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-==Cap K== |
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-====The aff's focus on reforming the energy sector ignores the way in which energy is embedded in social and historical context, which reinforces capitalist structures of domination.==== |
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-**Huber 13** Matt Huber, 5-4-2013, "What do we mean by "Energy Policy"? Life, Capitalism, and the Broader Field of Energy Politics by Matt Huber," No Publication, http://www.stateofnature.org/?p=7138 – Hebron AL |
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-In the 1970s we saw the rise of a peculiar concept: "energy policy |
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-begin to reimagine life and freedom as only possible through collective political struggle. |
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-====Nuclear power's flaws are a product of class society. The aff's focus on banning the technology completely ignores it's emancipatory potential for workers.==== |
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-**SLP 81** "Socialism and Nuclear Power" A Socialist Labor Party Statement 1981 http://www.slp.org/res_state_htm/soc_nuc_power.html - Hebron AL |
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-Socialists can bring many important insights to the questions and concerns raised by nuclear technology |
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-the horror it currently is to the benefactor of an emancipated working class. |
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-====3 impacts:==== |
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-====a) Capitalism is the root cause of all of their impacts – the system of capital produces the material reality, which makes their impacts inevitable.==== |
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-**Zizek 8** Slavoj Zizek, senior researcher at the Institute of Sociology, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia and a professor at the European Graduate School, Violence, 2008 p. 11-12 - Hebron AL |
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-There is an old joke about a husband who returns home earlier than usual from |
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-in shambles. We see a lot of ecological decay and human misery. |
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-====b) Aside from the alternative, you have an ethical obligation to reject every instance of neoliberal ideology. This takes out the perm since reconciliation allows capitalism to continue unharmed. As long as we allow capitalist structures to continue, we remove our ability to overthrow and replace the system.==== |
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-**Zizek and Daly 4** Slavoj Zizek and Glyn Daly, Conversations with Zizek page 14-16, 2004 – Hebron AL |
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-For Zizek it is imperative that we cut through this Gordian knot of postmodern protocol and recognize that our ethico-political responsibility is to confront the constitutive violence of today's global capitalism and its obscene naturalization / anonymization of the millions who are subjugated by it throughout the world. Against the standardized positions of postmodern culture – with all its pieties concerning 'multiculturalist' etiquette – Zizek is arguing for a politics that might be called 'radically incorrect' in the sense that it break with these types of positions 7 and focuses instead on the very organizing principles of today's social reality: the principles of global liberal capitalism. This requires some care and subtlety. For far too long, Marxism has been bedeviled by an almost fetishistic economism that has tended towards political morbidity. With the likes of Hilferding and Gramsci, and more recently Laclau and Mouffee, crucial theoretical advances have been made that enable the transcendence of all forms of economism. In this new context, however, Zizek argues that the problem that now presents itself is almost that of the opposite fetish. That is to say, the prohibitive anxieties surrounding the taboo of economism can function as a way of not engaging with economic reality and as a way of implicitly accepting the latter as a basic horizon of existence. In an ironic Freudian-Lacanian twist, the fear of economism can end up reinforcing a de facto economic necessity in respect of contemporary capitalism (i.e. the initial prohibition conjures up the very thing it fears).This is not to endorse any kind of retrograde return to economism. Zizek's point is rather that in rejecting economism we should not lose sight of the systemic power of capital in shaping the lives and destinies of humanity and our very sense of the possible. In particular we should not overlook Marx's central insight that in order to create a universal global system the forces of capitalism seek to conceal the politico-discursive violence of its construction through a kind of gentrification of that system. What is persistently denied by neo-liberals such as Rorty (1989) and Fukuyama (1992) is that the gentrification of global liberal capitalism is one whose 'universalism' fundamentally reproduces and depends upon a disavowed violence that excludes vast sectors of the world's populations. In this way, neo-liberal ideology attempts to naturalizes capitalism by presenting its outcomes of winning and losing as if they were simply a matter of chance and sound judgment in a neutral market place. Capitalism does indeed create a space for a certain diversity, at least for the central capitalist regions, but it is neither neutral nor ideal and its price in terms of social exclusion is exorbitant. That is to say, the human cost in terms of inherent global poverty and degraded 'life-chances' cannot be calculated within the existing economic rationale and, in consequence, social exclusion remains mystified and nameless (viz. the patronizing reference to the 'developing world'). And Zizek's point is that this mystification is magnified through capitalism's profound capacity to ingest its own excesses and negativity: to redirect (or misdirect) social antagonisms and to absorb them within a culture of differential affirmation. |
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-====c) Capitalism is structurally unsustainable, we have no control over it.==== |
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-**Foster 5** John Bellamy Foster, professor of sociology at the University of Oregon in Eugene, "Naked Imperialism" Monthly review Volume 57, Number 4, 2005 – Hebron AL |
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-The United States is seeking to exercise sovereign authority over the planet during a time |
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-and world capitalism is now headed points to global barbarism—or worse. |
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-====The alternative is to completely withdraw from the logic of capital. This is essential to destroy the mindset that allows capital to survive – individual criticism is key to solve.==== |
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-**Johnston 4**^^^^Adrian Johnson, interdisciplinary research fellow in psychoanalysis at Emory University, Psychoanalysis, Culture and Society, December v9 i3 p259 – Hebron AL |
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-Perhaps the absence of a detailed practical roadmap in Žižek's political writings isn't a major |
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-belief in others' belief in the socioperformative force emanating from this same material. |
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-====Thus the role of the ballot is: Resisting Capitalism. ==== |
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-====Underview.==== |