and Mies represent women in general, not specifically women of Dalit and tribal locale.22 The particularity of the plight of Dalit and tribal women in India cannot but be emphasized because they bear the real brunt, and form the immediate victims of masculinist hegemony in India. In this regard, one needs to critically look at some of the traditional Indian (Brahminic Hindu) strands on women and sexuality. Sanskritic Hinduism goes to the extent of glorifying women and nature, even according them divine status, albeit in an 'orientalist' and esoteric sense. The patriarchal face of this tradition is unmistakably recognized in Narada Smriti, which has this to say about women: Women are created for offspring, a woman is the field and a man is the possessor of the field.23 It further adds: Like the earth, a woman too has to bear pain. The earth is ploughed, furrowed, dug into…a woman also is pierced and ploughed.24
30 +
31 +====Sixth, Organic womanism engages in a unique political praxis- redefines and engages in the political making it a prerequisite to all political framing ====
32 +**Nalunnakkal 2** (The Rev. Dr. George Matthew Nalunnakkal, December 1, 2003, "Towards an Organic Womanism: New Contours of Ecofeminism in India", Journal of Ethics)
33 +Organic Womanism: A New Political Praxis Organic womanism stands out also on account of its revolutionary political praxis. Whereas much of ecofeminism remains at the level of mere intellectual engagement, organic womanism asserts itself in the form of civil society movements through concrete socio-political action. In this sense, organic womanism actually takes the debate on women and ecology to a postmodern phase. It takes on the dimensions of 'micro-politics' or 'resistance politics'35, raising unsettling questions about capital (economic, cultural and symbolic), questions of ownership and control over resources. Power is understood vis-à-vis a 'multiplicity of relations, de-centred and produced incessantly from one movement to the another', as Foucault describes it. De-centred power warrants de-centralized politics. As Ashi Sara observes, the 'self-rule' concept of Adivasis, as it has been explicated by the Adivasi Gothra Maha Sabha (AGMS) in Kerala, corresponds to this postmodern/post-structuralist notion of democratic power.36 It is not a democracy imposed by the State, but a democracy where women represent themselves. From this perspective, organic womanism would care less about the political correctness of theory because the very power relations behind a theory are brought under close scrutiny here. As Quinby puts it, theory is applied here not in the prescriptive mode, rather in the interrogative mode, raising questions about leadership and power dynamics. No ideology enjoys a sacrosanct position in such politics, which affirms the provisional nature of all ideological points of reference. This will even challenge certain essentialist tendencies within ecofeminism. Organic womanism refuses to treat women as a monovocal subject, feminity as of pure essence, nature as a fixed locus, holism as a deterministic system, and body as a static materiality.37 Gayatri Spivak also warns us on the dangers of essentialism when she says: Essentialism is a trap…Homogenizing women's diverse experiences and then romanticizing that "essence" blind us to the myriad ways in which the idea of 'womanhood' is implicated in constraints on and brutality against women. 38
34 +
35 +====Thus the advocacy is that countries ought to prohibit the production of nuclear power through the lense of organic womanism. ====
36 +
37 +==Next is the story line==
38 +
39 +===Part 1 the symbolic representations of nuclear power ===
40 +
41 +====Nuclear power personifies a male structure perpetuating forms of masculine domination ====
42 +**Caputi 04**, Jane Goddesses and Monsters: Women, Myth, Power, and Popular Culture https://books.google.com/books/about/Goddesses'and'Monsters.html?id=C'r6meksRjUCandprintsec=frontcoverandsource=kp'read'button~~#v=onepageandq=nuclearandf=false 2004 // KAE
43 +
44 +Feminist criticism has focused on exposing what Diana Russell (1989) calls "nuclear phallacies" (fig. 10.1). Carol Cohn (1987) critiques the pervasively pornographic imagery and language of nuclear strategists. Feminist theologian Mary Condren (1989, 20I) avers: "Nuclear destruction is intrinsic to the spirituality and theology generated by Western culture." Monica Sjoo and Barbara Mor (1991, 316) concur: "We suggest that the atomic or nuclear blast is man’s final identification with the Sun God, the final annihilation of matter/mother-and that this is the ultimate goal of all patriarchal religion." The scientific quest that led to the development of nuclear technology was characterized by intense desire to split the atom, to break what the Cherokee thinker Marilou Awiakta (1986) understands as the "mother heart of the universe." For about two centuries, split, and implicitly violent term, has served in "low slang" as a synonym for "copulate…as in…’I’d like to split that one’" (Beale, 1989, 424). The environmental historian Caroline Merchant (1980) has traced the implicit sexual violence of the seventeenth century scientific revolution as revealed through its characteristic metaphors of "mastering", "disrobing," and "penetrating" nature, understood as a female form. All such sexually violent imagery historically has marked nuclear metaphor. Atomic scientists are figured as investigating "the most intimate properties of matter", "penetrating hidden mysteries, "tearing away veils to reveal inner secrets, and laying bare the structure of atoms. One scientist told of his "satisfaction in smashing a resistant atom" (Weart, 1989, 58). Once that defiant atom was smashed and split, the resulting bomb at first was conceptualized as male. The original scientists working at Los Alamos took bets among themselves as to whether they would ultimately have a "boy" or a "girl"- that is, a success or a dud. A success it was: The bomb dropped on Hiroshima was called "Little Boy." In 1945 the War Department historian-journalist William L. Laurence won much acclaim for his eyewitness accounts of the first bomb blasts, which double as descriptions of a pornographic "come shot", glorying in the spectacle of male ejaculation: "The mushroom top was even more alive than the pillar, seething and boiling in a white fury of creamy foam, sizzling upward and then descending earthward, a thousand geysers rolled into one" (1946, 239). A canny awareness of the sexual and sexually violent dimensions of nuclear imagery and practice unforgettably informs Stanley Kubrick’s riotous 1963 film, Dr. Strangelove Or, How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb. General Jack D. Ripper, paranoid and sexually impotent, insists that he avoids sexual intercourse with women only because it results in a "loss of essence." Ripper becomes obsessed with what he sees as a Soviet plot to pollute his "purity of essence" through fluoridation of water. He decides to wipe out the Soviet Union and orders airborne bombers to launch a nuclear attack, a move ultimately resulting in global apocalypse. General Ripper’s namesake, Jack the Ripper, did not rape his victims, but slit their throats and tore apart their breasts and genitals, actions that soon were understood as sexually motivated. Similarly, General Ripper avoids sexual intercourse, but substitutes a sexualized weapon-in his case, a nuclear bomb. The mutilated female corpse is the planet Earth. In 1948, when the United States was testing atomic weaponry on Bikini Atoll in the Pacific Ocean, the skimpy two-piece swimsuit was all the rage on the French Riviera. Popular jargon immediately joined the two phenomena. A long global history links the earth with the female body (Eliade, 1958a; Merchant, 1980). Such imagery is infused into cultural ideas about the Pacific Islands, which have long signified an erotic paradise to North Americans and Europeans, the original good place, the mother’s body (Porter, 1991, 104-5).
45 +
46 +====Nuclear power is the symbol of masculinity – a political artifact that rapes the earth and creates a monopolization of control over the notion of femininity. Maintaining production of the atom bomb replicates the hierarchal chain of command and oppressive power structures that follow from nuclear power ====
47 +**Grint and Gill 95 **The Gender-technology Relation: Contemporary Theory and Research By Keith Grint, Rosalind Gill/ KAE
48 +
49 +nuclear technology is a useful example to illustrate some fundamental differences in approach to technology. Whereas a traditional approach might concede that the design and deployment of nuclear weapons has ‘political dimensions’, it would probably balk at assumptions that nuclear technology per se was inherently masculine and thus, for (some) women at least in need of replacement. Yet eco-feminism could point both to the immense power derived from nuclear sources and the prerequisite control over, and exploitation of nature, that this is implied. hence, what could be regarded as an inherently aggressive technology could not be harnessed for constructive purposes and must be interred and replaced by softer renewable green technologies such as wind and wave power. An alternative, but still essentialist, account nominates a particular form of political organization rather than masculinity, as the essential feature of nuclear power. thus winner argues that the atom bomb is an inherently political artifact. as long as it exists, its lethal properties demand that it be controlled by a centralized, rigidly hierarchical chain of command.
50 +
51 +===Part 2 is the act and products of production ===
52 +
53 +====The production alone of weapons of mass destruction creates massive environmental destruction and violence that uniquely affects women. ====
54 +**Cohn and Ruddick ‘3** - *founding director of the Consortium on Gender, Security and Human Rights and ** Winner of the Distinguished Woman Philosopher of the Year Award by the Society for Women in Philosophy and author of Maternal Thinking: Toward a Politics of Peace (Carol and Sara, "A Feminist Ethical Perspective on Weapons of Mass Destruction," Working Paper No. 104 Consortium on Gender, Security, and Human Rights, 2003, http://genderandsecurity.org/sites/default/files/carol'cohn'and'sara'ruddick'working'paper'104.pdf) */KE *we don’t endorse the ablest language in this evidence*
55 +
56 +Question Three asks whether it is ethical to develop and deploy WMD as deterrents only. That is, it asks the classic question of whether it is ethical to have weapons and threaten to use then, even if it is not ethical to use those weapons militarily. As the question is framed, then, "development" and "deployment" appear not as phenomena subject to ethical scrutiny unto themselves, but merely as way-stations, as adjuncts subsumed under what is taken to be the core ethical issue, which is seen as deterrence. 14 Carol Cohn and Sarah Ruddick Working Paper No. 104 This formulation does not work for us. We need to pause and recognize that there are really several questions enfolded in that one. We must not only ask about the ethical status of deterrence, but also whether its entailments – development and deployment – are themselves ethical. 27 One of the constitutive positions of anti-war feminism is that in thinking about weapons and wars, we must accord full weight to their daily effects on the lives of women. We then find that the development and deployment of nuclear weapons, even when they are not used in warfare, exacts immense economic costs that particularly affect women. In the words of a recent Indian feminist essay: "The social costs of nuclear weaponisation in a country where the basic needs of shelter, food and water, electricity, health and education have not been met are obvious.... ~~S~~ince patriarchal family norms place the task of looking after the daily needs of the family mainly upon women, scarcity of resources always hits women the hardest. Less food for the family inevitably means an even smaller share for women and female children just as water shortages mean an increase in women’s labour who have to spend more time and energy in fetching water from distant places at odd hours of the day." 28 While the US is not as poor a nation as India, Pakistan, or Russia, it has remained, throughout the nuclear age, a country in which poverty and hunger are rife, health care still unaffordable to many, low-cost housing unavailable, with crumbling public schools and infrastructure, all while the American nuclear weapons program has come at the cost of 4.5 trillion dollars.29 In addition to being economically costly, nuclear weapons development has medical and political costs. In the US program, many people have been exposed to high levels of radiation, including uranium miners; workers at reactors and processing facilities; the quarter of a million military personnel who took place in "atomic battlefield" exercises; "downwinders" from test sites; and Marshallese Islanders. 30 Politically, nuclear regimes require a level of secrecy and security measures that exclude the majority of citizens, and in most countries, all women, from defense policy and decision- making." 31 From the perspective of women’s lives, we see not only the costs of the development of nuclear weapons, but also the spiritual, social and psychological costs of deployment. One cost, according to some feminists, is that "Nuclearisation produces social consent for increasing levels of violence. 32 Another cost, for many, is that nuclear weapons create high levels of tension, insecurity and fear. As Arundhati Roy puts it, nuclear weapons "~~i~~nform our dreams. They bury themselves like meat hooks deep in the base of our brains." 33 Further, feminists are concerned about the effect of nuclear policy on moral thought, on ideas about gender, and how the two intersect. Nuclear development may legitimize male aggression, 15 Carol Cohn and Sarah Ruddick Working Paper No. 104 and breed the idea that nuclear explosions give a ‘virility’ to the nation which men as individuals can somehow also share. ~~T~~he strange character of nuclear policy- making not only sidelines moral and ethical questions, but genders them. This elite gets to be represented as rational, scientific, modern, and of course masculine, while ethical questions, questions about the social and environmental costs are made to seem emotional, effeminate, regressive and not modern. This rather dangerous way of thinking, which suggests that questions about human life and welfare are somehow neither modern nor properly masculine questions, or that men have no capacity and concern for peace and morality, can have disastrous consequences for both men and women. 34 All in all, we find the daily costs of WMD development and deployment staggeringly high – in and of themselves sufficient to prevent deterrence from being an ethical moral option. A so-called "realist" response to this jud gement might well pay lip-service to the "moral niceties" it embodies, but then argue that deterrence is worth those costs. Or, perhaps to be more accurate, it might argue that the results of a nuclear attack would be so catastrophic that the rest of these considerations are really an irrelevant distraction; deterring a WMD attack on our homeland is the precondition on which political freedom and social life depend, and so it must be thought about in a class by itself. We make two rejoinders to this claim. First, we note that in the culture of nuclear defense intellectuals, even raising the issue of costs is delegitimized, in large part through its association with "the feminine." It is the kind of thing that "hysterical housewives" do; something done by people not tough and hard enough to look harsh "reality" in the eye, unsentimentally; not strong enough to separate their feelings from theorizing mass death; people who don’t have "the stones for war." Feminist analysis rejects the cultural division of meaning which devalues anything associated with women or femininity. It sees in that same cultural valuing of the so-called "masculine" over the so-called "feminine" an explanation of why it appears so self-evident to many that what is called "military necessity" should appropriately be prioritized over all other human necessities. And it questions the assumptions that bestow the mantle of "realism" on such a constrained focus on weapons and state power. Rather than simply being an "objective" reflection of political reality, we understand this thought system as 1) a partial and distorted picture of reality, and 2) a major contributor to creating the very circumstances it purports to describe and protect against. Second, just as feminists tend to be skeptical about the efficacy of violence, they might be equally skeptical about the efficacy of deterrence. Or, to put it another way, if war is a "lie," so is deterrence. This is not, of course, to say that deterrence as a phenomena never occurs; no doubt one opponent is sometimes deterred from attacking another by the fear of retaliation. But rather deterrence as a theory, a discourse and set of practices underwritten by that discourse, is a fiction. 16 Carol Cohn and Sarah Ruddick Working Paper No. 104 Deterrence theory is an elaborate, abstract conceptual edifice, which posits a hypothetical relation between two different sets of weapons systems – or rather, between abstractions of two different sets of weapons systems, for in fact, as both common sense and military expertise tells us, human error and technological imperfection mean that one could not actually expect real weapons to function in the ways simply assumed in deterrence theory. Because deterrence theory sets in play the hypothetical representations of various weapons systems, rather than assessments of how they would actually perform or fail to perform in warfare, it can be nearly infinitely elaborated, in a never ending regression of intercontinental ballistic missile gaps and theater warfare gaps and tactical "mini- nuke" gaps, ad infinitum, thus legitimating both massive vertical proliferation and arms racing. Deterrence theory is also a fiction in that it depends upon "rational actors," for whom what counts as "rational" is the same, independent of culture, history, or individual difference. It depends on those "rational actors" perfectly understanding the meaning of "signals" communicated by military actions, despite dependence on technologies that sometimes malfunction; despite cultural difference and the lack of communication that is part of being political enemies; despite the difficulties of ensuring mutual understanding even when best friends make direct face-to- face statements to each other. It depends on those same "rational actors" engaging in a very specific kind of calculus that includes one set of variables (e.g., weapons size, deliverability, survivability, as well as the "credibility" of their and their opponent’s threats), and excludes other variables (such as domestic political pressures, economics, or individual subjectivity). What is striking from a feminist perspective is that even while "realists" may worry that some opponents are so "insufficiently rational" as to be undeterrable, this does not lead them to search for a more reliable form of ensuring security, or an approach that is not so weapons-dependent. Cynthia Cockburn, in her study of women’s peace projects in conflict zones, describes one of the women’s activities as helping each other give up "dangerous day dreams." 35 From a feminist anti-war perspective, having WMD as deterrents is a dangerous dream. The dream of perfect rationality and control which underwrites deterrence theory is a dangerous dream, since it legitimates constructing a system that only could be (relatively) safe if that perfect rationa lity and control were actually possible. Deterrence theory itself is a dangerous dream because it justifies producing and deploying WMD, thereby making their accidental or purposive use possible (and far more likely) than if they were not produced at all, nor deployed in such numbers. "Realists" are quick to point out the dangers of not having WMD for deterrence when other states have them. Feminist perspectives suggest that that danger only appears so self-evidently greater than the danger of having WMD if you discount as "soft" serious attention to the costs of development and deployment. 17 Carol Cohn and Sarah Ruddick Working Paper No. 104
57 +
58 +====Nuclear weapons are the ultimate assertion of men’s power over each other through phallic imagery and focus on domination====
59 +**Cohn 87** – founding director of the Consortium on Gender, Security and Human Rights (Carol, "Sex and Death in the Rational World of Defense Intellectuals", Signs, Vol. 12, No. 4, Within and Without: Women, Gender, and Theory (Summer, 1987), pp. 687-718. JSTOR) KAE
60 +
61 +White men in ties discussing missile size Feminists have often suggested that an important aspect of the arms race is phallic worship, that "missile envy" is a significant motivating force in the nuclear build-up.12 I have always found this an uncomfortably reductionist explanation and hoped that my research at the Center would yield a more complex analysis. But still, I was curious about the extent to which I might find a sexual subtext in the defense professionals' discourse. I was not prepared for what I found. 692 I think I had naively imagined myself as a feminist spy in the house of death-that I would need to sneak around and eavesdrop on what men said in unguarded moments, using all my subtlety and cunning to unearth whatever sexual imagery might be underneath how they thought and spoke. I had naively believed that these men, at least in public, would appear to be aware of feminist critiques. If they had not changed their language, I thought that at least at some point in a long talk about "penetra- tion aids," someone would suddenly look up, slightly embarrassed to be caught in such blatant confirmation of feminist analyses of What's Going On Here.'3 Of course, I was wrong. There was no evidence that any feminist critiques had ever reached the ears, much less the minds, of these men. American military dependence on nuclear weapons was explained as "irresistible, because you get more bang for the buck." Another lecturer solemnly and scientifically announced "to disarm is to get rid of all your stuff." (This may, in turn, explain why they see serious talk of nuclear disarmament as perfectly resistable, not to mention foolish. If disarmament is emasculation, how could any real man even consider it?) A professor's explanation of why the MX missile is to be placed in the silos of the newest Minuteman missiles, instead of replacing the older, less accurate ones, was "because they're in the nicest hole-you're not going to take the nicest missile you have and put it in a crummy hole." Other lectures were filled with discussion of vertical erector launchers, thrust-to-weight ratios, soft lay downs, deep penetration, and the comparative advantages of pro- tracted versus spasm attacks-or what one military adviser to the National Security Council has called "releasing 70 to 80 percent of our megatonnage in one orgasmic whump."14 There was serious concern about the need to harden our missiles and the need to "face it, the Russians are a little harder than we are." Disbelieving glances would occasionally pass between me and my one ally in the summer progtam, another woman, but no one else seemed to notice. If the imagery is transparent, its significance may be less so. The temptation is to draw some conclusions about the defense intellectuals themselves-about what they are really talking about, or their motivations; but the temptation is worth resisting. Individual motivations cannot neces- sarily be read directly from imagery; the imagery itself does not originate in these particular individuals but in a broader cultural context. Sexual imagery has, of course, been a part of the world of warfare since long before nuclear weapons were even a gleam in a physicist's eye. The history of the atomic bomb project itself is rife with overt images of competitive male sexuality, as is the discourse of the early nuclear physi- cists, strategists, and SAC commanders.'5 Both the military itself and the arms manufacturers are constantly exploiting the phallic imagery and promise of sexual domination that their weapons so conveniently suggest. A quick glance at the publications that constitute some of the research sources for defense intellectuals makes the depth and pervasiveness of the imagery evident. Air Force Magazine's advertisements for new weapons, for example, rival Playboy as a catalog of men's sexual anxieties and fantasies. Consider the following, from the June 1985 issue: emblazoned in bold letters across the top of a two-page advertisement for the AV-8B Harrier II-"Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick." The copy below boasts "an exceptional thrust to weight ratio" and "vectored thrust capability that makes the . .. unique rapid response possible." Then, just in case we've failed to get the mes- sage, the last line reminds us, "Just the sort of'Big Stick' Teddy Roosevelt had in mind way back in 1901. "16 An ad for the BKEP (BLU-106/B) reads: The Only Way to Solve Some Problems is to Dig Deep. THE BOMB, KINETIC ENERGY PENETRATOR "Will provide the tactical air commander with efficient power to deny or significantly delay enemy airfield operations." "Designed to maximize runway cratering by optimizing penetration dynamics and utilizing the most efficient warhead yet designed."17 (In case the symbolism of "cratering" seems far-fetched, I must point out that I am not the first to see it. The French use the Mururoa Atoll in the South Pacific for their nuclear tests and assign a woman's name to each of the craters they gouge out of the earth.) Another, truly extraordinary, source of phallic imagery is to be found in descriptions of nuclear blasts themselves. Here, for example, is one by journalist William Laurence, who was brought to Nagasaki by the Air Force to witness the bombing. "Then, just when it appeared as though the thing had settled down in to a state of permanence, there came shooting out of the top a giant mushroom that increased the size of the pillar to a total of 45,000 feet. The mushroom top was even more alive than the pillar, seething and boiling in a white fury of creamy foam, sizzling upward and then descending earthward, a thousand geysers rolled into one. It kept struggling in an elemental fury, like a creature in the act of breaking the bonds that held it down."'8 Given the degree to which it suffuses their world, that defense intellec- tuals themselves use a lot of sexual imagery does not seem especially surprising. Nor does it, by itself, constitute grounds for imputing motiva- tion. For me, the interesting issue is not so much the imagery's psychody- namic origins, as how it functions. How does it serve to make it possible for strategic planners and other defense intellectuals to do their macabre work? How does it function in their construction of a work world that feels tenable? Several stories illustrate the complexity. During the summer program, a group of us visited the New London Navy base where nuclear submarines are homeported and the General Dynamics Electric Boat boatyards where a new Trident submarine was being constructed. At one point during the trip we took a tour of a nuclear powered submarine. When we reached the part of the sub where the missiles are housed, the officer accompanying us turned with a grin and asked if we wanted to stick our hands through a hole to "pat the missile." Pat the missile? The image reappeared the next week, when a lecturer scornfully declared that the only real reason for deploying cruise and Pershing II missiles in Western Europe was "so that our allies can pat them." Some months later, another group of us went to be briefed at NORAD (the North American Aerospace Defense Command). On the way back, our plane went to refuel at Offut Air Force Base, the Strategic Air Command head- quarters near Omaha, Nebraska. When word leaked out that our landing would be delayed because the new B-1 bomber was in the area, the plane became charged with a tangible excitement that built as we flew in our holding pattern, people craning their necks to try to catch a glimpse of the B-1 in the skies, and climaxed as we touched down on the runway and hurtled past it. Later, when I returned to the Center I encountered a man who, unable to go on the trip, said to me enviously, "I hear you got to pat a B-I." What is all this "patting"? What are men doing when they "pat" these high-tech phalluses? Patting is an assertion of intimacy, sexual possession, affectionate domination. The thrill and pleasure of "patting the missile" is the proximity of all that phallic power, the possibility of vicariously appro- priating it as one's own. But if the predilection for patting phallic objects indicates something of the homoerotic excitement suggested by the language, it also has another side. For patting is not only an act of sexual intimacy. It is also what one does to babies, small children, the pet dog. One pats that which is small, cute, and harmless-not terrifyingly destructive. Pat it, and its lethality disappears. Much of the sexual imagery I heard was rife with the sort of ambiguity suggested by "patting the missiles." The imagery can be construed as a deadly serious display of the connections between masculine sexuality and the arms race. At the same time, it can also be heard as a way of minimizing the seriousness of militarist endeavors, of denying their deadly consequences. A former Pentagon target analyst, in telling me why he thought plans for "limited nuclear war" were ridiculous, said, "Look, you gotta understand that it's a pissing contest-you gotta expect them to use every- thing they've got." What does this image say? Most obviously, that this is all about competition for manhood, and thus there is tremendous danger. But at the same time, the image diminishes the contest and its outcomes, by representing it as an act of boyish mischief.
62 +
63 +===Part 3 is the nuclear heuristic ===
64 +
65 +====Our nuclear epistemology has shifted to a point of orientalism shaped by the crude exploitation of non-western countries ====
66 +**Wittman 11 **Wittman, Nora "The Scramble for Africa's Nuclear Resources" New African No.507 June 2011 KAE
67 +
68 +THE CURRENT NUCLEAR POLLUTION in Japan and the reactions of politicians and governments throughout Europe, the USA and Asia, even in the eye of disaster, indicate that they will never stop using nuclear power for military means and domestic energy generation and supply.¶ ~~ILLUSTRATION OMITTED~~¶ As Japan was battling to control pollution from its Fukushima nuclear plant, destroyed by the massive earthquake that hit the region on II March, French President Nicolas Sarkozy was firmly pronouncing that a withdrawal from nuclear energy was totally out of question for France and will not happen—80 of domestic energy in France comes from nuclear plants.¶ A few hours later, EU ministers deemed it sufficient to submit European nuclear power reactors to a so-called "stress test", and even then only on a voluntary basis. Apparently, the nuclear industry and their party allies throughout the political spectrum have been for a long time in a tight marriage that is far too beneficial for them to split.¶ Africa is currently the continent where nuclear power plants are least present. Only one such plant is present in South Africa, imposed by the apartheid regime in the 1970s. It is located in Koeberg, 30km north of Cape Town, yet surrounded by the city's ever-spreading suburbs, and was built by a French company. Like most nuclear power plants, it has experienced serious problems and its reactors have had to be shut down several times, especially since 2005.¶ Of course, the idea is not totally unconceivable that there could have been more severe incidents before, and that in apartheid times the white supremacist regime would not have made it a top priority to inform and protect the surrounding African people. In 2010, 91 members of staff were contaminated with Cobalt-58 dust in an incident that was said to be confined to the plant only.¶ In view of these facts and the recent developments, it should be clearer than ever that Africa must not follow the path to ultimate and lasting nuclear destruction that European, North American and Asian leaders seem to be determined to continue to take. Indeed, Africa may not only have the responsibility to save itself from this fate, but may also ultimately have the power to save the world from some of this otherwise pre-programmed nuclear disaster. How? By refusing to let its vast nuclear resources be exploited.¶ South Africa's only nuclear power plant, In Koeberg, 30km north of Cape Town, was imposed by the apartheid regime in the 70s¶ ~~ILLUSTRATION OMITTED~~¶ The nuclear powers are increasingly experiencing and preparing for problems of supply with the necessary crude nuclear materials such as uranium and plutonium. Even though it is said that countries such as the USA, Russia and China have or rather had vast uranium resources themselves, all of these countries are now very eager to identify, secure and exploit mines for nuclear materials throughout Africa.¶ Africa, the continent endowed with the richest natural resources, has vast nuclear materials in its soil. Almost every African country is currently being mined or examined and prepared for nuclear exploitation.¶ According to a recent report updated in February 2011 by the World Information Service on Energy (WISE), an environmental activist amalgamation based in Amsterdam, China National Nuclear Group, being that country's biggest nuclear power plant builder, signed a deal with the China-Africa Development Fund, a Chinese state-run institution, in 2010 to examine and exploit uranium resources throughout Africa.¶ French, Canadian, British, Swiss, Japanese, Russian, Chinese, Australian and other companies are mining uranium, or have signed contracts to do so very soon with Algeria, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Central African Republic, DRCongo, Gabon, Malawi, Mali, Chad, South Africa, Tanzania, Mozambique, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Uganda, Zambia and other African countries. …
69 +
70 +====Nuclear industries permit the state to enter into a constant state of exception where it is able to legitimize and deploy threats as a means to militarily dominate and colonize other nations====
71 +**Kuar 11** (Raminder, A ‘nuclear renaissance’, climate change andthe state of exception, THE AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 22, Issue 2)KAE
72 +
73 +Although Giorgio Agamben’s (2005) work on the normalisation of exceptional state practice has been much cited, it would appear that Robert Jungk anticipated some of his main axioms. Jungk outlines how the extraordinary, as it pertains to the state’s possession of nuclear weapons and the development of atomic industries since the mid-1940s, became the ordinary (Jungk 1979: 58). When associated with nuclear weapons, the state operates under the guise of a paradigm of security which promises ‘peace’ in terms of a nuclear deterrence to other countries and also legiti-mates the excesses of state conduct whilst abrogating citizens’ rights in the name of ‘national security’. Jungk adds that, in fact, state authoritarianism applied to all nation-states with nuclear industries: ‘Nuclear power was first used to make weap-ons of total destruction for use against military enemies, but today it even imperils citizens in their own country, because there is no fundamental difference between atoms for peace and atoms for war’ (Jungk 1979: vii). The inevitable spread of tech-nological know-how through a range of international networks and the effects of the US’ ‘atoms for peace’ program in the 1950s led to a greater number of nations constructing institutions for civilian nuclear power, a development that was later realised to enable uranium enrichment for the manufacture of weapons .Because of the indeterminacy between atoms for peace and atoms for war, the nuclear industries began to play a key part in several nations’ security policies, both externally with reference to other states and also internally with reference to objec-tors and suspected anti-national contingents. Jungk notes ‘the important social role of nuclear energy in the decline of the constitutional state into the authoritarian nuclear state’ by focussing on a range of indicators, including a report published by the American National Advisory Committee on Criminal Justice in 1977 which suggested that:in view of the ‘high vulnerability of technical civilization’, emergency legislation should be introduced making it possible temporarily to ignore constitutional safeguards without previous congressional debate or consultation with the Supreme Court.(1979: 135) The bio-techno-political mode of governance encapsulates subjects into its folds such that it becomes a ‘technical civilisation’—a civilisation that, although promis-ing favourable aspects of modernity to the populace and development for the coun-try, is also to be accompanied by several risks to human and environmental safety that propel states, including democracies further towards authoritarianism. ‘Big sci-ence’—that is, science that is centralised or at least circumscribed by the state—and the bureaucracies surrounding it play a critical part in the normalisation of the state of exception, and the exercise of even more power over their citizens. Jungk elaborates on the routinisation of nuclear state violence, epistemological, juridical and physical :Such measures will be justified, not as temporary measures made necessary by an exceptional emergency … but by the necessity of providing permanent protection for a perpetually endangered central source of energy that is regarded as indispensable. A nuclear industry means a permanent state of emergency justified by a permanent threat. (1979: 135)This permanent state of emergency with respect to anything nuclear applies to restrictions on citizens’ freedom, the surveillance and criminalisation of critics and campaigners, the justification of the mobilisation of thousands of police men and sometimes military to deal with peaceful demonstrators against nuclear power, and a hegemony on ‘truth-claims’ where the nuclear industries are held as the solution to growing power needs whilst advancing themselves as climate change envi-ronmentalists. In this way, power structures and lifestyles need not be altered where nuclear power becomes, ironically, a powerful mascot of ‘clean and green’ energy. In India, the capitalist modality of the nuclear state was exacerbated by the ratification of the Indo-US civilian nuclear agreement in 2008, a bilateral accord which enables those countries in the Nuclear Suppliers Group to provide mate-rial and technology for India’s civilian nuclear operations even though it is nota signatory to the Nuclear non-Proliferation Treaty. This has led to an expansionof the nuclear industries in the country where the limited indigenous resources of uranium could then be siphoned into the nuclear weapons industries. The imposition of the nuclear state hand-in-hand with multinational corporations in regions such as Koodankulam in Tamil Nadu (with the Russian nuclear com-pany, Atomstroyexport), Haripur in West Bengal (with the Russian company,Rosatom) or Jaitapur in Maharashtra (with the French company, Areva), without due consultation with residents around the proposed nuclear power plants, has prompted S. P. Udayakumar (2009) to recall an earlier history of colonization describing the contemporary scenario as an instance of ‘nucolonisation(nuclear + colonisation)’.The Indian nuclear state, with its especial mooring in central government, hasconducted environmental enquiries primarily for itself—and this so in only asummary fashion. In a context where the Ministry of Environment and Forestscan override the need for an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) report forthe first two nuclear reactors at Koodankulam in 2001, saying that the decisionwas first made in the 1980s before the EIA Notification Act (1994); or where theSupreme Court of India can dismiss a petition against the construction of thesereactors simply by saying: ‘There is no reason as to why this court should sit inappeal over the Governmental decision relating to a policy matter more so, whencrores of rupees having (sic) been invested’ (cited in Goyal 2002), then there is astrong basis upon which to consider the Indian state as a whole as a nuclearisedstate—that is, a state wherein matters relating to nuclear issues are given inordi-nate leeway across the board. The nuclear enclave consisting of scientists, bureau-crats and politicians, is both the exception to and the rule that underpins the rest of state practice. So even though we may be talking about a domain of distinct governmental practice and political technology as encapsulated by the notion of a nuclear state, it is evident that its influence spreads beyond the nuclear domain in a discourse of nuclearisation through state-related stratagems which have become increasingly authoritarian and defence-orientated since the late 1990s. In a nut-shell, discourses about the urgency of climate change, global warming, nuclear power and defence have converged in a draconian and oppressive manner that now parades itself as the necessary norm for the nation. Despite their particularities, machinations of the Indian nuclear state are also nota-ble elsewhere. Joseph Masco elaborates on the ‘national-security state’ in the USA(2006: 14). Tony Hall comments upon the ‘defence-dominated, well-cushioned(nuclear) industry’ in the United Kingdom (1996: 10). And on the recent issue of the construction of more nuclear power stations in Britain, David Ockwell observesthat a public hearing was only undertaken for ‘instrumental reasons (i.e. it was alegal requirement), as demonstrated by a public statement by then prime ministerTony Blair that the consultation ‘won’t affect the policy at all’ (2008: 264). These narratives are familiar across the board where a nuclear renaissance is apparent. But critics continue to dispute the hijacking of environmentalism by the state and argue that if climate change is the problem, then nuclear power is by no means a solution. Moreover, the half-life of radioactive waste cannot be brushed away in a misplacedvindication of the saying, ‘out of sight, out of mind’
74 +
75 +==Underview==
76 +
77 +====No matter the type, the nuclear energy market is ran by lobbyist and PR firms making government secrecy a fervent issue. Autocracy will prop up the market reintrenching a form of hierarchy and oppression. ====
78 +**Wasserman 16 **(Harvey, http://www.counterpunch.org/2016/07/29/ny-times-pushes-nukes-while-claiming-renewables-fail-to-fight-climate-change/ , 7-29)KAE
79 +
80 +The idea that nuclear power might fight climate change, and that environmentalists might support it, is a recent concoction, a disgraceful, desperate load of utility hype meant to defend the status quo. Fukushima, unsolved waste problems and the plummeting price of renewables have solidified the environmental community’s opposition to nuke power. These reactors are dirty and dangerous. They are not carbon-free and do emit huge quantities of heated water and steam into the ecosphere. The utility industry can’t get private liability insurance for them, and relies on the1957 Price-Anderson Act to protect them from liability in a major catastrophe. The industry continually complains about subsidies to renewable energy but never mentions this government protection program without which all reactors would close. 7. Not just nuke power but the entire centralized fossil/nuke-based grid system is now being undermined by the massive drops in the price of renewable energy, and massive rises in its efficiency and reliability. The critical missing link is battery technology. Because the sun and wind are intermittent, there needs to be energy storage to smooth out supply. Elon Musk‘s billion-dollar Tesla Gigafactory in Nevada and many other industrial ventures indicate major battery breakthroughs in storage is here today. 8. Porter’s NY Times piece correctly says that the massive amounts of cheap, clean renewables flooding the grid in Europe and parts of the U.S. are driving nuclear power plants into bankruptcy. At least a dozen reactor shut downs have been announced in the U.S. since 2012 and many more are on their way. In Japan 52 of the 54 reactors online before the Fukushima disaster are now closed. And, Germany has pledged to shut all its reactors by 2022. But Porter attacks this by complaining that those nukes were supplying base load power that must be otherwise—according to him—shored up with fossil burners. Here’s his key line: "Renewable sources are producing temporary power gluts from Australia to California, driving out other energy sources that are still necessary to maintain a stable supply of power." But as all serious environmentalists understand, the choice has never been between nukes versus fossil fuels. It’s between centralized fossil/nukes versus decentralized renewables. Porter’s article never mentions the word "battery" or the term "rooftop solar." But these are the two key parts in the green transition already very much in progress. So here is what the Times obviously can’t bring itself to say: "Cheap solar panels on rooftops are now making the grid obsolete." The key bridging element of battery back-up capability is on its way. Meanwhile there is absolutely no need for nuclear power plants, which at any rate have long since become far too expensive to operate. Spending billions to prop up dying nuke reactors for "base load" generation is pure corporate theft at the public expense, both in straight financial terms and in the risk of running badly deteriorated reactors deep into the future until they inevitably melt down or blow up. Those billions instead should go to accelerating battery production and distribution, and making it easier, rather than harder, to gain energy independence using the wind and the sun. All this has serious real-world impacts. In Ohio, for example, a well-organized shift to wind and solar was derailed by the Koch-run legislature. Some $2 billion in wind-power investments and a $500 million solar farm were derailed. There are also serious legal barriers now in place to stop homeowners from putting solar shingles and panels on their rooftops. Meanwhile, FirstEnergy strong-armed the Ohio Public Utilities Commission into approving a huge bailout to keep the seriously deteriorated Davis-Besse nuke operating, even though it cannot compete and is losing huge sums of money. Federal regulators have since put that bailout on hold. Arizona and other Koch-owned legislatures have moved to tax solar panels, ban solar shingles and make it illegal to leave the grid without still paying tribute to the utilities who own it. Indeed, throughout the U.S. and much of the western world, corporate-owned governments are doing their best to slow the ability of people to use renewables to rid themselves of the corporate grid. For an environmental movement serious about saving the Earth from climate change, this is a temporary barrier. The Times and its pro-nuke allies in the corporate media will continue to twist reality. But the Solartopian revolution is proceeding ahead of schedule and under budget. A renewable, decentralized energy system is very much in sight. The only question is how long corporate nonsense like this latest NY Times screed can delay this vital transition. Our planet is burning up from fossil fuels and being irradiated by decrepit money-losing reactors that blow up. Blaming renewable energy for all that is like blaming the peace movement for causing wars. The centralized King CONG grid and its obsolete owners are at the core of the problem. So are the corporate media outlets like the New York Times that try to hide that obvious reality.
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1 +SEPTOCT - Mother Nature 1AC
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1 +====First, the purpose of debate education should be to train youth to challenge oppressive structures, not perpetuate them,====
2 +**Bohmer 91** "Teaching Privileged Students about Gender, Race, and Class Oppression." Teaching Sociology, Vol. 19, No. 2 (April, 1991) pp. 154-163.
3 +Our strong emphasis on institutional oppression is not only due to our
4 +AND
5 +ways of introducing race, gender, and class into the sociology curriculum.
6 +
7 +====Second, structural violence excludes certain individuals from the moral sphere, meaning it’s impossible to create a coherent moral code without resolving issues of structural violence ====
8 +
9 +====Third, Ideal theory ignores histories of injustice in its attempt to generalize a perfect society. Non Ideal theory is the only option to recognize and resist recreating injustice====
10 +**Mills 2** "Ideal Theory" as Ideology CHARLES W. MILLS
11 +The crucial common claim—whether couched in terms of ideology and fetishism, or
12 +AND
13 +the more local level, the descriptive concepts arrived at may be misleading.
14 +
15 +
16 +====Fourth, discussions cannot be based on ideal theory- we must engage in real world discussions but those discussions mean nothing unless they change the values to the people they affect,====
17 +**Curry 14** Dr. Tommy J. Curry 1 The Cost of a Thing: A Kingian Reformulation of a Living Wage Argument in the 21st Century. 2014
18 +Despite the pronouncement of debate as an activity and intellectual exercise pointing to
19 +AND
20 +used to currently justify the living wages in under our contemporary moral parameters.
21 +
22 +====Therefore, the role of the ballot is to vote for the debater who takes the best action to improve conditions for marginalized groups. This requires state action, not just critical reflection- moving away from the state dooms the lefts’ critique to failure—we must work within the state without being statist, meaning if the neg alt isn’t a state policy I’m the only one with a risk of offense====
23 +**Connally 2k8 **~~William, Professor of Political Science at John Hopkins, Capitalism and Christianity, American Style, page numbers are at the bottom of the card.~~
24 +Before turning to possible strategies to promote these objectives, we need to face an
25 +AND
26 +were it to occur, would undermine rather than vitalize democratic culture.
27 +
28 +
29 +====Implications:====
30 +
31 +
32 +====A) Ceding the political leaves politics to the right; we probably don’t want Trump as president so we cant avoid politics entirely. B) Even if the state is implicitly bad, winning aff solvency shows a shift from its representations. C), State is necessary to affect material oppression in the AC.====
33 +
34 +
35 +====Thus I advocate that countries ought to prohibit the production of nuclear power ====
36 +
37 +
38 +==Contention 1: Indigenous sovereignty ==
39 +
40 +
41 +====Colonialism has been a implicit part of American patriotism – first they took away the land and forced indigenous peoples onto reservations and now they are taking away the remaining red sovereignty by bribing and abusing the indigenous land and reservations by placing dangerous nuclear power plants ====
42 +**Angel 91** Bradley (an international leader in the environmental health and justice movement, working with communities to stop pollution threats and to promote pollution prevention) "The Toxic Threat to Indian Lands" Greenpeace 1991 http://www.ejnet.org/ej/toxicthreattoindianlands.pdf DOA: 8.11.16//KAE
43 +Five hundred years ago explorer Christopher Columbus sailed from Europe, setting in motion a
44 +AND
45 +traditions and sovereignty becomes known, resistance by Indian people has spread rapidly.
46 +
47 +
48 +====Aboriginals and indigenous peoples face similar discrimination ====
49 +**Green 16 **Radioactive waste and the nuclear war on Australia's Aboriginal people Jim Green 1st July 2016 http://www.theecologist.org/News/news'analysis/2987853/radioactive'waste'and'the'nuclear'war'on'australias'aboriginal'people.html Dr James "Jim" Green is the national anti-nuclear campaigner with Friends of the Earth Australia and Australian coordinator of the Beyond Nuclear Initiative.~~1~~ Green is a regular media commentator on nuclear waste issues.~~2~~ He has an honours degree in public health from the University of Wollongong and was awarded a PhD in science and technology studies for his analysis of the Lucas Heights research reactor debates.~~3~~
50 +This isn't the first time that Aboriginal people in South Australia have faced the imposition
51 +AND
52 +This took place with no forewarning and no consultation with Aboriginal people.
53 +
54 +
55 +==== Prohibiting productin of nuclear power solves; eliminates the need for waste disposal and ====
56 +**Rozman 14** Izzati (Scholar and Author) "ARGUMENTATIVE REPORT SHOULD OR SHOULD NOT NUCLEAR POWER ENERGY BE BANNED GLOBALLY?" University Sultan Zainal Abidin, 2014 https://www.academia.edu/10107346/ARGUMENTATIVE'REPORT'SHOULD'OR'SHOULD'NOT'NUCLEAR'POWER'ENERGY'BE'BANNED'GLOBALLY DOA: 8.11.16//KAE
57 +Nuclear power should be banned globally not because of the availability of extensive reasons that
58 +AND
59 +depleting precious potable water resources and bring hazardous effect towards human and environment.
60 +
61 +
62 +==Contention 2: Japan ==
63 +
64 +
65 +====Nuclear power production entered Japan into an age of racial violence ====
66 +**Shrader-Frechette 1 **ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE Volume 5, Number 3, 2012 a Mary Ann Liebert, Inc. DOI: 10.1089/env.2011.0045 Nuclear Catastrophe, Disaster-Related Environmental Injustice, and Fukushima, Japan: Prima-Facie Evidence for a Japanese ‘‘Katrina’’ Kristin Shrader-Frechette http://www3.nd.edu/~~kshrader/pubs/ksf-ej-2012-fukushima.pdf // KAE
67 +Besides poor people, prima-facie, pre-FD-accident evidence also
68 +AND
69 +DREI victims? To answer these questions, consider first the FD accident.
70 +
71 +
72 +====Environmental injustice threats following nuclear power disasters promote racist and classist culture divides====
73 +**Shrader-Frechette 2** ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE Volume 5, Number 3, 2012 a Mary Ann Liebert, Inc. DOI: 10.1089/env.2011.0045 Nuclear Catastrophe, Disaster-Related Environmental Injustice, and Fukushima, Japan: Prima-Facie Evidence for a Japanese ‘‘Katrina’’ Kristin Shrader-Frechette http://www3.nd.edu/~~kshrader/pubs/ksf-ej-2012-fukushima.pdf // KAE
74 +Because Japan has few minorities, one might expect that its environmental-injustice
75 +AND
76 +that is able to assess the ultima-facie case for FD EI.
77 +
78 +
79 +==Contention 3: Masculinity ==
80 +
81 +
82 +====Nuclear power personifies a male structure perpetuating forms of masculine domination ====
83 +**Caputi 04**, Jane Goddesses and Monsters: Women, Myth, Power, and Popular Culture https://books.google.com/books/about/Goddesses'and'Monsters.html?id=C'r6meksRjUCandprintsec=frontcoverandsource=kp'read'button~~#v=onepageandq=nuclearandf=false 2004// KAE
84 +Feminist criticism has focused on exposing what Diana Russell (1989) calls "nuclear
85 +AND
86 +place, the mother’s body (Porter, 1991, 104-5).
87 +
88 +
89 +====Nuclear power is the symbol of masculinity – a political artifact that rapes the earth and creates a monopolization of control over the notion of femininity. Maintaining production of the atom bomb replicates the hierarchal chain of command and oppressive power structures that follow from nuclear power ====
90 +**Grint and Gill 95** The Gender-technology Relation: Contemporary Theory and Research By Keith Grint, Rosalind Gill//KAE
91 +nuclear technology is a useful example to illustrate some fundamental differences in approach to technology
92 +AND
93 +that it be controlled by a centralized, rigidly hierarchical chain of command.
94 +
95 +
96 +====Nuclear weapons support the Patriarchy and male dominations====
97 +**Canberra 84 **Published by Friends of the Earth (Canberra) in January 1984, ISBN 0 909313 27 X (pdf of original). A condensed version was published in Social Alternatives, Vol. 5, No. 2, 1986, pp. 9-16.//KAE
98 +Patriarchy - the collective domination of men over women - and other major social structures
99 +AND
100 +imagine the development of nuclear weapons in a society where feminine values predominated.
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1 +====Look at how brave these universities are! They’re promising increased diversity and making a quota system for disadvantaged groups—well I mean, sorta. They don’t actually ever do anything and usually sweep problematic issues under the rug, but it’s the thought that counts right? ====
2 +
3 +====The effect of university policies aimed at helping oppressed bodies vanishes in thin air, but the legal walls created stay in place. On-campus activists are put into a situation where they constantly make futile policies, while the university ignores its commitments====
4 +**Ahmed 1** (Sara Ahmed is formerly the director of a new Centre for Feminist Research (CFR) at Goldsmiths, Professor of Race and Cultural Studies at Goldsmiths, and a scholar that writes on the intersection of queer theory, feminist theory, critical race theory, and post-colonialism/ Ahmed, Sara. Article from her independent research blog: Evidence Posted on July 12, 2016 – no pg. numbers, DOA 1/28/17 KE)
5 +To have evidence ... to silence the oppressed
6 +
7 +**Ahmed 2** (Sara Ahmed is formerly the director of a new Centre for Feminist Research (CFR) at Goldsmiths, Professor of Race and Cultural Studies at Goldsmiths, and a scholar that writes on the intersection of queer theory, feminist theory, critical race theory, and post-colonialism, "How Not to Do Things with Words" Wagadu: A Journal of Transnational Women’s and Gender Studies, 2016, vol. 16, pp 2-6.//Accessed 9/15/16 KE)
8 +How can not doing ...under the appearance of "having brought."
9 +
10 +====White patriarchy relies on this institutionalized promise of happiness, wherein oppression becomes happiness as it circulates the image of the happy woman in the kitchen, the thankful woman with lower pay and the happy slave. The contours of these restrictions relegate the Other to death through a denunciation of desire and will. ====
11 +**Ahmed 2** (Sara Ahmed is formerly the director of a new Centre for Feminist Research (CFR) at Goldsmiths, Professor of Race and Cultural Studies at Goldsmiths, and a scholar that writes on the intersection of queer theory, feminist theory, critical race theory, and post-colonialism. Ahmed, Sara. The Promise of Happiness. Durham: Duke U Press, 2010. Pg. 63-64 //DOA 1/29/17 KE)
12 +It is Sophy’s imagination ... as the general or social will.*
13 +
14 +====Speech is an expression of will, but the voice of the oppressed is lost as it becomes docile. Violence becomes the corrective tool to reorient non-conforming bodies into obedience with oppressive rule systems "for their own good"====
15 +**Ahmed 3** (Sara Ahmed is formerly the director of a new Centre for Feminist Research (CFR) at Goldsmiths, Professor of Race and Cultural Studies at Goldsmiths, and a scholar that writes on the intersection of queer theory, feminist theory, critical race theory, and post-colonialism, Willful Subjects, Duke University Press, pp 63-67.//Accessed 2/2/17 KE)
16 +The story gives us a ...are kept alive by forgetting
17 +
18 +====~~advo text~~ Thus I affirm the resolution. The 1AC is a standing resistance against institutionalized happiness in university settings through the figure of the killjoy. ====
19 +
20 +====The 1AC is a personal killjoy manifesto against the oppressive structures of happiness in academic spaces. Our genealogy repeats the unhappy history of students and debaters alike, where every round forces the academic institution to continually take on the weight of its past. A manifesto allows us to use our personal experiences against the institution to reassert our wills and to collapse systems of violence. To be a killjoy is to be a political activist, a nonconforming queer, or the angry black woman. There can be joy in the killing of joy – our manifesto just determines a purpose of feminist flight. ====
21 +**Ahmed 4** (Sara Ahmed is formerly the director of a new Centre for Feminist Research (CFR) at Goldsmiths, Professor of Race and Cultural Studies at Goldsmiths, and a scholar that writes on the intersection of queer theory, feminist theory, critical race theory, and post-colonialism, Living a Feminist Life, "Conclusion II", 2017, Duke University Press, pp 254-257 //Accessed 2/9/2017 GKKE)
22 +We must stay unhappy ...them if you can bear them. 
23 +
24 +====The killjoy is the praxis point to resolve other violent power structures – our project of phenomenology expose the origin of violence and present a unified call to rage against points of oppression within politics. ====
25 +**Ahmed 5** Sara Ahmed "Feminist Killjoys (And Other Willful Subjects)" The Scholar and Feminist Online The Barnard Center for Research on Women Summer 2010
26 +Phenomenology helps us ...with which they get associated.
27 +
28 +==== ~~rotb text?~~ The role of the ballot is vote for the debater that best mobilizes unhappiness as a way to fight oppression. Our manifesto is an archive of happiness that extends beyond the resolution; the ballot becomes a form of affect – every reading of the 1AC elicits an rfd, decision, and refutation which create new impressions to shape identity to reclaim the liberatory potential of academic settings. ====
29 +**Ahmed 6 **(Sara Ahmed is formerly the director of a new Centre for Feminist Research (CFR) at Goldsmiths, Professor of Race and Cultural Studies at Goldsmiths, and a scholar that writes on the intersection of queer theory, feminist theory, critical race theory, and post-colonialism. Ahmed, Sara. The Promise of Happiness. Durham: Duke U Press, 2010. Pg. 19-20//DOA 1/29/17 KE)
30 +Every writer is first ... book is to make room.
31 +
32 +====This means that only the aff is effective to create a survival mechanism for the Other in the institution; silence creates complacency under the guise of "safety" which become less safe for the marginalized bodies in the institutions====
33 +**Rodruiguez 11** (Dalia Rodriguez,2011, Qualitative Inquiry, "Silent rage and the politics of resitstance: countering seductions of whiteness and the road of politization and empowerment" https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/~~#inbox/155f2644f681f418?projector=1 ) pg. 594
34 +However, in addition to ...in the White academy.
35 +
36 +====Our manifesto points out the structures of complacency inside of institutions but critiques the normalcy of what it means to protest inside of it. Our refusal to be complacent with happiness in university settings redefines protest. Reshaping protest is crucial because institutions, like debate, discourage protest to maintain oppression and happiness. Speech is reregulated as the right to speak up. ====
37 +**Nguyen 14** Nicole Nguyen and R. Tina Catania The Feminist Wire August 5 2014 "On Feeling Depleted: Naming, Confronting, and Surviving Oppression in the Academy" thefeministwire.com/2014/08/feeling-depleted-naming-confronting-surviving-oppression-academy/
38 +We write because we ...strategize, to survive, to heal.
39 +
40 +====Our manifesto is a rupturing of happiness inside of debate's academic setting. Oppression in debate is perpetuated by the decisions community members make on a weekly basis. We look to real world implications in order to access debate’s liberatory potential. Thus, the role of the judge is to vote for the best resistance strategy for the oppressed. ====
41 +**Smith 13, Elijah. A Conversation in Ruins: Race and Black Participation in Lincoln Douglas Debate **
42 +It will be uncomfortable,...black students cannot escape.
43 +
44 +====Scenarios of nuclear war or extinction are deemed as the ‘good form of debate’ and help construct a space where violence against womxn is especially hidden and force female debaters to be complacent reading those positions. We are supposed to be nice debaters, more compelling, appropriate and sweet. Failure to do so creates more affect against the marginalized female body. Thus, the figure of the killjoy is uniquely good in debate. ====
45 +Bjork 92 (Rebecca, debater and university coach, "Symposium: Women in Debate: Reflections on the Ongoing Struggle", Effluents and affluence: The Global Pollution Debate, 1992")
46 +While reflecting on my ... real power that we have.
47 +
48 +====/slow down/ if that speech was too shrill for you then you’re part of the problem. The status of comfort in the activity deems feminine speech as shrill and disfavored. Women in debate become The Other in a new setting of the institution. Feminine participation and speech inside of debate is constantly suppressed to a relegated status of happiness and conformity. ====
49 +**Feinzig and Atyeo 11 **An Analysis of Gender Disparities in Lincoln-Douglas Debate Joshua Feinzig
50 +Natalie Atyeo
51 +Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School October 2, 2011 http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract'id=1957437
52 +Though the cited studies... in the debate community.
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1 +====Violence against womyn in systems of white supremacy become internalized – marked identities begin to desire the purity of unmarked whiteness, and thus normalize their world view. Oppression thus becomes a condition of happiness – women are happy in the kitchen, they don’t want to go out to work. The ultimate form of white patriarchy is the oppressed desiring their own oppression, and we need to disrupt this naïve happiness.====
2 +**Ahmed 10** Sara, 1/1/2010. Professor of Race and Cultural Studies, Goldsmiths College, University of London. The Promise of Happiness. Duke University Press.
3 +It is Sophy’s imagination… right way, to be assembled.
4 +
5 +====People do not take women seriously when they speak – now you have to. Rearticulation serves as a method to sever the ties of the power within language and speech acts from its historically gendered and racialized history. Nagging and disrupting the white-male hegemonic institutions in the academy creates a disruption of the language game that exists in the academy. Only by antagonizing the principles of exclusion can we disorient the habitual spaces of whiteness which is a prerequisite to combatting other forms of oppression ====
6 +**Patton 04** (Dr. Tracey Owens Patton is the director of African American and Diaspora Studies and a professor in the Department of Communication and Journalism at the University of Wyoming. Dr. Patton's area of expertise is critical cultural communication and rhetorical studies.2004 Reflections of a Black Woman Professor: Racism and Sexism in Academia, Howard Journal of Communications, 15:3, 197-198, Accessed 6/27/16, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10646170490483629)
7 +Through my personal…common set of struggles.
8 +
9 +====Thus I affirm the entirety of the resolution. We affirm to open up a space to endorse the feminist kill joy and creates sites of discourse that disorients and reconfigures the social order. ====
10 +**Ahmed 10** Sara Ahmed "Feminist Killjoys (And Other Willful Subjects)" The Scholar and Feminist Online The Barnard Center for Research on Women Summer 2010
11 +To be unseated… We must learn.
12 +
13 +====Our affirmative approach as a foundational criticism is necessary to resolve the structural antagonisms that formulate law – even the most progressive left legal reforms recreate those problems and attempt to disentangle the complexities of gender issues - Our aff is a prerequisite ====
14 +**Brown and Halley 02 **Wendy Brown and Janet Halley, 2002 (Left Legalism/Left Critique, Wendy Brown is First Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Berkeley, where she is also affiliated with the Department of Rhetoric, and where she is a core faculty member in the Designated Emphasis in Critical Theory. Janet Halley is the Royall Professor of Law at Harvard Law School. p. 18-25)
15 +Left legalistic projects… that bred them.
16 +
17 +====The notion of free speech assumes that all voices are equally treated, when in reality power inequities shape who can speak what====
18 +**Boler 2k** Megan Boler (Professor in the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto and editor of Digital Media and Democracy), "All Speech is Not Free: The Ethics of "Affirmative Action Pedagogy," Philosophy of Education, 2000
19 +All speech is not … limiting dominant voices.
20 +
21 +====Oppression in debate is perpetuated by the decisions community members make on a weekly basis. We look to real world implications in order to access debate’s liberatory potential. Thus, the role of the ballot is to vote for the best resistance strategy for the oppressed. ====
22 +Smith 13, Elijah. A Conversation in Ruins: Race and Black Participation in Lincoln Douglas Debate
23 +It will be … students cannot escape.
24 +
25 +====Freedom of speech requires emancipation from social oppression – The aff challenge traditional notions of free speech from a negative individual right to an opportunity to subvert disempowerment. Instead of viewing freedom of speech as a negative individual right, we should understand it as the right to speak up.  ====
26 +**Hornsby 95** Jennifer Hornsby "Disempowered Speech" University of Arkansas Press Philosophical Topics, Vol. 23, No. 2, Feminist Perspectives on Language, Knowledge, and Reality (FALL 1995),
27 +Free speech, or …. will be indispensable.
28 +
29 +====If that speech was too shrill for you then that’s part of the problem. Feminine participation and speech inside of the debate space is constantly suppressed to a relegated status of happiness and conformity. ====
30 +**Feinzig and Atyeo 11 **An Analysis of Gender Disparities in Lincoln-Douglas Debate Joshua Feinzig
31 +Natalie Atyeo
32 +Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School October 2, 2011 http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract'id=1957437
33 +Though the cited … lower vocal pitches.
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1 +====Recognition necessitates an understanding of social standpoints of the oppressed and fluidity of identity ====
2 +**Butler 09 **Frames of War: When Is Life Grievable? JUDITH BUTLER 2009 Pg. 8
3 +How then is … radically democratic results?
4 +
5 +====Language facilitates recognition as an instrument for compelling agency by allowing us to address one another and recognize existence. This allows for language to socially determine our existence and submits us to linguistic ontology.====
6 +**Butler 97** "Excitable Speech: A Politics of Performativity" by Judith Butler 1997 p. 5
7 +Language sustains the … of survivable subjects.
8 +
9 +====Ontology comes first because underpins all other impacts and is the basis for all politics====
10 +**Dillon 99 **(Michael, Professor of Politics at the University of Lancaster, Moral Spaces, p. 97-98)
11 +As Heidegger – himself… decision and judgment.
12 +analytics
13 +
14 +====And, our heuristic means we learn about the State without being it. Our framework teaches contingent, but engaged, middle grounds. No State pessimism or optimism bias for extreme Alts.====
15 +**Zanotti ’14** Dr. Laura Zanotti is an Associate Professor of Political Science at Virginia Tech.  Her research and teaching include critical political theory as well as international organizations, UN peacekeeping, democratization and the role of NGOs in post-conflict governance." Governmentality, Ontology, Methodology: Re-thinking Political Agency in the Global World" – Alternatives: Global, Local, Political – vol 38(4):p. 288-304,. A little unclear if this is late 2013 or early 2014 – The Stated "Version of Record" is Feb 20, 2014, but was originally published online on December 30th, 2013. Obtained via Sage Database.  KAE bracketed for grammar
16 +By questioning substantialist … and pessimistic activism.
17 +
18 +====Thus the standard is promoting critical social engagement. ====
19 +====I defend the resolution; Resolved: Public colleges and Universities in the United States ought not restrict any constitutionally protected speech. I defend the resolution as a general principle, so I don’t defend implementation.====
20 +====The squo presents an inherent problem; colleges restrict students ability to exercise their free speech. ====
21 +**Wheeler 16** , Lydia. "Colleges Are Restricting Free Speech on Campus, Lawmakers Say." TheHill. N.p., 02 Feb. 2016. Web. 06 Dec. 2016.
22 +In protecting students… use," he said.
23 +
24 +===Adv. 1 Activism===
25 +
26 +====The thesis of the affirmative is to open up free speech on campus to endorse methods like counter speech, which is a method of literal interrogation against harmful speech. Counter-speech works to combat hate speech—empirically verified. ====
27 +**Davidson ’16** The Freedom of Speech in Public Forums on College Campuses: A Single-Site Case Study on Pushing the Boundaries of the Freedom of Speech A Senior Project presented to The Faculty of the Journalism Department California Polytechnic State University, San Luis Obispo In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree Bachelor of Science in Journalism By Alexander Davidson June 2016 
28 +All experts agreed… combat the issue.
29 +
30 +====The aff creates a culture of counterspeech. Censorship is the only alternative and it undermines empowerment and makes offensive speakers into martyrs, increasing the effectiveness of their arguments—my evidence is directly comparative.====
31 +**Strossen 95 **1995 Hate Speech and Pornography: Do We Have to Choose between Freedom of Speech and Equality Nadine Strossen New York Law School *** multiple examples come from public colleges at ASU and more. Examples cited in card ununderlined bc I wanted to be efficient sorry. Can point to it if you’d like
32 +The viewpoint-neutrality… it enfeebles them.4 P
33 +
34 +====Public colleges restricting free speech creates administrative intervention which destroys grassroot activism ====
35 +**Brown 95 **~~Brown (Wendy L. Brown (born November 28, 1955) is an American professor of Political Science at the University of California, Berkeley~~1~~ where she is also affiliated with the Department of Rhetoric, and where she is a core faculty member in the Designated Emphasis in Critical Theory.~~2~~), Wendy. "States of injury: Power and freedom in late modernity." (1995). //~~
36 +It is important … essays arc written.
37 +
38 +====Censorship hurts the students’ ability to protest offensive speech in the future – granting college admin the authority to police speech creates a precident of rights infringement ====
39 +**Milligan 15 **From Megaphones to Muzzles Free speech is under fire on college campuses – and the attacks are coming from students. By Susan Milligan ~| Staff Writer Nov. 25, 2015, http://www.usnews.com/news/the-report/articles/2015/11/25/from-megaphones-to-muzzles-free-speech-safe-spaces-and-college-campuses
40 +To me, an institution… free speech rages on.
41 +
42 +====When colleges determine that certain words or concepts shouldn’t be said, it locks the trauma of oppression in the words themselves. By freeing up speech, the Aff takes away the oppressor’s ability to use those words as a weapon.====
43 +**Butler 97**, Judith (Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature, University of California-Berkeley), Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative, Routledge, 1997.
44 +Keeping such terms … is partially open.
45 +
46 +=== adv. 2 Education ===
47 +====Free speech restrictions prevent colleges from doing what they were made to do: namely, to educate tomorrow’s innovators, leaders, and activists. ====
48 +**Snyder 16** , Jeffrey Aaron, "Free Speech? Now That’s Offensive!" Inside Higher Ed, September 1, 2016.
49 +The Gallup survey… by its critics?
50 +analytics
51 +====Empirics prove that banning bigoted speech or acts doesn’t work. ====
52 +**Malik 12** , Kenan, "Why hate speech should not be banned," April 12, 2012.
53 +And in practice, … hate speech is involved.
54 +
55 +====The University is no longer open- it controls what knowledge can be disseminated- this is a new form of intolerance that has replaced previous intolerances- this prevents creating the best knowledge possible by limiting discussion and preventing idea exchange- this leads to extremity, polarization, and hinders politics, decision-making, and societal progress====
56 +**Nelson 15 **Nelson, Libby. Education Reporter Reporting on and explaining education. Previously: POLITICO Pro, Inside Higher Ed. Originally: Northwestern and Kansas City. "Obama on Liberal College Students Who Want to Be "coddled": "That's Not the Way We Learn"" Vox. Vox Media, Inc, 14 Sept. 2015. Web. 23 June 2016. http://www.vox.com/2015/9/14/9326965/obama-political-correctness.
57 +DES MOINES, Iowa —… , is all about."
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1 +====This is the Ghost Dance====
2 +**Elliot ’98** (Elliott, Michael A. "Ethnography, Reform, and the Problem of the Real: James Mooney's Ghost-Dance Religion." American Quarterly 50.2 (1998): 201-33. Web. Pg.1 ODA 9/1/16 //KAE+GK)
3 +
4 +The whole world is coming,
5 +A nation is coming, a nation is coming.
6 +The Eagle has brought a message to the tribe.
7 +The father says so, the father says so.
8 +Over the whole earth they are coming,
9 +The buffalo are coming, the buffalo are coming.
10 +
11 +====Gehres 01 explains====
12 +(Edward D. Gehres III*, "Visions of the Ghost Dance: Native American Empowerment and the Neo-Colonial Impulse," Hein Online, 2001, Online, Accessed 8/20/16, Pages 135-137. *Associate, Arnold and Porter, Washington, D.C.; J.D., 2001, University of Virginia School of Law; MA., 1996, The Graduate School of Political Management at The George Washington University; A.B., 1994, University of Michigan. //KAE+GK)
13 +
14 +In the midst of a time of great suffering following their confinement to reservations, Indian2 nations in the central plains region focused their fears of the past and their hopes for the future on a new religious movement known as the ghost dance.3 The leaders of this movement believed that great change and rebirth were on the horizon for Indian nations and that the spirits of the dead who had lost their lives in the battles with the white man would come back to life, that the abundance of the buffalo would return, and that the white man would vanish from their land.4 It was a ritual embodying a hope for peace and prosperity that revived spirituality and hope among Indian nations.5 The ghost dance was brought to the people by a Paiute holy man named Wovoka, and it came to the government's attention when the great warrior Sitting Bull left his retirement home at Standing Rock Agency and joined the Oglala Sioux ghost dancers. 6 The ritual emboldened the people of these Indian nations to show cultural pride, and the government, fearing insurrection, cracked down on the practice of the ghost dance religion. Misconstruing it as a dangerous uprising instead of as a rebirth of national confidence and self-awareness among Indian people, the federal government dispatched a reconstituted Seventh Cavalry - the same unit that suffered defeat at Custer's last stand - to quell the practice of the ghost dance. 7 Disaster ensued as the Seventh Cavalry killed Sitting Bull for supposedly resisting arrest, and then continued on to murder 350 Indian refugees at Wounded Knee Creek.8 The tragedy of the ghost dance and the resulting massacre at Wounded Knee should serve as an allegorical warning for today's relations between Indian nations and the United States government. In the thirty some years since Richard Nixon articulated the federal policy of Self-Determination for Indian tribes, 9 many tribal governments have been plagued by malfeasance or insufficient resources, but there have also been some striking successes.10 In some cases, Indian tribes have "re-invented" themselves as modern day sovereign governments reflecting both the efficiency and functionality of successful state governments and the vital traditions of their past. These tribes have leveraged the few economic development footholds available to them into successful economic development ventures aimed at establishing a lasting tribal infrastructure and creating a sustainable prosperity for the future.11 This potent combination of enterprise development and tribal sovereignty intertwined with the cultural history and traditions of the past is the "new ghost dance" for Indian nations.
15 +
16 +**====Landrum 11 continues ====**
17 +(*Cynthia Landrum Shape-shifters, Ghosts, and Residual Power teaches in the Native American Studies Program at Portland State University. She received her PhD in history from Oklahoma State University. Phantom Past, Indigenous Presence: Native Ghosts in North American Culture and History, Ed. Colleen E. Boyd and Coll Thrush, 2011, Nebraska Press, 261-262 *editorial chapters done by multiple authors, Landrum is one section //KAE+GK)
18 +
19 +In the 1992 film Thunderheart, a young man of Sioux ancestry, Ray Levoi, returns to his homeland as an FBI agent to help solve a string of murders of Indian activists. He learns that his ancestor Thunderheart was among those murdered by U.S. soldiers during the 1890 massacre at Wounded Knee. After a while Ray begins to have fitful dreams and visions of the event. In the dream he is "running with the Old Ones" and is shot in the back. The film implies that his biological ties to the community are enough to trigger a series of metaphysical events. His ancestors return to haunt him and to help provide knowledge that will aid him in his quest for truth. Thunderheart is not the first film in which Hollywood has attempted to tell the story of one of the worst incidents of genocide in the history of the U.S.-Indigenous relations, the Wounded Knee Massacre. However, the filmmaker takes a different approach as he blends history and familiar uncanny motifs in an effort to move the story toward its inevitable conclusion. For instance, it is implied that Jimmy Looks Twice, a fictional activist played bY the real-life American Indian Movement (AIM) member John Trudell, has the power to shape-shift into a deer. An elderly medicine man, Grandpa Reaches, has mystical connections to the ancestral past—he simply "knows" things. When Ray Levoi wistfully wishes that Maggie (a character reminiscent of the real-life Anna Mae Aquash), a female activist murdered during the course of the film, could be there in person to see the triumph of good over evil, Walter Crow Horse (played by Graham Greene) gently remind him: "She was, Ray, she was." The film blends fact and fiction in a way that underscores that, for modern-day Lakota people, Wounded Knee is a haunted location. On December 29, 1890, the Minneconjou Sioux Chief Big Foot and his "bedraggles band of staving Ghost Dancers" were camped along the Wounded Knee Creek, where they were slain by members of the U.S. Cavalry on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation in South Dakota.17 Big Foot and his band were pursued by the U.S. Cavalry soldiers, who feared a localized outbreak of the Ghost Dance religion.18 In the aftermath of the massacre, the ethnologist James Mooney acquired objects and personal belongings, including the Ghost Dance shirts worn by the deceased, and shipped them east to the Smithsonian Institution. Under the auspices of the Bureau of Ethnology, Mooney was commissioned to acquire and curate an ethnographic collection for the World’s Columbian Exposition and to continue his work among the Cherokee of Oklahoma, which initially involved several trips west between 1891 and 1894.19 In the aftermath of the Wounded Knee Massacre,20 the Northern Plains people were both militarily and spiritually disarmed. And as their lands were occupied, they were corralled onto reservations and their secular and religious objects were placed in storage units in large metropolitan museums. According to the AIM activist, modern Ghost Dancer, and adopted Lakota Sioux tribal member Robert Van Pelt (Siletz/Umatilla), the people parted with their objects only when forced to by economic hardship and constant duress form outside forces.21 In a sense, the Ghost dance religion 22 succeeded, because the dead did return, but not in the fashion in which the followers of the religion had anticipated.23 According to Sioux tribal members today, the Wounded Knee site is haunted by those who were gunned down in the snow on December 29, 1890. The activist Mary Crow Dog, in her memoir, references the spirits of the site as she describes the birth of her first child during AIM’s occupancy at Wounded Knee: Monday, just as the morning star came out, my water broke and I went down to the sweat lodge to pray. I wanted to go into the sweat but the Black Elk would not let me. Maybe there was a taboo against my participating, just as a menstruating woman is not allowed to take part in a ceremony. I was disappointed. I did not feel that the fact that my water burst had made me ritually unclean. As i walked away from the vapor hut, for the third time, I heard the ghostly cry and lamenting of a woman and child coming out of the massacre ravine. Others had heard it too. I felt that the spirits were all around me. I was later told that some of the marshals inside their sandbagged positions had also heard it, and some could not stand it and had themselves transferred.
20 +
21 +====The Lakota Dancers teach us that these looming ghosts, like the ones at Wounded Knee, are the power of Native populations and embedded in the land itself. As the United States attempted to exterminate Native populations, the landscape became painted with the spiritual hauntings of historical colonial domination ====
22 +**Landrum 11 ***Cynthia Landrum Shape-shifters, Ghosts, and Residual Power teaches in the Native American Studies Program at Portland State University. She received her PhD in history from Oklahoma State University. Phantom Past, Indigenous Presence: Native Ghosts in North American Culture and History, Ed. Colleen E. Boyd and Coll Thrush, 2011, Nebraska Press, 256-258 *editorial chapters done by multiple authors, Landrum is one section //KAE+GK)
23 +
24 +Stories of ghosts and hauntings are present in every society.1 The traditional conviction among most American Indian people is that ghosts can be malignant forces or act as guardian spirits. In particular, the Lakota believe that spirits or ghosts seen in daylight or at dusk can be dangerous and benevolent, depending on the context in which they are encountered. It is believed that benevolent ghosts can provide protection or guidance, or even become part of the landscape where a traumatic or powerful event occurred. Malevolent spirits, however, can cause spiritual, physical and/or emotional harm to the living.2 Stories of the uncanny or supernatural are actively reinforced by the oral historical narratives that emanate directly from tribal communities despite generations of assimilation, territorial conquest, spiritual colonialism, and academic and religious bigotry toward Northern Plains beliefs. Likewise, for many Lakota people, material objects that have been collected by museums still resonate with "power" despite the fact that they have been removed from their original context. As a result, such objects—and the new places they inhabit—may also become haunted. In this essay I will examine and compare Northern Plains beliefs about haunted locations, spirits, and objects in three contexts: the ghosts of victims massacred in 1890 at the Wounded Knee site in South Dakota; stories about the Deer People, shape-shifters that are half-deer and half-human; and hauntings that allegedly occurred around material objects displayed in the Great plains exhibition hall and storage areas at the National Museum of Natural History. Further, I will show that indigenous belief systems have survived despite cultural genocide, will demonstrate the hybridity of everyday beliefs as American Indians contribute to American popular culture, will show that Native beliefs are not hermetically sealed but rather engage the stories of colonial society as well, and, finally, discuss how these everyday/everywhere ghost stories are grounded in actual histories of colonialism. Traditional sacred sites, stories, and/or museum objects as vessels for "power"—both temporary and permanent—that connect the everyday world with the supernatural. The Northern Plains stores recorded here were told to me by individual consultants from various tribes, and museum employees and professionals who chose to remain anonymous. Some of the interviews are from as early as the fall of 1991, while others took place in the fall of 2008. However, I have worked with tribal members in the northern Plains since 1991. My work as a historian has caused primarily on American Indian government-sponsored boarding schools and the effect of the educational system upon the Northern Plains tribes. In addition to performing scholarly research, I have worked as a museum professional and have specifically dealt with the care of Native American museum objects. Over the years, individuals, native and non-Native alike, have shared with me stories of the uncanny—as these relate to the experience of boarding schools and policies of assimilation or as they relate to the frustration and anger many have felt concerning the removal of human remains and material objects form their original cultural settings. In both settings, many Indigenous people have experienced trauma, oppression, and uncertainty, the kinds of conditions that seem to elicit hauntings. This essay is the result of stories told to me while I worked in museum or was in the process of conducting research on other topics. And whether it was a conversation in passing or a formal interview, the information was shared with me in order to further illuminate how the dynamics among "power," sacred sites, traditional folklore, and/or material objects operate. Power for many American Indians, including the Lakota, is fixed in place. For Lakota people, sacred sites include the Black Hills, Bear Butte, Harney Peak, the Badlands, and Pipestone.3 Bear Butte has been a site for vision quests for the Lakota Sioux and Cheyenne for thousands of years. The eastern edge of the Black Hills in South Dakota, the area where the first peoples emerged, has been a focal point for religious activity involving sun dances, prayers, and fasting and prophecies. Pipestone also serves as an important religious site for many tribes, but in particular for the Dakota Sioux. For centuries, people have mined the red stone in eastern Minnesota in order to make the sacred pipe, pipe bowls, and other objects. Again, these sites serve as access points between the physical world and the realm of the spirits. Dreams, visions, and aberration are part of the lived reality of many Indian people, as are ghosts, spirits and witches. Indian traditionalists believe that those spiritual powers have control over their lives, and they use protective medicines and take precautions to keep themselves safe. It is a life where the metaphysical is more powerful than the physical world, and where certain ceremonies and important rites, performed at specific sacred sites, such as Bear Butte, are necessary for protection or blessings for individuals and communities as people seek deeper communion with those powers greater than themselves.4
25 +
26 +====The United States since its inception has been fascinated with Native spiritual connectivity to the Land—making the acquisition of Native Land the primary strategy for the first wave of colonization on Native peoples to forge a unified, assimilated, and nationalistic "American Identity"====
27 +**Kavanagh 11 **(*Sarah Schnyder Kavanagh pg. 154-158 Sarah Schneider Kavanagh's research focuses on the pedagogy of teacher education Postdoctoral Scholar at the University of Washington, "Haunting Remains: Educating a New American Citizenry at Indian Hill Cemetery", Phantom Past, Indigenous Presence: Native Ghosts in North American Culture/ made in 2011/ edited by Colleen E. Boyd and thrush *editorial chapters done by multiple authors, Kavanagh is one section // EBOOK DOA 9/1/16 KAE+GK)
28 +
29 +Although the American Revolution marked the birth of the new nation-state, it was not until several decades later that U.S. citizens realized that their experimental government could transform into a lasting republic. American victories in the War of 1812 revealed that a unified national culture and history could help the United States become a "nation among nations."12 In his discussion of the cultural roots of nationalism, Benedict Anderson writes that "nation-states… always loom out of an immemorial past, and, still more important, glide into a limitless future."13 And so as American citizens realized that their experiment in republican government had this potential for a "limitless future," they were faced with the daunting task of constructing for themselves an "immemorial past." Wince accomplishing this task would be no small feat, it is not surprising that the end of the War of 1812 marked the beginning of what Blanche Linden-Ward has termed the "American monument-building era"—how better to construct the immemorial than with monuments and memorials? This era was defined by an explosion of cultural and artistic production in support of the men and principles that had founded the nation: a carving of a new U.S. history into old American stone.14 In 1836 Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote, "Our age is retrospective. It builds the sepulchers of the fathers. It writes biographies, history, criticism. The foregoing generation beheld God and nature face to face; we, through their eyes."15 Although American history was being consciously constructed through many forms, including literature, painting, and oratory, it is no surprise that Emerson highlights the building of "sepulchers of the fathers" as the primary project of his era. Early-nineteenth-century scholars were quite aware of the implications of the fixation on tomb building. This fixation was made most visible through the Rural Cemetery Movement,16 an integral development in the conscious construction of U.S. history.17 In 1850 the creation of Indian Hill cemetery marked the spread of the mid-nineteenth-century monument-building fever into Middletown, Connecticut. The cemetery project, much like rural cemetery projects all along the east coast, was at its heart a patriotic enterprise.18 In his speech at the Indian Hill Cemetery dedication, Olin discussed how the site would instill patriotism in its visitors: "I trust I am no visionary, but I also give credit, in advance, to this enterprise for contributing something towards erecting a past for posterity—towards establishing a common centre for edifying remembrances and holy associations—a common ground where we of the present may wait to greet the men of the future, to commune with them and impart such lessons of wisdom as we have in store. I venture, also, to rely upon this improvement to strengthen, or even to create in some individuals and families much-needed local attachments, so essential an element of real patriotism."19 Olin’s focus on the patriotic purpose of the new cemetery echoes the sentiments of speakers at cemetery dedication ceremonies across the country during the nineteenth century.20 The rural-cemetery movement as a whole was informed by the needs of the monument-building era: the goal was to create national identity through the construction of an American past rooted in American soil. Such attempts at U.S. cultural production were often critiqued by European artists and scholars who agreed that architecture and art would be unsuccessful in creating a national culture and inciting true patriotism if the aesthetics used were borrowed and not developed "Indigenously."21 In spite of these critiques, the decades following the War of 1812 saw countless artistic attempts aimed at the construction of a national past. Linden-Ward claims that the "creation of public monuments and pastoral cemetery landscapes revealed Americans’ ability to adapt borrowed aesthetic forms to create their own usable past through self commemoration."22 However, nineteenth-century American must have agreed, at least in part, with European critiques. Even a brief glimpse into the relationship of the United States to both European and Native American populations makes clear that Euro-Americans "borrowed" much more than "aesthetic forms" to create a distinctly American past. They borrowed, appropriated, and abstracted native American identities in order to create a U.S. national identity and lay claim to American land. Without a claim to land upon which to anchor their nascent nation, Euro-Americans’ claim to nationhood was unsustainable. Richard Grusin argues, "The construction of American identity has always been inseparable from nature. Unlike European nations, whose identity derived from a common language, ethnic or racial heritage, religion, or cultural history, the identity of the United States of America as ‘nature’s nation’ was grounded in large part in the land itself."23 Because of this connection between land and nation, non-Natives have attempted to claim Indigenous identities to validate their own construction of national identity.24 The first claim is that Indigenous peoples belong to whites as a child belongs to a parent. Second, Indigenous identities have been claimed through the appropriation of Indigenous symbols, actions, and histories. These Euro-American claims to Indigenous identity manifest themselves in the histories and mythologies that Euro-Americans have created to stabilize their nation.25 From the American Revolution to the present day, examples abound of whites donning faux-Indian attire, yelping ultra-stereotyped war whoops, or engaging in stereotyped "Indian" rituals in moments of national crisis. In Playing Indian, Philip Deloria argues that these actions are associated with the white American need to dissociate with Europe and claim a different national heritage. He argues that whites covet what they have historically viewed as the Native connection to the land and its spirit.26 This is in part because a sense of place and an attachment to the land were prerequisites for the creation of a U.S. national identity. The Boston mayor Josiah Quincy stated in 1813 that "loyalty to place" was the nineteenth-century U.S. citizen’s primary connection with the nation.27 Ideas about the relationship between "loyalty to place" and national identity were not foreign to Middletown residents in the mid-nineteenth century. In fact, Stephen Olin spoke to the need for a loyalty to place in his speech at the 1850 opening of Indian Hill Cemetery. Discussing the creation of the cemetery, he expressed his "strong hope that ~~it~~ and similar improvements ~~that had~~ become so common in ~~the United States~~, ~~would~~ contribute, in some small measure, towards providing for one of the most urgent, though little appreciated wants for our great republic… the want of local attachments, and in so far as this essential element is concerned of love of country."28 Olin, like many nineteenth-century whites, was dedicated to the task of connecting his vision for the nation to the American landscape. In order to implant a national vision into the land itself, whites needed to grapp le not only with the history of American citizens and their forefathers but also with the Native peoples Indigenous to the land. In order for the United States to become a legitimate nation, it had to become, as one unknown writer said in 1828 "a perfect union of the past and present; the rigor of a nation just born walking over the hallowed ashes of a race whose history is too early for a record, and surrounded by the living forms of people hovering between the two."29 The drive for this perfect union of Native past with white present led whites toward two courses of action in their relations with Native peoples. First, if white Americans were to posit any claim over the land, they had to adopt the history, identity, and "spirit of the land" that belonged to the Native peoples Indigenous to the continent and glorify it, since it held such a central position in any sense of American nation.30 Second, through attempts at the ethnocide of Native American populations, whites tried to transform living societies into "the hallowed ashes of a race." As I will explore in the next section, this ethnocide was carried out both in the flesh and by the pen."
30 +
31 +====Since Wounded Knee, U.S. colonialism has entered the late stage—domination of the same kind but different form. The colonial spectre has possessed the nuclear industry, where the state disguises its imperialism in the form of development, coercing Native peoples to acquire and destroy the Land for nuclear waste dumping—this is the final conquest of the Frontier====
32 +**Angel 91** (Bradley an international leader in the environmental health and justice movement, working with communities to stop pollution threats and to promote pollution prevention) "The Toxic Threat to Indian Lands" Greenpeace 1991 http://www.ejnet.org/ej/toxicthreattoindianlands.pdf DOA: 8.11.16//KAE+GK)
33 +
34 +Five hundred years ago explorer Christopher Columbus sailed from Europe, setting in motion a series of events leading to the genocidal war on Indigenous people in whose land he arrived uninvited. Hoping to claim these already inhabited lands for European royalty, invading European armies plundered the civilizations they came upon. Untold millions of Indigenous people were killed and enslaved, their cultures violently attacked and their way of life changed forever. Five hundred years later, the exploitation and assault on Indigenous people and their land continues. Instead of conquistadors armed with weapons of destruction and war, the new assault is disguised as "economic development" promoted by entrepreneurs pushing poisonous technologies. The modern day invaders from the waste disposal industry promise huge amounts of money, make vague promises about jobs, and make exaggerated and often false claims about the alleged safety of their dangerous proposals. Frustrated by intense grassroots opposition and complex permitting procedures in other communities across the United States, the waste disposal industry and the U.S. government have set their aim on what they believe to be the most vulnerable segment of society: Indian people and Indian land. Today, hundreds of Indian Nations (Tribes) are being approached by both the waste disposal industry and the United States Government in search of new dumping grounds for the unwanted toxic, nuclear, medical and solid waste of industrial society. Hoping to take advantage of the devastating chronic unemployment, pervasive poverty and sovereign status of Indian Nations, the waste disposal industry and the U.S. government have embarked on an all-out effort to site incinerators, landfills, nuclear waste storage facilities and similar polluting industries on Tribal land. The waste industry strenuously denies that they are targeting Indian lands, and U.S. Environmental Protection Agency and Bureau of Indian Affairs officials downplay and underestimate the extent of industry’s efforts: the facts, however, contradict the waste industry’s claims and instead reveal a concerted effort to turn Indian lands into the dumping grounds for America’s poisons. Established companies such as Bechtel and Waste Tech (a subsidiary of Amoco Oil) have been joined by fly-by-night operators hoping to get rich quick by turning the last remaining land still controlled by Indian people into America’s new dumping ground. For example, lawyers for Bechtel have approached numerous tribes offering everything from hazardous and solid waste to nuclear waste dumps to nuclear power plants. A Waste Tech representative even admitted publicly during a meeting on the Kaibab-Paiute Reservation (located near the Arizona-Utah border) that their company hoped to site five commercial hazardous waste incinerators on five geographically distinct Indian Reservations in the United States. Waste Tech has publicly admitted to contacting about 15 tribes as of mid-1990, according to Ted Bryant, a Choctaw Cherokee Indian who is a middle man in some of the deals involving Waste Tech (reported in the St. Louis Post Dispatch, July 15, 1990). The overtures of the waste industry initially succeeded in making inroads with numerous tribal officials and governments. Many agreements were signed between company and tribal officials giving the initial go-ahead for proposed waste disposal facilities, usually without the knowledge or consent of the Tribal membership. As the truth about the serious threats posed by these projects to the peoples health, environment, culture, traditions and sovereignty becomes known, resistance by Indian people has spread rapidly.
35 +
36 +====The settler colonizes and dominates the Frontier to quarantine and then destroy the last remaining part of Native subjecthood—the Land. Colonial spatial strategies establish Natives as non-normative, unfit for life, and dead, reifying the power of metanarratives painting the Native subject’s inevitable fatality ====
37 +**Kavanagh 11 **(*Sarah Schnyder Kavanagh pg. 168-171 Sarah Schneider Kavanagh's research focuses on the pedagogy of teacher education Postdoctoral Scholar at the University of Washington, "Haunting Remains: Educating a New American Citizenry at Indian Hill Cemetery", Phantom Past, Indigenous Presence: Native Ghosts in North American Culture/ made in 2011/ edited by Colleen E. Boyd and thrush *editorial chapters done by multiple authors, Kavanagh is one section // EBOOK DOA 9/1/16 KAE+GK)
38 +
39 +The Frontier Myth provides an easily conceptualized spatial boundary between the civilized self and the primitive other. For nineteenth-century believers in the Frontier Myth, the primitive, Indian other was conceptualized always on the other side of the imaginary line of the frontier; the other always occupied other spaces. The myth was so pervasive that White Middletown residents began thinking of the Indian as beyond the frontier line even while Native peoples remained living and working in their city.65 All cemeteries take on the task of quarantining non-normative others, the dead, on the other side of real spatial boundaries. In the case of Indian Hill Cemetery, the Indian is quarantined alongside, and thus equated with, the dead. Through the drawing of boundaries to keep out "other peoples," both cemeteries and the frontier clearly illustrate the relationships of power that are the foundations of place. The cemetery and the frontier are intentionally constructed as physical manifestations of power. In "Of Other Spaces," Michel Foucault outlines a theory of heterotopias. Foucault’s theory of heterotopias approaches places themselves (and particularly the cemetery, which he uses as a primary example of a heterotopia) as social texts. Although Foucault does not mention the Frontier Myth in his analysis of heterotopic spaces, his heterotopia and the frontier have much in common. Understanding the commonalities between these two spaces is useful in understanding the relationship between frontier mythology and Indian Hill Cemetery. In his theory of heterotopias, Foucault analyzes how a space created to house the deviant constructs space for the "normal." A heterotopia is a place that incites thought about what society is, by portraying what it is not, a place that sparks imagination about what should be, by displaying that which deviates from the norm.66 It is, in effect, a boundary between two worlds that contains and orders deviance, presenting an idealized version of normative society. Foucault’s heterotopia and the frontier both exist as abstracted spaces of interaction not only between the normative and the deviant, but also between the past and the present. Similar to the frontier, heterotopias are "often linked to slices in time… ~~and~~ begin to function at full capacity when men arrive at a sort of absolute break with their traditional time."67 To inhabit a cemetery, permanent residents (the dead) must break with real time. Visitors, through viewing the living quarters of the long-since dead, experience a break in traditional time as well. Through these temporal breakages, the cemetery fulfills "the idea of constituting a place of all times that is itself outside of time and inaccessible to its ravages, the projects of organizing in this way a sort of perpetual and indefinite accumulation of time in an immobile place."68 The cemetery becomes the timeless reflection of the city it stands outside of, reflecting a universalized and timeless society back onto itself in idealized, yet inverted form: a "city of the dead" to promote life in a city of the living. Foucault describes the role of a heterotopia as creating "a space that is other, another real space, as perfect, as meticulous, as well arranged as ours is messy, ill constructed, and jumbled."69 The heterotopic cemetery here becomes an idealized version of the city, displacing the city itself and ordering its complications into an organized form. Blanche Linden-Ward argues that Mount Auburn Cemetery was constructed as a complementary and idealized "city on a hill" that would "offer lessons to the entire nation."70 In both Mount Auburn Cemetery and Indian Hill Cemetery, the "mess, ill constructed, and jumbled" nature of real life is idealized through the easily organized dead. History, struggle, controversy, societal structure, family, and race relations are displayed through the structure of the rural cemetery as timeless and structured, meticulously arranged and seemingly inevitable. Indian Hill Cemetery presents an idealized mirror image of a particular social structure in several specific ways. As can be seen on the 1850 map of the original Indian Hill Cemetery, almost all of the trails that meander across the hill have faux-Indian names. There are a few paths that are named after actual Wangunk people who had been proprietors of the site prior to 1850. For example, "Sowheage Ave." can be found on the southeastern corner of the hill. Some evidence indicates that this particular path marks the spot where the remains of Sowheage, a Wangunk leader, were found and exhumed, although this cannot be verified.71 Evidence indicates that the exhumation of Native bodies at Wune Wahjet was commonplace in the years preceding the creation of the cemetery.72 While the corporeal evidence of Wangunk people has been erased, evidence of what Robert Berkhofer has termed "the white man’s Indian"73 have been systematically moved into the site through faux-Indian path names, plaques at the entry to the cemetery that depict Noble Savage-like profiles, and the words of the Revs. Olin and Goodwin. Indian Hill Cemetery is bounded by its outermost path, which is called "Mattebeseck Ave." Mattebeseck, the Wangunk name for the city of Middletown, becomes the outer boundary of this mirror city, this city of the dead. In an ironic twist of fate, the Wangunk are given full ownership of Wune Wahjet, but this ownership comes with the price of forever being understood as the definition of death itself. The Wangunk city of Mattebeseck is remembered only by its own death and is re-created as an embodiment of inevitable death.
40 +
41 +====Thus, I advocate that we speak with the haunting Native specters as a strategy to exorcise nuclear colonial power.====
42 +
43 +====Haunting is the real strategy—hegemonic power structures are intrinsically spectral, meaning other starting points are flawed. As the material conditions of Native Americans have dwindled, the only viable option is to haunt the white subject to prevent Native erasure.====
44 +**Kavanagh 11 **(*Sarah Schnyder Kavanagh pg. 171-173 Sarah Schneider Kavanagh's research focuses on the pedagogy of teacher education Postdoctoral Scholar at the University of Washington, "Haunting Remains: Educating a New American Citizenry at Indian Hill Cemetery", Phantom Past, Indigenous Presence: Native Ghosts in North American Culture/ made in 2011/ edited by Colleen E. Boyd and thrush *editorial chapters done by multiple authors, Kavanagh is one section // EBOOK DOA 9/1/16 KAE+GK)
45 +
46 +According to Jaques Derrida "haunting belongs to the structure of every hegemony." Renee Bergland, in The National Uncanny: Indian ghosts and American subjects, has unpacked Derrida’s statement thusly: "Power is unreal, insubstantial, somehow imaginary. At the same time, of course, it is undeniably real. When we describe hegemonies as socially constructed, we mean that they are built on history, memory, fear and desire. They are made from the same things that ghosts are made from. Because the politics of the national, the racial, the classed and the gendered are the politics of memory and false memory, they are also, necessarily, the politics of spectrality." Paining Derrida and Bergland’s analysis of haunting with Richard White’s analysis of place (which states that places enact power and are constructed within hegemonic systems) leads me to claim that all places are haunted. Perhaps Indian Hill cemetery is a revealing site for an analysis of place as a haunting and haunted actor not because it is extraordinary, but because it is so ordinary, so commonplace. Through the haunting of Indian ghosts, through the construction of mythic Indian tropes, and through the presentation of national narrative mythologies, Indian Hill Cemetery haunts the very city it serves. The place (re)presents power structures that are at once real and imaginary, tangible and insubstantial, here and not here. These tropes, mythologies, and power structures have been constructed locally, nationally and internationally for hundreds of years, "built on history, memory, fear and desire." "they are made," Bergland observes, "from the same things that ghosts are made from." And, in turn, ghosts have been made from them. The names and structures at Indian Hill Cemetery are physical metaphors that transmit ideological narratives. Tombstones, landscape design, and the name of the site itself are all tangible structures that stand in for and arrange into a meticulous order the "messy, ill constructed and jumbled" concepts of nation and race. These structural metaphors are haunted by the messages they were created to impart. At Indian Hill, hauntings are complicated by the fact that the Indian Ghost (that Olin suggests haunts the site) is itself a constructed structural metaphor. As discussed above, the Indian Ghost is introduced into the discourse surrounding Indian Hill Cemetery as a metaphor for the inevitable death of Native peoples; it is a tool for Indigenous erasure. If the Indian ghost itself is a structural metaphor, and metaphors are haunted by the messages that they impart, then, at Indian Hill, haunting ghosts are themselves haunted. The verb "to haunt" is defined in the Oxford English Dictionary as "of unseen or immaterial visitants." Thus, the creation of a metaphor is in fact the created of a haunted symbol. If a metaphor is defined by the simultaneous absence and presence of the "something else" that it is suggestive of, a metaphor then is a symbol that is constantly accompanied by that which is unseen or immaterial. Metaphors, symbols, and representations are all inherently haunted. What does the haunted nature of metaphor mean for a structure such as Indian Hill Cemetery, whose central metaphor is an Indian ghost? Could it be that the metaphoric ghost of Indian Hill is haunted not by the "imaginary or spiritual beings" but by narrative ideologies of nation, race, ethnocide, and removal? Could it be that at Indian Hill cemetery eve the ephemeral is haunted? In the speeches presented at the dedication ceremony, physical realities of history are treated as legend, and legends of lingering ghosts are treated as fact. The physical fact of Native existence is denied, while the ephemeral Indian ghost is ensconced. Indian Hill Cemetery was created to instill haunting citizenship into Middletown residents. In Olin’s words, the cemetery exerts "a real and powerful, though silent influence, in molding the character, and in exalting and purifying the sentiments of a people." This "silent influence’ is attained through a manipulation of "Indian-ness" in an attempt to construct non-Native American history and identity and also through an expansion of spatial frontier mythology in Middletown. The cemetery was a project aimed at expanding patriotism and active citizenship. The site’s founders approached this project by creating Indian ghosts and erasing Native bodies. Indian Hill cemetery was established in an attempt to ensure that, even as the visible remains of native people were removed, the special Indian, ghosted and forever haunting white citizenry, remains.
47 +
48 +====The haunting of ghosts bridge the gap between past and present and articulate what haven’t and cannot be expressed. The remembrance in Spectrality is key to disrupt and expose contradictions of narratives of continuity that prop up settler domination====
49 +**Richardson 05 **(Judith Richardson Possessions: The History and Uses of Haunting in the Hudson Valley page 26-27 September 26, 2005 Judith Richardson is Assistant Professor in the English Department at Stanford University DOA 8/31/16 //KAE+GK)
50 +
51 +These types and images are not unique to the Hudson Valley: they echo larger traditions and iconographies. Yet the fact that is many of the ghosts of the region are so inchoate or faded, so incapable of being identified, has aesthetic and historical implications. Embedded in these depictions of ghosts is a problem of communication, a los of essential information, an inability to articulate—something reflected further in the general silence of the Hudson Valley’s ghostly population. European ghosts often speak; New York area ghosts rarely do.67 Like the ghosts that Rip Van Winkle encounters in the Catskill recesses, who disturb him most by the fact that "they maintained the gravest faces, the most mysterious silence," Hudson Valley ghosts are often either dead silent or, when they do try to communicate, are heard as muffled or otherwise incomprehensible.68 And in many cases ghosts rob witnesses of the power of speech as well, defying description and eroding verbal expression.69 The indescribable, unspeakable aspects of ghosts may simply stem from crises of abysmal horror or mourning. Yet the inarticulacy that defines is many instance of haunting in the Hudson Valley also shadows problems of historical continuity, of perennial change as repeatedly and cumulatively obscuring the regional past and undermining historical understanding. It is telling that whereas Irving describes the ghostly crew of "The Storm-Ship" as chanting, a late-nineteenth-century retelling says they chant "words devoid of meaning to the listners."70 The fault, of course, lies not with the ghosts, but with the observers. That is, if traces of the past presented themselves, if waves of settlers and visitors suspected things had happened here, they were largely at a loss to identify them or to understand their implications.
52 +
53 +====The role of the ballot is to vote for the debater that best recognizes the presence of spectrality. The specter is A priori to any ethical obligation or practice as it is the origin of such ethics, to live in and of it demands a politics of memory be burdened upon the individual. Life and death are one; the small passageway connecting the two is the resting place of memory. ====
54 +**Derrida 94’ **Jacques Derrida, "Specters of Marx", 1994, P 17 http://m.friendfeed-media.com/411d68a9b887290f0f6a1621dad4ad2249ea7421//KAE
55 +
56 +But to learn to live, to learn it from oneself and by oneself, all alone, to teach oneself to live ("I would like to learn to live finally"), is that not impossible for a living being? Is it not what logic itself forbids? To live, by definition, is not something one learns. Not from oneself, it is not learned from life, taught by life. Only from the other and by death. In any case from the other at the edge of life. At the internal border or the external border, it is a heterodidactics between life and death. And yet nothing is more necessary than this wisdom. It is ethics itself: to learn to live-alone, from oneself, by oneself. Life does not know how to live otherwise. And does one ever do anything else but learn to live, alone, from oneself, by oneself? This is, therefore, a strange commitment, both impossible and necessary, for a living being supposed to be alive: "I would like to learn to live." It has no sense and cannot be just unless it comes to terms with death.2 Mine as (well as) that of the other. Between life and death, then, this is indeed the place of a sententious injunction that always feigns to speak like the just. What follows advances like an essay in the night-into the unknown of that which must remain to come-a simple attempt, therefore, to analyze with some consistency such an exordium: "I would like to learn to live. Finally" Finally what. If it - learning to live - remains to be done, it can happen only between life and death. Neither in life nor in death alone. What happens between two, and between all the "two's" one likes, such as between life and death, can only maintain itself with some ghost, can only talk with or about some ghost ~~s' entretenir de quelque fantomeJ. So it would be necessary to learn spirits. Even and especially if this, the spectral, is not. Even and especially if this, which is neither substance, nor essence, nor existence, is never present as such. The time of the "learning to live, a time without tutelary present, would amount to this, to which the exordium is leading us: to learn to live with ghosts, in the upkeep, the conversation, the company, or the companionship, in the commerce without commerce of ghosts. To live otherwise, and better. No, not better, but more justly. But with them. No being-with the other, no socius without this with that makes being-with in general more enigmatic than ever for us. And this being-with specters would also be, not only but also, a politics of memory, of inheritance, and of generations. If I am getting ready to speak at length about ghosts, inheritance, and generations, generations of ghosts, which is to say about certain others who are not present, nor presently living, either to us, in us, or outside us, it is in the name of justice. Of justice where it is not yet, not yet there, where it is no longer, let us understand where it is no longer present, and where it will never be, no more than the law, reducible to laws or rights.3 It is necessary to speak of the ghost, indeed to the ghost and with it, from the moment that no ethics, no politics, whether revolutionary or not, seems possible and thinkable and just that does not recognize in its principle the respect for those others who are no longer or for those others who are not yet there, presently living, whether they are already dead or not yet born.
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1 +2017-05-10 01:20:41.0
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1 +Westwood SM
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1 +26
Round
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1 +Quarters
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1 +Lake Travis Ehresman Aff
Title
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1 +SEPTOCT - Ghost Dance 1AC
Tournament
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1 +Hendrickson TFA
Caselist.RoundClass[21]
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1 +15
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1 +2017-05-10 01:13:10.0
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1 +all
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1 +all
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1 +2
RoundReport
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1 +only broken 1AC Round reports 1NC r2 - anthro k 1NC r3 - rotb spec coal DA 1NC r5 - espec consult natives PIC
Tournament
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1 +Grapevine
Caselist.RoundClass[22]
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1 +16
EntryDate
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1 +2017-05-10 01:13:13.0
Judge
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1 +all
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1 +all
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1 +2
RoundReport
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1 +only broken 1AC Round reports 1NC r2 - anthro k 1NC r3 - rotb spec coal DA 1NC r5 - espec consult natives PIC
Tournament
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1 +Grapevine
Caselist.RoundClass[23]
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1 +17
EntryDate
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1 +2017-05-10 01:14:45.0
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1 +any
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1 +any
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1 +2
RoundReport
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1 +R2 1NC intersectionality k academic freedom NC case turns - 1nr collapse to k turns
2 +R4 1NC Asexuality K 1NR collapse to floating word pik
3 +R6 1NC Wynter k white speech PIC case turns - 1NR collapse to PIC
Tournament
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1 +Harvard
Caselist.RoundClass[24]
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1 +18
EntryDate
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1 +2017-05-10 01:15:41.0
Judge
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1 +Nik Patel, Lu Barazza, Zachary Zertuche
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1 +Westwood AG
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1 +Semis
RoundReport
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1 +1NC - revenge porn PIC endowments DA chilling effect DA mills fw
2 +1NR - PIC Fw
Tournament
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1 +Churchill
Caselist.RoundClass[25]
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1 +19
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1 +2017-05-10 01:16:05.0
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1 +Any
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1 +Any
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1 +1
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1 +This was for lay rounds oops
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1 +Churchill
Caselist.RoundClass[26]
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1 +20
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1 +2017-05-10 01:20:38.0
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1 +Panel
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1 +Westwood SM
Round
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1 +Quarters
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1 +disads that made me diSAD
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1 +Hendrickson TFA
Caselist.RoundClass[27]
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1 +2017-05-10 01:26:12.441
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1 +Berdugo
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1 +Lawmag
Round
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1 +5
Tournament
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1 +St Marks

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