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+=Gender Binary Kritik = |
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+==Framing== |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====The judge has the unique obligation to vote for the most educational arguments, and additionally, the arguments that improve debate as a whole. ==== |
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+Sigel |
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+ "A second reason for punishment sees the judge as an educator. Teams |
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+AND |
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+the criteria presented in the round to determine the better job of debating." |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====And, to gain weighing on the educational debate, debaters must specify a certain kind of education. It is the only way to be able to assess the round. ==== |
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+Rappoport^^ ^^ |
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+Efforts to design and implement successful curricula must begin with an examination of the most |
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+AND |
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+designed rationale also enables educators to develop effective strategies and methods of assessment. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+===ROB is to vote for the debater that best tears down the patriarchal system=== |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====We must tear down patriarchal systems. Patriarchal systems have countless devastating consequences for both men and women. We must work to tear down patriarchal systems in order to achieve anything that we consider valuable and combat these harms. ==== |
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+Halbert^^ ^^ |
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+In "A Call to Men," Tony Porter speaks of the effects that a |
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+AND |
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+is damaging and reductive to all people and our culture as a whole. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+==***Links***== |
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+ |
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+ |
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+===Link - Feminism/Female/Women Advantage=== |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====The link is that the feminist standpoint inherently legitimates a gender duality. By defining women as a distinct social and biological group with certain characteristic experiences, the Aff divides the world into male and female.==== |
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+Ferguson 91 – (Kathy E. Professor of Philosophy, University of Hawaii"Interpretation and Genealogy in Feminism" Signs, Vol. 16, No. 2 (Winter, 1991), pp. 322-339) GHSGB |
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+An important tension within current feminist theory is that between articulating women's voice and deconstructing |
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+AND |
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+, wherein affirmations are always tied to ambiguity and resolutions to endless deferral. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+===Link- General=== |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====Using he, him, his and man as generic forms is sexist==== |
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+Lei 6 (Xiaolan, Prof or Language at NW Poly Univ Xi'an China, Journal of Language and Linguistics Vol 5, ~~#1 pg 87-88, 6/22/11, JL) |
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+In society, men are considered the norm for the human species: their characteristics |
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+AND |
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+of (mainly) women which trivialise or denigrate them and their status. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====Using generic male words is sexist==== |
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+Grammar.about.com 11 (Grammar Site, http://grammar.about.com/od/rs/g/sexistlanguageterm.htm, 6/1, 6/22/11, JL) |
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+"Questions and criticisms of sexist language have emerged because of a concern that language |
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+AND |
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+norm and the female and feminine as the 'not norm.' . . |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====Gendered pronouns exclude women from entering policy==== |
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+Todd-Mancillas 81 (William R., Faculty, California State University, Communication Quarterly 29, 2, p. 112, http://web.ebscohost.com/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=692bbddd-f8d9-4fd9-8160-cf5e04dba6cb40sessionmgr14andvid=2andhid=21, JM) |
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+Bem and Bem conducted two studies investigating the effects of "man"-linked words |
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+AND |
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+by discouraging both men and women from applying for 'opposite- sex' jobs." |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====Masculine words discourage women from affiliation==== |
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+Todd-Mancillas 81 (William R., Faculty, California State University, Communication Quarterly 29, 2, p. 110, http://web.ebscohost.com/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=692bbddd-f8d9-4fd9-8160-cf5e04dba6cb40sessionmgr14andvid=2andhid=21, JM) |
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+The results of the above studies support the propositions that "man"-linked words |
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+AND |
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+males than females in condition one than in either of the other conditions. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====Male language as generics is sexist==== |
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+Ollscoille 94 (Colaiste, Member of Comm on Equality of Oppurt., A guide pg. 4-5, 6/22/11, JL) |
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+It is often claimed that 'man' is a generic term, i.e. |
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+AND |
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+the following methods can be used to avoid the exclusive use of 'he'. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====Male language excludes women==== |
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+Gastil 90 (John, Sex Roles, Vol. 23,11/12, pg 630, 6/22/11, JL) |
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+Its contemporary perniciousness (see Strunk and White, 1979, p. 60). |
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+AND |
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+men (Ritchie, 1975; Collins, 1977; Hill, 1986). |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====Masculine generic pronouns deny women equality==== |
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+UNC Writing Center, 10 ("Gender-Sensitive Language," October 1, http://www.unc.edu/depts/wcweb/handouts/gender.html, JM) |
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+English speakers and writers have traditionally been taught to use masculine nouns and pronouns in |
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+AND |
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+should think seriously about how to reflect that belief in our language use. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+==== |
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+Masculine generics diminish the worth of women==== |
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+Prosenjak et al 7 (Nancy, Women in Literacy and Life Assembly, NCTE, July, http://www.ncte.org/positions/statements/genderfairuseoflang, JM) |
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+Like the pseudo-generic form he, the use of the word man to |
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+AND |
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+salesperson, sales clerk, sales representative firefighter postal worker, letter carrier. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====All-encompassing male language is no longer even proper grammar==== |
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+UCL Human Resources 99 (Univ. College London, "Guide to Non-Discriminatory Language," http://www.ucl.ac.uk/hr/docs/non_discrim_language.php, JM) |
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+The English language has traditionally tended to assume the world to be male unless specified |
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+AND |
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+assuming that everyone is a heterosexual couple or part of a 'traditional' family. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+===Link: Not including "Q" in LGBT=== |
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+Our Youth, xx-xx-xxxx, "Why We Use "Queer"," Outright Vermont, http://www.outrightvt.org/why-we-use-queer/ |
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+Our Youth 16 |
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+Since 1989, the non-straight have intentionally explored and then embraced the use of the word "queer" as a term used by our youth population. We routinely are challenged on our use of this word and therefore find it important to provide the curious with the context of why we not only use, but celebrate, the word queer: Outright Vermont is an organization that proudly embraces the word 'queer' and has a youth population~~s~~ that frequently self-identifies with this word. We use 'queer' when referring to our events, in our mission, and when we are collectively referring to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, questioning, and queer (LGBTIQQ) community. We often are asked about our use of queer; here is a bit about why we heart it: There is no doubt that the word has a complex history, that includes derogatory use by bullies and people who intend harm. 'Queer' also has a long history as a term of re-empowerment by the LGBTQ community, as a unifying term that recognizes that many complex identities that make up the LGBTIQQ (and many other identities) community. In fact, over the last thirty years, queer has emerged in academia, politics, and even popular culture as a term of identity, inclusion, and more and more positive use. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====And, adding a "+" does not make up for their exclusion==== |
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+Zachary Zane, 8-4-2015, "6 Reasons You Need to Use the Word "Queer"," No Publication, http://www.pride.com/queer/2015/8/04/6-reasons-you-need-use-word-queer |
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+Zane 15 |
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+The word queer is inclusive for all members of the LGBT community |
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+AND |
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+. |
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+Alt: reject the aff in order to embrace the queer. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+==***Impacts***== |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====The impact is exclusion. This exclusion is dangerous – if you don't fit into neatly defined categories your experiences don't count and you don't matter.==== |
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+Hope 12 - (Hope PR specialist and journalist "A Penis and a Dress: Why the Gender Binary Needs to Go Away" Huffington Post) GHSGB |
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+If your genitalia don't match the gender you most identify with, the American Psychiatric |
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+AND |
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+against those who do not fit cleanly into the existing and limiting categories. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+==Alts== |
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+ |
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+ |
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+===Alt Solvency=== |
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+The aff's conception of separating man and woman in language leads to the problems in policy. We need to see women and men together, we need to not see them as separate genders or policy leads to conflict. |
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+Moghadam 1 (Valentine, feminist scholar and author, "Violence and Terrorism: Feminist Observations on Islamist Movements, State, and the International System" Muse, JL) |
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+Our world desperately needs new economic and political frameworks in order to end the vicious cycle of violence and bring about people-oriented development, human security, and socio-economic justice, including justice for women. Such frameworks are being proposed in international circles, whether by some UN circles, the antiglobalization movement, or the global feminist movement. Women's peace movements in particular constitute an important countermovement to terrorism, and they should be encouraged and funded. Feminists and women's groups have long been involved in peace work, and their analyses and activities have contributed much to our understanding of the roots of conflict and the conditions for conflict resolution, human security, and human development. There is now a prodigious feminist scholarship that describes this activism while also critically analyzing international relations from various disciplinary vantage points, including political science.° The activities of antimilitarist groups such as the Women's international League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), Women Strike for Peace, and the Women of Greenham Common are legendary, and their legacy lies in ongoing efforts to "feminize" peace, human rights, and development. At the third UN conference on women, in Nairobi in 1985, women decided that not only equality and development, but also peace and war were their affairs.° The Nairobi conference took place in the midst of the crisis of Third World indebtedness and the implementation of austerity policies recommended by the World Bank and the IME Feminists were quick to see the links between economic distress, political instability, and violence against women. As Lucille Mair noted after the Nairobi conference: This ~~economic~~ distress exists in a climate of mounting violence and militarism... violence follows an ideological continuum, starting from the domestic sphere where it is tolerated, if not positively accepted. It then moves to the public political arena where it is glamorized and even celebrated.... Women and children are the prime victims of this cult of aggression.14 Since the 1980s, when women activists formed networks to work more effectively on local and global issues, transnational feminist networks have engaged in dialogues and alliances with other organizations in order to make an impact on peace, security, conflict resolution, and social justice.. The expansion of the population of educated, employed, mobile, and politi¬cally-aware women has led to increased activism by women in the areas of peace, conflict resolution, and human rights. Around the world, women have been insisting that their voices be heard, on the streets, in civil society organizations, and in the meeting halls of the multilateral organizations. Demographic changes and the rise of a "critical mass" of politically engaged women are reflected in the formation of many women's groups that are highly critical of existing po-litical structures; that question masculinist values and behav¬iors in domestic politics, international relations, and conflict; and that seek to make strategic interventions, formulating solutions that are informed by feminine values. An important proposal is the institutionalization of peace education. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+ |
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+===Alt Solvency=== |
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+The ballot in voting neg grows the movement to end sexism which is the only way to do it without recreating patriarchy |
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+Klocke 8(Brian, writer for NOMAS, Roles of Men with Feminism and Feminist Theory, 6/21/11, JL) |
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+Unfortunately, some segments of the men's movement, such as men's rights groups and followers of Robert Bly's mythopoetic movement, seem less focused on dismantling patriarchy and more focused on, in bell hook's (1992) words, "the production of a kind of masculinity that can be safely expressed within patriarchal boundaries. She further explains that the most frightening aspect of the contemporary men's movement, particularly as it is expressed in popular culture, is the depoliticization of the struggle to end sexism and sexist oppression and the replacing of that struggle with a focus on personal self-actualization. She suggests that the men's movement should not be separate from the women's movement but instead become a segment under the larger feminist movement. In this way men would not be taking center stage in yet another part of women's lives allowing a slightly more subtle form of domination to continue. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+=== |
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+Alt Solvency=== |
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+Alt solves – discursive analysis is the only way to deconstruct conceptions of gender |
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+Kobayashi 94 (Audrey, Direct. Institute of Women's Studies @ Queen's, Gender, Place, and Culture: A Journal of Feminist Geography 1, 2, p. 225, JM) |
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+What we can hope, for the moment, is to become more adept at the practice of unnatural discourse, as a means of exposing the conditions under which naturalizing tendencies have worked, so that we not only come to terms with the unsettling implications of post-modernism, but also disrupt the discourses set in motion by Enlightenment thought. This disruption involves two general goals: ( 1) A continuing analysis and critique of the processes of social construction, as (almost universally) processes of naturalization, in order to understand the concepts, meanings, representations, practices and political forms through which 'race' and gender are constructed as normal, that is, viewed as part of a fundamental and unchanging (or slowly changing) order that is 'second nature.' Such understanding comes about not especially through sophisticated theorizing, but through patient and determined empirical work that investigates the details of people's lives, their taken-for-granted worlds, and that asks questions that no one had previously thought to ask. (2) The development of ways of initiating 'unnatural discourse', using both language (as concept) and political practice in such a way that natural categories are challenged. A method of deconstruction, or disassembly, is needed to allow us to understand not just the explicit statements of belief about what is 'natural', but also those values that are so naturalized that they have not previously come under question. This project requires, in part, a recovery of the significant past, and of the mnemonic qualities that are invoked in every use of language to give it its naturalizing power. As geographers, we need to invoke ideology to uncover the terrain that is uncontested because it is deemed to be ruled by common sense. These challenges are huge, and no pretence will be made to outline here all that is involved. Perhaps imagination is our greatest asset, since most of what is involved is not even on the academic agenda. We can begin to speculate, however, about some of the elements of the unnatural, and upon how the political strategies might be conceptualized if not put in place. The appeal of unnatural discourses lies in their use of practices that would in the past have been designated as (if you will) witchcraft or voodoo, practices associated with the unnatural, and therefore evil because threatening, powers of women or people of colour. The unnatural, in other words, is anything that falls outside the parameters of the naturalized, safe and known world of rational man. Included within those parameters are all practices that involve the imposition of social order based on a notion of a 'natural state of man.' Such a position could exclude, for example, violence (viewed by some as a natural tendency of man) as a means of bringing about social change. More radical are possibilities that instead project social actions that are beyond the realm of current imagination, so far, perhaps, that they may even be construed as 'supernatural'. 'The unnaturalization of everyday language is an important aspect of this project. In language is codified the normative categories through which human relations are constructed, and communication provides the only means through which the conditions of change are expressed. The creation of 'race' is one such example of an effective means of unnaturalizing deeply held convictions; if that particular linguistic tool is now losing its efficacy so much the better, for it is an indication not that the term was inadequate, but that it provoked some of the changes that were sought. Linguistic strategies rely upon the imposition of conceptual disorder and ideological confounding against the power of naming as one of the most important means of imposing order and dominion. Using language as a force of the unnatural to deconstruct the power of words to create oppression is not to destroy the power of words to have meaning, and so create lives that are truly meaningless in a nihilistic void. Rather, we need to gain control of language in order to understand the ways in which discourses are constructed as ideological traditions that gain efficacy through repetition, inscription, and representation (Goodrich, 1990, Ch. 4). Such processes will go on, but hopefully at a higher level of competence. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+=== |
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+AT: Perm=== |
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+Perm severs the representations of the 1AC which is a voting issue because it denies us stable link ground and makes the aff conditional allowing them to sever out of any negative arguments – voter for fairness |
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+Their Reps still link – The 1AC still was spoken in a violent matter, saying I'm sorry just forget it doesn't make it all better. Our 1NC link is all about the usage even if they drop it, it was still used. |
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+Critique turns case – there is no net benefit to the perm, they aren't solving the "otherness" all they are doing is pushing it deeper. |
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+No Solvency – Language sustains our perception of the world and this semantic construction ties things we do not understand to representations we can understand |
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+Vasterling 99 (Veronica, Associate Professor in Philosophy at U of Nijimegen, Butler's Sophisticated Constructivism: A Critical Assessment, Hypatia 14.3, , pg. 17-38, 6/21/11, JL) |
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+Whereas everything that is intelligible to us is also accessible to us, the reverse is not true. Phenomena that are intelligible to us are phenomena we do understand in some way or other. At the most basic level, to understand something means to be able to name or refer to it. As understanding involves the capacity to name, to refer, or to articulate that which is understood, it is always mediated by language. To equate intelligibility and accessibility would mean that we cannot have access to phenomena we do not understand, that is, phenomena we cannot articulate. That does not seem plausible. By following the hermeneutic model of understanding, I try to show that we can have access to phenomena we do not understand, that is, cannot articulate, though this access is not completely independent of linguistically mediated understanding. In daily life, our behavior and actions are guided by a mostly implicit understanding of the world we inhabit, an understanding that is based upon the ways in which this world is semantically constructed. Even so, our daily routines are on occasion slightly, and sometimes profoundly, disrupted because we are confronted with people, situations, actions, images, texts, things, bodily sensations etcetera that defy our understanding. The context of habitual understanding enables these confrontations or encounters. 5 To become aware of something we do not understand, we need a context of what we do understand. 6 By giving us access to what we do not understand, the context of habitual understanding does, as it were, indicate its own limits. We register these limits not simply as a lack of understanding but, more precisely, as a lack of our capacity to articulate. The nagging feeling or awareness of something we cannot put in words is nothing unusual. This fact of everyday life implies that the range of accessibility is wider than, though not independent of, the range of intelligibility. Whereas the latter more or less coincides with our linguistic capacities, the former indicates that these capacities do not (fully) determine our awareness of and contact with reality. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+=== |
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+AT: Perm=== |
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+No Solvency – Representations and the discourse of them create the basis for how policies are evaluated. These evaluations are ideologically biased and perpetuate a certain type of politics, which links back into the critique. |
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+Kleinman 96 (Arthur, Professor of Medical Anthropology and Professor of Anthropology at Harvard, http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3671/is_199601/ai_n8747499/print, 6/21/11, JL) |
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+One metric of suffering recently developed by the World Bank has gained wide attention and considerable support.(27) Image II describes what the World Bank's health economists mean by the term Disability Adjusted Life Years (DALYs). Table 1 shows the result of the application of DALYs to measure the cost of suffering from illnesses globally. It emphasizes the significant percentage of loss in DALYs due to mental health problems. This finding, one would suppose, should help make the case for giving mental health problems—suicide, mental illnesses, trauma due to violence, substance abuse—higher priority so that greater resources can be applied to them. In fact, the cost of mental health problems are placed by the World Bank in the discretionary category so that the state is not held responsible for that burden. This is a serious problem that requires fundamental change in the way suffering from mental health problems is prioritized by the World Bank. But here we ask a different question: What kind of cultural representation and professional appropriation of suffering is this? This metric of suffering was constructed by assigning degrees of suffering to years of life and types of disability. The assumption is that values will be universal. They will not vary across worlds as greatly different as China, India, sub-Saharan Africa, and North America. They will also be reducible to measures of economic cost. That expert panels rate blindness with a severity of 0.6, while female reproductive system disorders are evaluated at one third the severity is surely a cause for questioning whether gender bias is present, but more generally it should make one uneasy with the means by which evaluations of severity and its cost can be validly standardized across different societies, social classes, age cohorts, genders, ethnicities, and occupational groups. The effort to develop an objective indicator may be important for rational choice concerning allocation of scarce resources among different policies and programs. (It certainly should support the importance of funding mental health programs, even though as it is presently used in the World Bank's World Development Report it does not lead to this conclusion.) But it is equally important to question what are the limits and the potential dangers of configuring social suffering as an economic indicator. The moral and political issues we have raised in this essay cannot be made to fit into this econometric index. Likewise, the index is unable to map cultural, ethnic, and gender differences. Indeed, it assumes homogeneity in the evaluation and response to illness experiences, which belies an enormous amount of anthropological, historical, and clinical evidence of substantial differences in each of these domains.(28) Professional categories are privileged over lay categories, yet the experience of illness is expressed in lay terms. Furthermore, the index focuses on the individual sufferer, denying that suffering is a social experience. This terribly thin representation of a thickly human condition may in time also thin out the social experience of suffering. It can do this by becoming part of the apparatus of cultural representation that creates societal norms, which in turn shapes the social role and social behavior of the ill, and what should be the practices of families and health-care providers. The American cultural rhetoric, for example, is changing from the language of caring to the language of efficiency and cost; it is not surprising to hear patients themselves use this rhetoric to describe their problems. Thereby, the illness experience, for some, may be transformed from a consequential moral experience into a merely technical inexpediency. |
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+They don't solve the "otherness". All the aff does with the perm is pushes the "otherness" further away. They don't take a stand of doing anything just saying it's there. The neg doesn't push people into the "otherness". We don't strip their identity. We just get rid of sexist language. If the neg links into it so does the perm. Any attempt by the aff to solve it is intrinsic. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+==AT:== |
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+ |
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+ |
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+===AT Speech Codes Bad=== |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====Our discursive action is not punishing or exclusionary – discourse is a fluid body that is constantly adjusted through acts such as our interrogation of their policy==== |
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+ |
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+Sheperd 10 (Laura J., Lecturer in International Relations at the University of Birmingham,UK, International Review of the Red Cross, Volume 92: 877, March, p. 156-157, http://www.icrc.org/eng/assets/files/other/irrc-877-shepherd.pdf, JM) |
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+As Roxanne Doty explains, discourse is more than just language. 'A discourse |
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+AND |
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+simply behoves us to know more about the ideas these key actors hold. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====Our challenge to their discourse does not exclude or punish prior ones – it shifts their prioritization==== |
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+Wodak and Chilton 5 (Ruth and Paul A., Chair in Discourse Studies @ Lancaster University and Professor of Linguistics @ Lancaster, A New Agenda in (Critical) Discourse Analysis: Theory, Methodology, and Interdisciplinarity (Discourse Approaches to Politics, Society and Culture), p. 16, JM) |
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+Interdiscursive analysis of texts is analysis of the specific articulations' of different discourses, genres |
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+AND |
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+Declaration from the EU Lisbon Council) will serve as a brief example: |