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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,30 @@ 1 +Congressional Budget Office estimates show federal debt will remain steady now 2 +CRFB 17 Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, nonpartisan, non-profit organization committed to educating the public on issues with significant fiscal policy impact, “CBO’s January 2017 Budget and Economic Outlook”, January 24, 2017, http://www.crfb.org/papers/cbos-january-2017-budget-and-economic-outlook, VM 3 +CBO’s latest budget projections are largely similar to prior estimates. Deficits are still projected 4 +AND 5 +small changes to the projection of outlays related to the health insurance marketplace. 6 + 7 +Federal government housing is very expensive to build 8 +Shaw 15 Bob Shaw, staff writer for Twin Cities Pioneer Press, June 06, 2015, “This is why low-income housing is so costly in the Twin Cities”, http://www.twincities.com/2015/06/06/this-is-why-low-income-housing-is-so-costly-in-the-twin-cities/, VM 9 +New low-income housing can cost as much — or more — as any 10 +AND 11 +housing regulations and a failure to embrace lower-cost types of housing. 12 + 13 +That causes a massive federal debt explosion- Sharp increases in Federal debt tank the economy 14 +Swedroe 12 Larry Swedroe, 11-12-2012, "How our national debt hurts our economy," No Publication, http://www.cbsnews.com/news/how-our-national-debt-hurts-our-economy/ 15 +Professors Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth S. Rogoff and economist Vincent Reinhart examined the debt 16 +AND 17 +time, even when or if more sustained and rapid economic growth resumes." 18 + 19 +Economic decline leads to escalating instability and nuke war. 20 +Harris and Burrows, 9 – *counselor in the National Intelligence Council, the principal drafter of Global Trends 2025, **member of the NIC’s Long Range Analysis Unit “Revisiting the Future: Geopolitical Effects of the Financial Crisis”, Washington Quarterly, http://www.twq.com/09april/docs/09apr_burrows.pdf) 21 +Increased Potential for Global Conflict Of course, the report encompasses more than economics and 22 +AND 23 +within and between states in a more dog-eat-dog world. 24 + 25 +This turns the AC 26 + 27 +Economic recessions cause a huge spike in homelessness. 28 +Cauvin 11: 29 +~Henri E. Cauvin is a Washington Post Staff Writer. "More families became homeless in recession" 1/13/2011. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/12/AR2011011206298.html~~ SM 30 +During the throes of the recession, the number of homeless people in the United States increased, and the number of homeless families increased at an even greater rate, according to a report released Wednesday. The findings by the National Alliance to End Homelessness, although not surprising, confirm the harsh toll that the recession - which began in December 2007 and ended in June 2009 - took on families. Historically, people struggling with mental illness, substance abuse or other chronic problems have been the focus of government homelessness efforts, and until recently the number of such homeless people had been declining. But the recession, which has led to rising unemployment and declining social services, has slowed progress among the chronically homeless and increased numbers of the newly homeless, among them many families, according to the alliance's report. State by state the picture was mixed, with 19 states reporting decreases in homelessness. "The good news is, the numbers could have been a lot worse," Nan Roman, the alliance's executive director, said Wednesday at a news conference at the National Press Club. Drawing on data from the U.S. Census Bureau, the Department of Justice and the Department of Health and Human Services, the study looked at changes in homelessness nationwide from 2008 to 2009. The number of homeless people increased 3 percent, or by about 20,000 people, and the number of homeless families increased 4 percent, according to the alliance's report, "State of Homelessness in America." The District and 31 states recorded increases in the total number of homeless people. To explain the rise, the report discusses a number of factors, including housing costs, foreclosure rates, the number of people aging out of foster care and the number of inmates leaving prison. The differences among states underscore the local nature of homelessness and the role that local governments play in fighting the problem. With state and county governments facing huge budget deficits, advocates fear that the numbers in next year's report - which will look at 2009 to last year - will be even worse. "We're obviously concerned about the current situation," Roman said. In the most recent survey by Washington area jurisdictions, the number of homeless people was down slightly from 2009 to 2010, although the District, which has more than half of the region's homeless, and Arlington and Loudoun counties recorded moderate increases. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,9 @@ 1 +Text: The state and territorial governments of the United States of America ought (to implement social housing programs 2 + 3 +This competes- you defend the USFG- it would be nonsensical for both the US and the states to pass the same policy- means it’s mutually exclusive- hold them to the text of their advocacy 4 + 5 +State agencies solve better than federal agencies- better loan capabilities, create more affordable housing, get housing for people banks and federal government normally turn away and more funding- additionally federal housing agencies are ineffective- comparative evidence 6 +Eizenga 12 Jordan Eizenga, Policy Analyst with the Housing team at the Center for American Progress, “A House America Bond for State Housing Finance Agencies”, March 1, 2012, https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/economy/reports/2012/03/01/11176/a-house-america-bond-for-state-housing-finance-agencies/, VM 7 +State housing finance agencies are an effective and central player in the provision of affordable 8 +AND 9 +this increased role in affordable housing has fallen to state housing finance agencies. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,15 @@ 1 +Using the terminology of victim is actively disempowering – robs individuals of agency and devalues acts of resistance – survivor is key. 2 +Akhila 12 recent graduate of Harvard Law School, and a current fellow at Open Society Foundations, studies and work in the area of legal empowerment, access to justice, and ending gender-based violence. “Why words matter: Victim v. Survivor” March 13, 2012. CC 3 +Throughout my work with domestic 4 +AND 5 +healing from the trauma. 6 +Using the terminology of survivor is key – victim language focuses on prior experiences instead of letting people reclaim their power. 7 +Wood 13 Sarah Wood, "Victim vs. Survivor, and Why It Matters.” Sarah Wood Therapy. March 31, 2013. CC 8 +Anyone who has spoken to 9 +AND 10 +that you need help. 11 +This is a voting issue – drop the flow – this is a teachable moment 12 +Vincent 13 Chris Vincent, Re-Conceptualizing our Performances: Accountability in Lincoln Douglas Debate, Vbriefly, 2013. NS 13 +The question then becomes 14 +AND 15 +this community could have. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,47 @@ 1 +1 Their rights rhetoric ties notions of rights to notion of the proper political subject which inevitably creates the conditions that sustain bare life- if this doesn’t link then I don’t know what does 2 +Gündoğdu 11 Ayten Gündoğdu is an assistant professor of political science at Barnard. She teaches courses on political theory and human rights. Professor Gündoğdu’s current research centers on critical approaches to human rights, contemporary problems of citizenship, and political and ethical dilemmas of international migration; “Potentialities of human rights: Agamben and the narrative of fated necessity,” http://www.palgrave-journals.com/cpt/journal/v11/n1/full/cpt201045a.html 3 +Agamben's analysis of modern juridico-political developments, including rights declarations, aims to 4 +AND 5 +very subjects that they presuppose and render their subjects vulnerable to sovereign power. 6 +2 Allowing the state to define what “dating” or define “what constitutes a relationship” is just part of the parcel of the larger bio-political order – it’s an extension of their ability to control particular bodies. 7 +Hannabach 12 (Cathy, professor @ the University of Pittsburgh, “Biopower, Security Moms,and Juan Williams,” February 16th, 2012, https://pittfemtheorys12.wordpress.com/2012/02/16/biopower-security-momsand-juan-williams/) 8 +Biopower is a relatively recent form of power that it utilized by the State ( 9 +AND 10 +of the article, this means State-bred notion of “security.” 11 +3 Government is the reason biopower exists 12 +Nadesan, 08 (Majia Holmer, professor of communication in the School of Social and Behavioral Sciences in the New College of Interdisciplinary Arts and Sciences, “Governmentality, Biopower, and Everyday Life”, https://books.google.com/books?hl=enandlr=andid=QEqTAgAAQBAJandoi=fndandpg=PP1anddq=22economic+security22+and+biopower+and+agambenandots=iSmmUdVRPCandsig=c0GAKJJxPEdjnZJV7BjudTumxH4#v=snippetandq=biopower20and20governmentandf=false)//BW 13 +Foucault contended that the emergence of the early modern liberal state depended upon the institution 14 +AND 15 +—his pedagogy—ensures the upward continuity of the arts of government. 16 +4 Housing policy over-determines physical existence, forcing individuals to sacrifice their rights in favor of the biopolitical state 17 +Zeiderman 13 (Austin Zeiderman, Anthropologist and Assistant Professor in the Department of Geography and Environment at the London School of Economics and Political Science, “Living dangerously: biopolitics and urban citizenship in Bogotá, Colombia.”, American Ethnologist, 2013, http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/48524/1/Zeiderman_Living_dangerously_2013.pdf) AD 18 +Having shown how cities 19 +AND 20 +execute their citizenship claims. 21 +This inscription within biopolitics is at the heart of violence allowing every ‘citizen’ to be devalued and eliminated in the name of sovereign management. 22 +Agamben 98 (Giorgio – Univ. Verona Philosophy professor, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, Stanford UP, p. 139-140) 23 +**we don’t agree with the authors use of gendered language 24 +3.3. It is not our intention 25 +AND 26 +of every living being. 139-140 27 +Vote negative to refuse attempts to reform the system and doom it to its own nihilistic destruction—this is the only way to liberate us from bare life and biopolitical control 28 +Prozorov 10 (Sergei Prozorov, professor of political and economic studies at the University of Helsinki, “Why Giorgio Agamben is an optimist,” Philosophy Social Criticism 2010 36: pg. 1065) 29 +In a later work, Agamben 30 +AND 31 +in the following section. 32 +The role of the ballot is to promote the best form of politics- 33 +The alternative’s form of Resistance disrupts power- that creates the possibility for ethical politics 34 +Atterton 94 Peter Atterton, philosophy professor, University of California San Diego, HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES JOURNAL, 1994, p. http://www.acusd.edu/~atterton/Publications/foucault.htm. VM 35 +Must we pessimistically assume, 36 +AND 37 +of power's ultimate instability. 38 +Each individual act is critical to challenge power politics 39 +Foucault 69 Michel Foucault, really cool French philosopher, Director, Institute Francais at Hamburg, THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE, 1969, http://www.thefoucauldian.co.uk/bodypower.htm. VM 40 +We must ask ourselves 41 +AND 42 +that precede and follow it. 43 +Modern structures of control are just an extension of the slave ship- we control the direction of your racism impact 44 +Dillon 13 (Stephen Dillon, Doctor of philosophy from the university of Minnesota, “Fugitive Life: Race, Gender, and the Rise of the Neoliberal-Carceral State”, May 2013, Pages 68-71) //VM 45 +Smallwood, like Shakur and Williams, 46 +AND 47 +envelops, seduces, and multiplies.141a - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,55 @@ 1 +===FW=== 2 + 3 + 4 +====I negate the resolution: the United States ought to guarantee the right to housing. I value morality as per the word ought in the resolution denoting moral obligation. ==== 5 + 6 + 7 +====First, to evaluate ethical judgments we must first untangle our ontological commitments about who is and isn't included in the "us" and the "them." This requires inclusion of the subject at hand, and means oppression is morally reprehensible.==== 8 +**Butler 09**. Judith Butler, Maxine Elliot Professor of Comparative Literature at UC Berkeley, "Frames of War: When is Life Grievable?" Jan 1st 2009, Pg.138, http://books.google.com/books/about/Frames_of_War.html?id=ga7hAAAAMAAJ 9 +We ask such normative questions as if we know what we mean by the subjects 10 +AND 11 +those subjects who will be eligible for recognition and those who will not. 12 + 13 + 14 +====Second, morality mandates expression of all voices, which necessarily prohibits structural oppression. ==== 15 +**Young 74**. Iris Marion Young, Professor in Political Science at the University of Chicago since 2000, masters and doctorate in philosophy in 1974 from Pennsylvania State University. ~~"Justice and the Politics of Difference". Princeton University Press, 1990, Digital Copy.~~ 16 +Group representation, third, encourages the expression of individual and group needs and 17 +AND 18 +to the voice of those my privilege otherwise tends to silence~~s~~. 19 + 20 + 21 +====Thus, the standard is minimizing oppression.==== 22 + 23 + 24 +===I contend that the RTH is discriminatory towards womxn=== 25 + 26 + 27 +====RTH laws empirically discriminate against womxn – turns case.==== 28 +**UHCHR 13** (UHCHR, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, NEW YORK AND GENEVA, 2013, "REALIZING WOMEN'S RIGHTS TO LAND AND OTHER PRODUCTIVE RESOURCES", http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/RealizingWomensRightstoLand.pdf) 29 +The Special Rapporteur also highlighted "the gap between de jure and de facto protection of women's right to adequate housing. In many countries, women's rights are legally protected, but in practice, women are socially and economically disadvantaged and face de facto discrimination in the areas of housing, land and inheritance rights." In particular he noted that "genderneutral laws were interpreted and implemented in ways that discriminate and disadvantage women."42 In resolution 2005/25, the Commission on Human Rights recognized that "laws, policies, customs, traditions and practices … act to restrict women's equal access to credit and loans also prevent women from owning and inheriting land …."43 30 + 31 + 32 +====The impact outweighs – RTH laws lead to social exclusion, violence, and psychological trauma.==== 33 +**UHCHR 09** (UHCHR, November 2009, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, "The Right to Adequate Housing", http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/FS21_rev_1_Housing_en.pdf) SN 34 +In many parts of the world, women and girls face entrenched discrimination in inheritance, which can seriously affect their enjoyment of the right to adequate housing. Such discrimination can be enshrined in statutory laws as well as in customary laws and practices that fail to recognize women's equal rights to men in inheritance. As a result, women are either entitled to a lesser share than male relatives, or are simply dispossessed from any heritage of their deceased husbands or fathers. Violence is common within the context of inheritance, as a woman's property can be forcibly seized by relatives, an attempt that often involves physical and psychological violence, and long-lasting trauma. Relatives often abuse widows with impunity, as these matters are seen as a private family affair. If a woman decides to fight for her inheritance, she may also face violence from her in-laws or even from the community at large. In general, women's claims for inheritance can result in social exclusion, not only from the family but also from the community. 35 + 36 + 37 +====Public housing independently exacerbates intimate partner violence==== 38 +**Raghavan et al 06**. (Chitra Raghavan, Professor of Psychology and Director of BA/MA Program, Amy Mennerich, , Ellen Sexton, Associate Professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, Susan E. James, Professor at Columbia University"Community Violence and Its Direct, Indirect, and Mediating Effects on Intimate Partner Violence", Violence Against Women, SAGE Publications, Vol 12, No 12, 12-11-06, http://vaw.sagepub.com/content/12/12/1132) AD – we object to the rhetoric of victimization 39 +Typically, individual and interpersonal characteristics have been considered as more pertinent to the study 40 +AND 41 +little is known about neighborhood disadvantage and its effect on domestic or IPV. 42 + 43 + 44 +====The current paradigm of owning a home is premised on the sexist idea that men should go out and work, while a woman should stay home and tend to the house ==== 45 +**Hayden 80** (Dolores Hayden is an American professor, urban historian, architect, author, and poet.) What Would a Non-Sexist City Be Like? Speculations on Housing, Urban Design, and Human Work, Signs Vol. 5 No. 3 Supplement. Women and the American City, (Spring 1980), S170-S187, Date Accessed 2/21/17 https://nextgenhousing.wikispaces.com/file/view/Hayden+-+Non-Sexist+City.pdf ~~Premier~~ 46 +"A woman's place is in the home" has been one of the most 47 +AND 48 +world's passenger cars in support of the housing and transportation patterns described.3 49 + 50 + 51 +====Housing Policies implicitly feed into patriarchal gender roles by making it hard for women to work outside of the home, and driving them to consume commercially profitable products to try to enter the workforce ==== 52 +**Hayden 80** Dolores(Dolores Hayden is an American professor, urban historian, architect, author, and poet.) What Would a Non-Sexist City Be Like? Speculations on Housing, Urban Design, and Human Work, Signs Vol. 5 No. 3 Supplement. Women and the American City, (Spring 1980), S170-S187, Date Accessed 2/21/17 https://nextgenhousing.wikispaces.com/file/view/Hayden+-+Non-Sexist+City.pdf ~~Premier~~ 53 +By recognizing the need for a different kind of environment, far more efficient use 54 +AND 55 +neighborh - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,31 @@ 1 +====Interpretation: The aff must defend either the implementation of the resolution, hypothetical enactment of a topical policy, or the desirability of affirming the resolution. ==== 2 + 3 + 4 +====Violations: ==== 5 + 6 + 7 +====Net benefits:==== 8 + 9 + 10 +====Ground - ==== 11 + 12 + 13 +====Role-playing and advocacy skills – ==== 14 +**Coverstone 5 **~~MBA (Alan, Acting on Activism) 15 +An important concern emerges when Mitchell describes reflexive fiat as a contest strategy capable of 16 +AND 17 +that is a fundamental cause of voter and participatory abstention in America today. 18 + 19 +====Predictable limits – ==== 20 + 21 + 22 +====Education is a voter ==== 23 + 24 + 25 +====Fairness is a voter==== 26 + 27 +====Drop the Debater==== 28 + 29 +====Evaluate with competing interps:==== 30 + 31 +====Theory isn't an RVI ==== - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,29 @@ 1 +====The aff's focus on racism against Asian American via exacerbates capitalism – only by addressing the issues of capitalism and class stratification can we engage racism as a whole==== 2 +**Koshy 01 **~~Susan, Ph.D. @ UCLA Associate Professor of Asian American Studies, English @ University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign, "Morphing Race into Ethnicity: Asian Americans and Critical Transformations of Whiteness", 2001, Boundary 2 , Vol. 28.1, pg 191-93, Duke University Press, Project Muse~~ //VM 3 +Virulent political rhetoric and widespread anti-immigrant sentiment has resulted (most of the 4 +AND 5 +capitalist78 and in the working conditions of an undocumented Asian American restaurant worker. 6 + 7 + 8 +====Capitalism causes extinction, structural violence, and inequality==== 9 +Robinson 16. William Robinson is a Professor of Sociology, Global Studies, and Latin American Studies @ UC Santa Barbara. "Sadistic Capitalism: Six Urgent Matters for Humanity in Global Crisis," Truthout, 4/12/16, http://www.truth-out.org/opinion/item/35596-sadistic-capitalism-six-urgent-matters-for-humanity-in-global-crisis~~ VR 10 +In these mean streets of globalized capitalism in crisis, it has become profitable to 11 +AND 12 +just distribution of wealth and power. Our survival may depend on it. 13 + 14 + 15 +====Vote negative to refuse to participate in activities that support capitalism – key to hollowing out capitalist structures.==== 16 +**Herod 4. ** Herod, Columbia University Graduate and Political Activist, 2004 (James, Getting Free, http://site.www.umb.edu/faculty/salzman_g/Strate/GetFre/06.htm, JC) 17 +It is time to try to describe, at first abstractly and later concretely, 18 +AND 19 +. Otherwise we are doomed to perpetual slavery and possibly even to extinction. 20 + 21 + 22 +====The role of the ballot is to endorse the debater that best methodologically and systematically ends capitalism==== 23 + 24 + 25 +====We have an apriori reason to reject capitalism==== 26 +Zizek and Daly 04 (Slavoj, professor of philosophy at the Institute for Sociology, Ljubljana, and Glyn, Conversations with Zizek, pg 14-16) 27 +For Zizek it is imperative that we cut through this Gordian knot of postmodern protocol 28 +AND 29 +the abject Other to that of a 'glitch' in an otherwise sound matrix. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,14 @@ 1 +1NC T 2 +Interpretation: any means “not at all” following a negative. To clarify, they can’t defend any particular form of constitutionally-protected speech. 3 +Free Dictionary no date (The Free Dictionary, no date, “The Definition of Any”, http://www.thefreedictionary.com/any) KP 4 +Violation: they only defend insert their advocacy 5 +Net benefits: 6 +1) Limits- 7 +2) Grammar- 8 +3) Predictability- 9 +Topical version of the affirmative: 10 +Education is a voter- 11 +Fairness is a voter- 12 +Drop the debater 13 +Prefer competing interps 14 +No RVIs: - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,11 @@ 1 +Text: Public universities and colleges should either create policies, or reform their current policies on sexual harassment, to set strict harassment guidelines for in classroom behavior for teachers that prohibits speech that creates a hostile learning environment. They should also implement guidelines prohibiting student-to-student content that creates a hostile learning environment due to the sexual nature of the speech. These regulations will be enforced consistent with Title IX and VII of the Civil Rights Act. 2 +Dower 12 J.D., Dower, Benjamin. Assistant Attorney General at Texas Attorney General "Scylla of Sexual Harassment and the Charybdis of Free Speech: How Public Universities Can Craft Policies to Avoid Liability, The." Rev. Litig. 31 (2012): 703. 3 +Sexual Harassment Policy for University Students¶ Students are prohibited from committing sexual harassment.¶ Sexual harassment for students is defined as:¶ (1) Words of a sexual nature directed at the person of the¶ addressee that, by their very utterance, inflict injury, provoke¶ resentment in the addressee, and tend to incite an immediate breach¶ of the peace. Breach of the peace, as contemplated by this provision,¶ is defined as public disorder that involves the outbreak of physical¶ violence.¶ (2) Unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors,¶ and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature when¶ (a) submission to such conduct is made either¶ explicitly or implicitly a term or condition of an individual's¶ academic or employment status; or¶ (b) submission to or rejection of such conduct by an¶ individual is used as the basis for employment or academic¶ decision affecting such individual.¶ (3) Conduct of a sexual nature that is so severe and¶ pervasive-viewed both objectively and from the perspective of the¶ recipient of the remarks and considering the totality of the¶ circumstances-as to create a hostile learning environment.¶ Sexual Harassment Policy for University Employees¶ University employees are prohibited from committing sexual harassment.¶ Sexual harassment for university employees is defined as:¶ (1) Words of a sexual nature directed at the person of the addressee that, by their very utterance, inflict injury, provoke resentment in the addressee, and tend to incite an immediate breach of the peace. Breach of the peace, as contemplated by this provision, *746 is defined as public disorder that involves the outbreak of physical violence.¶ (2) Unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature when¶ (a) submission to such conduct is made either explicitly or implicitly a term or condition of an individual’s academic or employment status; or¶ (b) submission to or rejection of such conduct by an individual is used as the basis for employment or academic decision affecting such individual.¶ ¶ (3) Conduct of a sexual nature that is so severe or pervasive~-~-viewed both objectively and from the perspective of the recipient of the remarks and considering the totality of the circumstances~-~-as to create a hostile learning environment.¶ ¶ Possible Addition¶ ¶ A university employee accused of sexual harassment stemming from speech conducted in the classroom may raise, as a defense, that his or her classroom expression was reasonably related to a legitimate pedagogical interest. If the employee is able to show by a preponderance of the evidence that his or her classroom expression was reasonably related to a legitimate pedagogical interest, the committee shall weigh the value of that interest against the harm of the alleged harassment in determining both guilt and punishment.¶ 4 + 5 +The counterplan resolves a grey area within harassment law – right now professor speech gets protected under the first amendment. The counterplan shifts the precedent to take a stance against harassment. 6 +Marcus 08 Kenneth L Marcus Lillie and Nathan Ackerman Chair in Equality and Justice in America, Baruch College¶ School of Public Affairs. "Higher Education, Harassment, and First Amendment Opportunism." Wm. and Mary Bill Rts. J. 16 (2007): 1025. 7 +These incidents highlight a puzzling phenomenon in contemporary constitutional¶ culture. The puzzle has been the relatively recent appearance and eager¶ acceptance, especially in higher education, of First Amendment or academic¶ freedom arguments in areas which had long been beyond their reach. For at least¶ the "first fifteen years of its development," the law of harassment had been wellunderstood¶ to regulate a sphere of constitutionally unprotected, proscribable¶ conduct, even when it incidentally included the use of words.2' Yet in recent years¶ free-speech arguments have become a favorite topic-changing device for defenders¶ of all forms of harassment, 22 especially in post-secondary education where many are¶ especially sensitized to issues of free speech and academic freedom. The tendency¶ to construct harassing conduct as speech has important ramifications since the¶ appearance of the First Amendment, with its powerful array of standards and¶ presumptions, augurs ill for any area of regulation which is brought within its¶ shifting boundaries. As Frederick Schauer put it, "Once the First Amendment shows¶ up, much of the game is over., 23 And indeed, arguably, the game may now be over¶ for harassment law, which is to say, free speech issues may have obtained too much traction in this area to be dismissed out of hand. On the other hand, it remains at¶ best unclear as to whether the First Amendment is even salient as to this area of law.¶ The appearance of the First Amendment in this area was likely hastened by¶ overreaching on the part of civil rights advocates who, during the 1980s and 1990s,¶ introduced campus speech codes which could not help but raise First Amendment¶ attention.24 For many years, this conflict played itself out in a series of arguments¶ about campus speech codes, which were devised to protect various groups from¶ expressions which might be considered offensive or "hateful."' While these codes¶ drew some support from academic commentators, 26 the courts generally found them¶ to violate the First Amendment and other commentators agreed.27 Interestingly, few institutions have withdrawn speech or harassment codes unless threatened with the¶ risk of litigation or faced with adverse judicial decisions, and many apparently¶ remain on the books.28¶ At the same time, however, most universities have also promulgated antidiscrimination¶ and harassment policies pursuant to the requirements of various¶ federal civil rights statutes (especially Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 196429 and¶ Title IX3¶ " of the Education Amendments Act).3¶ ' Unlike hate speech codes,¶ harassment regulations (such as the federal regulations or public universities'¶ implementing policies) are not directly aimed at speech, although the harassing¶ conduct they regulate may include words.32 Given the prominence of speech¶ interests to the academic setting, however, free speech claims are now regularly¶ raised in response to various allegations of harassment; this is nowhere more true¶ than with respect to allegations of anti-Semitic harassment. Indeed, Justice Kennedy¶ once remarked in dissent that federal education harassment law is "circumscribed by the First Amendment,"33 and federal regulatory policy has assumed this to be so¶ for over a decade. 34 Nevertheless, there is reason to question the validity of this¶ assumption and the salience of free speech to the regulation of education harassment.¶ To the extent that harassment regulation encompasses some speech activities by¶ state actors on the basis of content, the most difficult constitutional question may be¶ whether First Amendment doctrine even applies to such questions or whether they¶ lay outside of the boundaries of First Amendment coverage. 35 This Article will¶ argue that the salience of the First Amendment to questions of academic harassment¶ is at best unsettled; that efforts to apply First Amendment doctrine to harassment¶ law may be seen as a form of what Frederick Schauer has described as "First¶ Amendment opportunism; ' 36 and that such efforts to extend the boundaries of the¶ First Amendment are ultimately unresolvable on the basis of constitutional doctrine¶ alone. Special attention is given to the recently resurgent problem of campus antiSemitism¶ because harassment allegations under this rubric have been subjected to¶ frequent, intense challenge as of late.37z 8 + 9 +Harassment cases persist because of a lack of clarity in requirements – a commitment to accountability is key. 10 +Saha 16 MADHUMITA SAHA The writer is an academic-turned journalist. She taught history at Drexel University and New York University before joining WION. Mon, 22 Aug 2016 http://www.dnaindia.com/world/column-academia-s-feet-of-clay-sexual-misconduct-and-gender-discrimination-in-schools-2247826 11 +In the present context, Tyann Sorrell ’s recourse to legal action seems an obvious choice. But the legal history of sexual harassment shows that the road to public protest had been tough and long. Professor Carrie N. Baker shows in her book, The Women’s Movement against Sexual Harassment, how characterizations of sexual behaviour in workplaces have evolved from being considered a moral problem of a working woman, to a social problem of male lust and seduction, and eventually in the 1970s, such acts came to be interpreted as acts of violence against women and a violation of women’s civil rights.¶ In response to public awakening to the issue, the judges ruled in the William v. Saxbe federal court case of 1976 that sexual harassment is a form of illegal sex discrimination under Title VII. Before this verdict, the US courts were of the opinion that sexual harassment was merely disharmony in a personal relationship, the result of personal urges of individuals, and not part of company policy.¶ We trust in numbers: quantifying sexual harassment in the campus¶ ¶ American universities with the most reports of rape, 2014¶ University campuses are particularly vulnerable to sexual harassment of various types. Different sorts of authorities - formal, informal, achieved as well as ascribed- are exercised over students, assistant professors, and administrative assistants. According to the federal campus safety data, nearly 100 US colleges and universities had at least 10 reports of rape on their main campuses in 2014, with Brown University and the University of Connecticut tied for the highest annual total of 43 each.¶ Recently, Association of American Universities (AAU) conducted a Campus Climate Survey on Sexual Assault and Sexual Misconduct among 150,000 students at 27 schools, including most of the Ivy League. Of the female undergraduate student respondents, 23.1 per cent informed the surveyors that they have experienced sexual misconduct due to physical force, threats of physical force, or incapacitation.¶ 2¶ Per cent of college students reporting sexual assault, 2015¶ One of the most disturbing revelations of the survey indicates that overall rates of reporting to campus officials and law enforcement were rather low.¶ Depending on the specific type of sexual harassment, only five per cent to 28 per cent of respondents claim to have reported their experience of sexual harassment to the appropriate authorities. According to the AAU Climate Survey, the most common reason for not reporting incidents of sexual assault and sexual misconduct was that it was not considered serious enough. Among other reasons, students cited they were “embarrassed, ashamed or that it would be too emotionally difficult,” and because they “did not think anything would be done about it.”¶ Taking it from here to a safer future¶ There is nothing peculiar about sexual harassment and misconduct in the US educational institutions. Embedded in the similar kind of power structure, I am sure, such acts of sexual transgression is common enough occurrence in any university under the sun. So, let’s not point a finger and try to make a case of western sexual promiscuity out of it; we are all living in fragile glass houses.¶ On 14 December 2015, Smriti Irani, the former human resource and development minister of India reported, that as per University Grants Commission (UGC), there have been 295 cases of sexual harassment against women during 2014-15 in various institutes of higher learning in India.¶ As various scholars and activists working on sexual misconduct have already pointed out, we have to be aware that even when a sexual assault has not taken place, a person can experience sexual harassment; a hostile, offensive and intimidating atmosphere - created in academic spaces - does count as sex harassment too.¶ Women belonging to minority groups of different race, caste, and religion are more vulnerable. As are people belonging to the third gender.¶ While acknowledging that women are more vulnerable to sexual conduct, we also need to come up with regulations that look into the harassment suffered by other genders too. Recently, the UGC has taken the right step towards this direction when it introduced the first gender neutral regulation on sexual harassment in India. Under this regulation, both male students and students of the third gender in universities can lodge complaints against sexual harassment faced by them.¶ Tyann Sorrell 's case, and similar other cases reported from academic institutions, should be used to create greater awareness. Sexual harassment is indeed ubiquitous; such heinous crime is not solely committed by blacks, poor and the uneducated, as is widely perceived. Power is deeply entrenched in such actions and, thus, the perpetrators often come from the most privileged section of our societies. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,15 @@ 1 +Feminist theories footnote transformative politics by displacing the focus on class – difference is always determined by class 2 +Ebert 05, Professor of Critical and Cultural Theory, Marxist Theory, Feminist Critique, Globalization Theory at State University of New York at Albany, 2005 (Teresa L, Science and Society 69.1 (Jan 2005): 33-55 “Rematerializing Feminism” proquest) //VM 3 +Feminism after the “post” has become in theory and practice largely indifferent to material practices under capitalism - such as labor, which shapes the social structures of daily life - and has fetishized difference. It has, in other words, erased the question of "exploitation," diffusing knowledge of the root conditions of women's realities into a plurality of particularities of "oppressions." Feminism has embraced the cultural turn - the reification of culture as an autonomous zone of signifying practices - and put aside a transformative politics. The revival of a new feminism thus requires clearing out the undergrowth of bourgeois ideology that has limited the terms by which feminism understands the condition of women. A new (Red) Feminism, in short, is not only concerned with the "woman question," it is even more about the "other" questions that construct the "woman question": the issues of class and labor constituting the very conditions of knowing - and changing - the root realities of global capitalism. The present text is grounded in the conviction that canonical feminist understandings of gender and sexuality institutionalized by "post" theories (as in poststructuralism, postcolonialism, postmodernism, postmarxism) are - after one allows for all their local differences and family quarrels (e.g., Benhabib, et al., 1995; Butler, et al., 2000) - strategies for bypassing questions of labor (as in the labor theory of value) and capital (the social relation grounded in turning the labor power of the other into profit) and instead dwell on matters of cultural differences (as in lifestyles). Reclaiming a materialist knowledge, I contest the cultural theory grounding canonical feminism. Specifically, I argue that language - "discourse" in its social circulations - "is practical consciousness" (Marx and Engels, German Ideology) and that culture, far from being autonomous, is always and ultimately a social articulation of the material relations of production. Canonical feminism in all its forms localizes gender and sexuality in the name of honoring their differences and the specificities of their oppression. In doing so, it isolates them from history and reduces them to "events" in performativities, thus cleansing them of labor. For Red Feminism, the local, the specific and the singular, namely the "concrete," is always an "imagined concrete" and the result of "many determinations and relations" that "all form the members of a totality, distinctions within a unity. Production (labor relations) predominates not only over itself . . . but over the other moments as well" (Marx, Grundrisse). Going against the grain of the canonical theories and instead of making woman "singular," I situate gender and sexuality in the world historical processes of labor and capital. My analysis of gender and sexuality will, predictably enough, be rejected by mainstream feminism as too removed, too abstract, too theoretical and, therefore, a form of exclusion of women as difference. I do not deny difference. I simply do not see difference as autonomous and immanent. Rather, I understand difference as always and ultimately determined by class difference - that is, by relations of property. 4 +The university has become the cornerstone of production, where research and learning has become more and more focused on using students as capital for knowledge economies and mass capitalist globalization 5 +Peters and Besley 06 (Michael A. Peters and A.C. Besley, Building Knowledge Cultures: Education and Development in the Age of Knowledge Capitalism, 2006, pp 24-25, 7/5/2016) 6 +It is not hard to make the leap from informatization and the postmodernization of production to an understanding of the implications for higher education or, indeed, schooling per se. In this context, we can easily talk of the informatization of knowledge production. We can recognize, as have many national governments, the significance of higher education in the knowledge economy, and the role of research in bolstering productivity. Many of the strategies concerning technology transfer have been centered on universities, with an emphasis on partnerships with business and the development of new start-up and spin-off companies. Governments have also tried to encourage the “clustering” of universities as a means of regional development. There has been a general reorientation of university curricula toward more practical and vocational knowledge, and university teachers and lectures are increasingly encouraged to engage in e-learning and to prepare their lectures as part of online courses. In this context, the questions of immaterial labor, intellectual property, and the culturalization of economic knowledge become leading policy issues. The World Bank recognizes the importance of tertiary education systems for developing and transitional economies, which face significant new trends regarding the convergent impacts of globalization, the information and communication revolutions, and the increasing importance of knowledge as a main driver of growth. The bank now argues that the role of tertiary education in the construction of knowledge economies and democratic societies is more influential than ever and that tertiary education is central to knowledge creation and production. At the same time, there is the danger of a growing digital divide between strata within developing countries between North and South. In a major report, Constructing Knowledge Societies: New Challenges for Tertiary Education, the World Bank (2002) describes how tertiary education contributes to building up a country’s capacity for participating in an increasingly knowledge-based world economy. It also investigates policy options for tertiary education that have the potential to enhance economic growth and reduce poverty. In some ways, the report indicates new directions. While it expands on Higher Education: The Lessons of Experience (World Bank 1994), it also emphasizes new trends, particularly the emerging role of knowledge as a major driver of economic development, and greater competition from nontraditional providers in a “borderless education” environment. The report recognizes that modes of delivery and organizational structures will become transformed as a result of the communications revolution. It comments on the rise of market forces in tertiary education and the emergence of a global market for advanced human capital. 7 +Capitalism causes extinction, structural violence, and inequality 8 +Robinson 16. William Robinson is a Professor of Sociology, Global Studies, and Latin American Studies @ UC Santa Barbara. “Sadistic Capitalism: Six Urgent Matters for Humanity in Global Crisis,” Truthout, 4/12/16, http://www.truth-out.org/opinion/item/35596-sadistic-capitalism-six-urgent-matters-for-humanity-in-global-crisis VR 9 +In these mean streets of globalized capitalism in crisis, it has become profitable to turn poverty and inequality into a tourist attraction. The South African Emoya Luxury Hotel and Spa company has made a glamorized spectacle of it. The resort recently advertised an opportunity for tourists to stay "in our unique Shanty Town ... and experience traditional township living within a safe private game reserve environment." A cluster of simulated shanties outside of Bloemfontein that the company has constructed "is ideal for team building, braais, bachelors parties, theme parties and an experience of a lifetime," read the ad. The luxury accommodations, made to appear from the outside as shacks, featured paraffin lamps, candles, a battery-operated radio, an outside toilet, a drum and fireplace for cooking, as well as under-floor heating, air conditioning and wireless internet access. A well-dressed, young white couple is pictured embracing in a field with the corrugated tin shanties in the background. The only thing missing in this fantasy world of sanitized space and glamorized poverty was the people themselves living in poverty. The "luxury shanty town" in South Africa is a fitting metaphor for global capitalism as a whole. Faced with a stagnant global economy, elites have managed to turn war, structural violence and inequality into opportunities for capital, pleasure and entertainment. It is hard not to conclude that unchecked capitalism has become what I term "sadistic capitalism," in which the suffering and deprivation generated by capitalism become a source of aesthetic pleasure, leisure and entertainment for others. I recently had the opportunity to travel through several countries in Latin America, the Middle East, North Africa, East Asia and throughout North America. I was on sabbatical to research what the global crisis looks like on the ground around the world. Everywhere I went, social polarization and political tensions have reached explosive dimensions. Where is the crisis headed, what are the possible outcomes and what does it tell us about global capitalism and resistance? This crisis is not like earlier structural crises of world capitalism, such as in the 1930s or 1970s. This one is fast becoming systemic. The crisis of humanity shares aspects of earlier structural crises of world capitalism, but there are six novel, interrelated dimensions to the current moment that I highlight here, in broad strokes, as the "big picture" context in which countries and peoples around the world are experiencing a descent into chaos and uncertainty. 1) The level of global social polarization and inequality is unprecedented in the face of out-of-control, over-accumulated capital. In January 2016, the development agency Oxfam published a follow-up to its report on global inequality that had been released the previous year. According to the new report, now just 62 billionaires ~-~- down from 80 identified by the agency in its January 2015 report ~-~- control as much wealth as one half of the world's population, and the top 1 owns more wealth than the other 99 combined. Beyond the transnational capitalist class and the upper echelons of the global power bloc, the richest 20 percent of humanity owns some 95 percent of the world's wealth, while the bottom 80 percent has to make do with just 5 percent. This 20-80 divide of global society into haves and the have-nots is the new global social apartheid. It is evident not just between rich and poor countries, but within each country, North and South, with the rise of new affluent high-consumption sectors alongside the downward mobility, "precariatization," destabilization and expulsion of majorities. Escalating inequalities fuel capitalism's chronic problem of over-accumulation: The transnational capitalist class cannot find productive outlets to unload the enormous amounts of surplus it has accumulated, leading to stagnation in the world economy. The signs of an impending depression are everywhere. The front page of the February 20 issue of The Economist read, "The World Economy: Out of Ammo?" Extreme levels of social polarization present a challenge to dominant groups. They strive to purchase the loyalty of that 20 percent, while at the same time dividing the 80 percent, co-opting some into a hegemonic bloc and repressing the rest. Alongside the spread of frightening new systems of social control and repression is heightened dissemination through the culture industries and corporate marketing strategies that depoliticize through consumerist fantasies and the manipulation of desire. As "Trumpism" in the United States so well illustrates, another strategy of co-optation is the manipulation of fear and insecurity among the downwardly mobile so that social anxiety is channeled toward scapegoated communities. This psychosocial mechanism of displacing mass anxieties is not new, but it appears to be increasing around the world in the face of the structural destabilization of capitalist globalization. Scapegoated communities are under siege, such as the Rohingya in Myanmar, the Muslim minority in India, the Kurds in Turkey, southern African immigrants in South Africa, and Syrian and Iraqi refugees and other immigrants in Europe. As with its 20th century predecessor, 21st century fascism hinges on such manipulation of social anxiety at a time of acute capitalist crisis. Extreme inequality requires extreme violence and repression that lend to projects of 21st century fascism. 2) The system is fast reaching the ecological limits to its reproduction. We have reached several tipping points in what environmental scientists refer to as nine crucial "planetary boundaries." We have already exceeded these boundaries in three areas ~-~- climate change, the nitrogen cycle and diversity loss. There have been five previous mass extinctions in earth's history. While all these were due to natural causes, for the first time ever, human conduct is intersecting with and fundamentally altering the earth system. We have entered what Paul Crutzen, the Dutch environmental scientist and Nobel Prize winner, termed the Anthropocene ~-~- a new age in which humans have transformed up to half of the world's surface. We are altering the composition of the atmosphere and acidifying the oceans at a rate that undermines the conditions for life. The ecological long after everything people have written and painted and built has been ground into dust." Capitalism cannot be held solely responsible. The human-nature contradiction has deep roots in civilization itself. The ancient Sumerian empires, for example, collapsed after the population dimensions of global crisis cannot be understated. "We are deciding, without quite meaning to, which evolutionary pathways will remain open and which will forever be closed," observes Elizabeth Kolbert in her best seller, The Sixth Extinction. "No other creature has ever managed this ... The Sixth Extinction will continue to determine the course of life over-salinated their crop soil. The Mayan city-state network collapsed about AD 900 due to deforestation. And the former Soviet Union wrecked havoc on the environment. However, given capital's implacable impulse to accumulate profit and its accelerated commodification of nature, it is difficult to imagine that the environmental catastrophe can be resolved within the capitalist system. "Green capitalism" appears as an oxymoron, as sadistic capitalism's attempt to turn the ecological crisis into a profit-making opportunity, along with the conversion of poverty into a tourist attraction. 3) The sheer magnitude of the means of violence is unprecedented, as is the concentrated control over the means of global communications and the production and circulation of knowledge, symbols and images. We have seen the spread of frightening new systems of social control and repression that have brought us into the panoptical surveillance society and the age of thought control. This real-life Orwellian world is in a sense more perturbing than that described by George Orwell in his iconic novel 1984. In that fictional world, people were compelled to give their obedience to the state ("Big Brother") in exchange for a quiet existence with guarantees of employment, housing and other social necessities. Now, however, the corporate and political powers that be force obedience even as the means of survival are denied to the vast majority. Global apartheid involves the creation of "green zones" that are cordoned off in each locale around the world where elites are insulated through new systems of spatial reorganization, social control and policing. "Green zone" refers to the nearly impenetrable area in central Baghdad that US occupation forces established in the wake of the 2003 invasion of Iraq. The command center of the occupation and select Iraqi elite inside that green zone were protected from the violence and chaos that engulfed the country. Urban areas around the world are now green zoned through gentrification, gated communities, surveillance systems, and state and private violence. Inside the world's green zones, privileged strata avail themselves of privatized social services, consumption and entertainment. They can work and communicate through internet and satellite sealed off under the protection of armies of soldiers, police and private security forces. Green zoning takes on distinct forms in each locality. In Palestine, I witnessed such zoning in the form of Israeli military checkpoints, Jewish settler-only roads and the apartheid wall. In Mexico City, the most exclusive residential areas in the upscale Santa Fe District are accessible only by helicopter and private gated roads. In Johannesburg, a surreal drive through the exclusive Sandton City area reveals rows of mansions that appear as military compounds, with private armed towers and electrical and barbed-wire fences. In Cairo, I toured satellite cities ringing the impoverished center and inner suburbs where the country's elite could live out their aspirations and fantasies. They sport gated residential complexes with spotless green lawns, private leisure and shopping centers and English-language international schools under the protection of military checkpoints and private security police. In other cities, green zoning is subtler but no less effective. In Los Angeles, where I live, the freeway system now has an express lane reserved for those that can pay an exorbitant toll. On this lane, the privileged speed by, while the rest remain one lane over, stuck in the city's notorious bumper-to-bumper traffic ~-~- or even worse, in notoriously underfunded and underdeveloped public transportation, where it may take half a day to get to and from work. There is no barrier separating this express lane from the others. However, a near-invisible closed surveillance system monitors every movement. If a vehicle without authorization shifts into the exclusive lane, it is instantly recorded by this surveillance system and a heavy fine is imposed on the driver, under threat of impoundment, while freeway police patrols are ubiquitous. Outside of the global green zones, warfare and police containment have become normalized and sanitized for those not directly at the receiving end of armed aggression. "Militainment" ~-~- portraying and even glamorizing war and violence as entertaining spectacles through Hollywood films and television police shows, computer games and corporate "news" channels ~-~- may be the epitome of sadistic capitalism. It desensitizes, bringing about complacency and indifference. In between the green zones and outright warfare are prison industrial complexes, immigrant and refugee repression and control systems, the criminalization of outcast communities and capitalist schooling. The omnipresent media and cultural apparatuses of the corporate economy, in particular, aim to colonize the mind ~-~- to undermine the ability to think critically and outside the dominant worldview. A neofascist culture emerges through militarism, extreme masculinization, racism and racist mobilizations against scapegoats. 4) We are reaching limits to the extensive expansion of capitalism. Capitalism is like riding a bicycle: When you stop pedaling the bicycle, you fall over. If the capitalist system stops expanding outward, it enters crisis and faces collapse. In each earlier structural crisis, the system went through a new round of extensive expansion ~-~- from waves of colonial conquest in earlier centuries, to the integration in the late 20th and early 21st centuries of the former socialist countries, China, India and other areas that had been marginally outside the system. There are no longer any new territories to integrate into world capitalism. Meanwhile, the privatization of education, health care, utilities, basic services and public land are turning those spaces in global society that were outside of capital's control into "spaces of capital." Even poverty has been turned into a commodity. What is there left to commodify? Where can the system now expand? With the limits to expansion comes a turn toward militarized accumulation ~-~- making wars of endless destruction and reconstruction and expanding the militarization of social and political institutions so as to continue to generate new opportunities for accumulation in the face of stagnation. 5) There is the rise of a vast surplus population inhabiting a "planet of slums," alienated from the productive economy, thrown into the margins and subject to these sophisticated systems of social control and destruction. Global capitalism has no direct use for surplus humanity. But indirectly, it holds wages down everywhere and makes new systems of 21st century slavery possible. These systems include prison labor, the forced recruitment of miners at gunpoint by warlords contracted by global corporations to dig up valuable minerals in the Congo, sweatshops and exploited immigrant communities (including the rising tide of immigrant female caregivers for affluent populations). Furthermore, the global working class is experiencing accelerated "precariatization." The "new precariat" refers to the proletariat that faces capital under today's unstable and precarious labor relations ~-~- informalization, casualization, part-time, temp, immigrant and contract labor. As communities are uprooted everywhere, there is a rising reserve army of immigrant labor. The global working class is becoming divided into citizen and immigrant workers. The latter are particularly attractive to transnational capital, as the lack of citizenship rights makes them particularly vulnerable, and therefore, exploitable. The challenge for dominant groups is how to contain the real and potential rebellion of surplus humanity, the immigrant workforce and the precariat. How can they contain the explosive contradictions of this system? The 21st century megacities become the battlegrounds between mass resistance movements and the new systems of mass repression. Some populations in these cities (and also in abandoned countryside) are at risk of genocide, such as those in Gaza, zones in Somalia and Congo, and swaths of Iraq and Syria. 6) There is a disjuncture between a globalizing economy and a nation-state-based system of political authority. Transnational state apparatuses are incipient and do not wield enough power and authority to organize and stabilize the system, much less to impose regulations on runaway transnational capital. In the wake of the 2008 financial collapse, for instance, the governments of the G-8 and G-20 were unable to impose transnational regulation on the global financial system, despite a series of emergency summits to discuss such regulation. Elites historically have attempted to resolve the problems of over-accumulation by state policies that can regulate the anarchy of the market. However, in recent decades, transnational capital has broken free from the constraints imposed by the nation-state. The more "enlightened" elite representatives of the transnational capitalist class are now clamoring for transnational mechanisms of regulation that would allow the global ruling class to reign in the anarchy of the system in the interests of saving global capitalism from itself and from radical challenges from below. At the same time, the division of the world into some 200 competing nation-states is not the most propitious of circumstances for the global working class. Victories in popular struggles from below in any one country or region can (and often do) become diverted and even undone by the structural power of transnational capital and the direct political and military domination that this structural power affords the dominant groups. In Greece, for instance, the leftist Syriza party came to power in 2015 on the heels of militant worker struggles and a mass uprising. But the party abandoned its radical program as a result of the enormous pressure exerted on it from the European Central Bank and private international creditors. The Systemic Critique of Global Capitalism A growing number of transnational elites themselves now recognize that any resolution to the global crisis must involve redistribution downward of income. However, in the viewpoint of those from below, a neo-Keynesian redistribution within the prevailing corporate power structure is not enough. What is required is a redistribution of power downward and transformation toward a system in which social need trumps private profit. A global rebellion against the transnational capitalist class has spread since the financial collapse of 2008. Wherever one looks, there is popular, grassroots and leftist struggle, and the rise of new cultures of resistance: the Arab Spring; the resurgence of leftist politics in Greece, Spain and elsewhere in Europe; the tenacious resistance of Mexican social movements following the Ayotzinapa massacre of 2014; the favela uprising in Brazil against the government's World Cup and Olympic expulsion policies; the student strikes in Chile; the remarkable surge in the Chinese workers' movement; the shack dwellers and other poor people's campaigns in South Africa; Occupy Wall Street, the immigrant rights movement, Black Lives Matter, fast food workers' struggle and the mobilization around the Bernie Sanders presidential campaign in the United States. This global revolt is spread unevenly and faces many challenges. A number of these struggles, moreover, have suffered setbacks, such as the Greek working-class movement and, tragically, the Arab Spring. What type of a transformation is viable, and how do we achieve it? How we interpret the global crisis is itself a matter of vital importance as politics polarize worldwide between a neofascist and a popular response. The systemic critique of global capitalism must strive to influence, from this vantage point, the discourse and practice of movements for a more just distribution of wealth and power. Our survival may depend on it. 10 +Our alternative is to vote negative to refuse to participate in activities that support capitalism – key to hollowing out capitalist structures. 11 +Herod 4. Herod, Columbia University Graduate and Political Activist, 2004 (James, Getting Free, http://site.www.umb.edu/faculty/salzman_g/Strate/GetFre/06.htm, JC) 12 +It is time to try to describe, at first abstractly and later concretely, a strategy for destroying capitalism. This strategy, at its most basic, calls for pulling time, energy, and resources out of capitalist civilization and putting them into building a new civilization. The image then is one of emptying out capitalist structures, hollowing them out, by draining wealth, power, and meaning out of them until there is nothing left but shells. This is definitely an aggressive strategy. It requires great militancy, and constitutes an attack on the existing order. The strategy clearly recognizes that capitalism is the enemy and must be destroyed, but it is not a frontal attack aimed at overthrowing the system, but an inside attack aimed at gutting it, while simultaneously replacing it with something better, something we want. Thus capitalist structures (corporations, governments, banks, schools, etc.) are not seized so much as simply abandoned. Capitalist relations are not fought so much as they are simply rejected. We stop participating in activities that support (finance, condone) the capitalist world and start participating in activities that build a new world while simultaneously undermining the old. We create a new pattern of social relations alongside capitalist relations and then we continually build and strengthen our new pattern while doing every thing we can to weaken capitalist relations. In this way our new democratic, non-hierarchical, non-commodified relations can eventually overwhelm the capitalist relations and force them out of existence. This is how it has to be done. This is a plausible, realistic strategy. To think that we could create a whole new world of decent social arrangements overnight, in the midst of a crisis, during a so-called revolution, or during the collapse of capitalism, is foolhardy. Our new social world must grow within the old, and in opposition to it, until it is strong enough to dismantle and abolish capitalist relations. Such a revolution will never happen automatically, blindly, determinably, because of the inexorable, materialist laws of history. It will happen, and only happen, because we want it to, and because we know what we’re doing and know how we want to live, and know what obstacles have to be overcome before we can live that way, and know how to distinguish between our social patterns and theirs. But we must not think that the capitalist world can simply be ignored, in a live and let live attitude, while we try to build new lives elsewhere. (There is no elsewhere.) There is at least one thing, wage-slavery, that we can’t simply stop participating in (but even here there are ways we can chip away at it). Capitalism must be explicitly refused and replaced by something else. This constitutes War, but it is not a war in the traditional sense of armies and tanks, but a war fought on a daily basis, on the level of everyday life, by millions of people. It is a war nevertheless because the accumulators of capital will use coercion, brutality, and murder, as they have always done in the past, to try to block any rejection of the system. They have always had to force compliance; they will not hesitate to continue doing so. Nevertheless, there are many concrete ways that individuals, groups, and neighborhoods can gut capitalism, which I will enumerate shortly. We must always keep in mind how we became slaves; then we can see more clearly how we can cease being slaves. We were forced into wage-slavery because the ruling class slowly, systematically, and brutally destroyed our ability to live autonomously. By driving us off the land, changing the property laws, destroying community rights, destroying our tools, imposing taxes, destroying our local markets, and so forth, we were forced onto the labor market in order to survive, our only remaining option being to sell, for a wage, our ability to work. It’s quite clear then how we can overthrow slavery. We must reverse this process. We must begin to reacquire the ability to live without working for a wage or buying the products made by wage-slaves (that is, we must get free from the labor market and the way of living based on it), and embed ourselves instead in cooperative labor and cooperatively produced goods. Another clarification is needed. This strategy does not call for reforming capitalism, for changing capitalism into something else. It calls for replacing capitalism, totally, with a new civilization. This is an important distinction, because capitalism has proved impervious to reforms, as a system. We can sometimes in some places win certain concessions from it (usually only temporary ones) and win some (usually short-lived) improvements in our lives as its victims, but we cannot reform it piecemeal, as a system. Thus our strategy of gutting and eventually destroying capitalism requires at a minimum a totalizing image, an awareness that we are attacking an entire way of life and replacing it with another, and not merely reforming one way of life into something else. Many people may not be accustomed to thinking about entire systems and social orders, but everyone knows what a lifestyle is, or a way of life, and that is the way we should approach it. The thing is this: in order for capitalism to be destroyed millions and millions of people must be dissatisfied with their way of life. They must want something else and see certain existing things as obstacles to getting what they want. It is not useful to think of this as a new ideology. It is not merely a belief-system that is needed, like a religion, or like Marxism, or Anarchism. Rather it is a new prevailing vision, a dominant desire, an overriding need. What must exist is a pressing desire to live a certain way, and not to live another way. If this pressing desire were a desire to live free, to be autonomous, to live in democratically controlled communities, to participate in the self-regulating activities of a mature people, then capitalism could be destroyed. Otherwise we are doomed to perpetual slavery and possibly even to extinction. 13 +Capitalism prevents any sort of ethics. 14 +Zizek and Daly 04 (Slavoj, professor of philosophy at the Institute for Sociology, Ljubljana, and Glyn, Conversations with Zizek, pg 14-16) 15 +For Zizek it is imperative that we cut through this Gordian knot of postmodern protocol and recognize that our ethico-political responsibility is to confront the constitutive violence of today's global capitalism and its obscene naturalization/anonymization of the millions who are subjugated by it throughout the world. Against the standardized positions of postmodern culture - with all its pieties concerning 'multiculturalist' etiquette - Zizek is arguing for a politics that might be called 'radically incorrect' in the sense that it breaks with these types of positions and focuses instead on the very organizing principles of today's social reality: the principles of global liberal capitalism. This requires some care and subtlety. For too long, Marxism has been bedevilled by an almost fetishistic economism that has tended towards political morbidity. With the likes of Hilferding and Gramsci, and more recently Laclau and Mouffe, crucial theoretical advances have been made that enable the trascendence of all forms of economism. in this new context, however, Zizek argues that the problem that now presents itself is almost that of the opposite fetish. That is to say, the prohibitive anxieties surrounding the taboo of economism can function as a way of not engaging with the economic reality and as a way of implicitly accepting the latter as a basic horizon of existence. In an ironic Freudian-Lacanian twist, the fear of economism can end up reinforcing a de facto economic necessity in respect of contemporary capitalism (i.e. the initial prohibition conjures up the very thing it fears). This is not to endorse any retrograde return to economism. Zizek's point is rather that in rejecting economism we should not lose sight of the systemic power of capital in shaping the lives and destinies of humanity and our very sense of the possible. In particular, we should not overlook Marx's central insight that in order to create a universal global system the forces of capitalism seek to conceal the politico-discursive violence of its construction through a kind of gentrification of that system. What is persistently denied by neo-liberals such as Rorty (1989) and Fukuyama (1992) is that the gentrification of global liberal capitalism is one whose 'universalism' fundamentally reproduces and depends upon a disavowed violence that excludes vast sectors of the world's population. In this way, neo-liberal ideology attempts to naturalize capitalism by presenting its outcomes of winning and losing as if they were simply a matter of chance and sound judgement in a neutral marketplace. Capitalism does indeed create a space for a certain diversity, at least for the central capitalist regions, but it is neither neutral nor ideal and its price in terms of social exclusion is exorbitant. That is to say, the human cost in terms of inherent global poverty and degraded 'life-chances' cannot be calculated within the existing economic rationale and, in consequence, social exclusion remains mystified and nameless (viz. the patronizing reference to the developing world). And Zizek's point is that this mystification is magnified through capitalism's profound capacity to ingest its own excesses and negativity; to redirect (or misdirect) social antagonisms and to absorb them within a culture of differential affirmation. Instead of Bolshevism, the tendency of today is towards a kind of political boutiquism that is readily sustained by postmodern forms of consumerism and lifestyle. Against this Zizek argues for a new universalism whose primary ethical directive is to confront the fact that our forms of social existence are founded on exclusion on a global scale. While it is perfectly true that universalism can never become Universal (it will always require a hegemonic-particular embodiment in order to have any meaning), what is novel about Zizek's universalism is that it would not attempt to conceal this fact or to reduce the status of the abject Other to that of a 'glitch' in an otherwise sound matrix. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,24 @@ 1 +The 1AC fails to emphasize how free speech is not free for Asian-American bodies. Free speech stems from a white paradigm which excludes us; we are not good enough at your language, not smart enough to comprehend your culture, we are doomed out of the political because we don’t have the capacity for a voice. 2 +Chou, Lee, and Ho 16 Chou, Rosalind S., Kristen Lee, and Simon Ho. "Asian Americans on Campus." Google Books. Taylor and Francis, 2016. 3 +In early spring 2011 a young white college student named Alexandra Wallace posted a video on YouTube causing a nationwide uproar. In what she titled “Asians in the Library,” Wallace chastises the “hordes of Asians” at the University of California-Los Angeles for not having “American” manners and their parents for “not teaching their kids to fend for themselves.” She also makes a mockery of Asians who speak their native languages: “Ohh Ching chong ling long ting tong? Ohh.”l Under heavy public criticism in response to the video, Wallace eventually resigned from UCLA. She received no institutional punishment for her racist statements, and according to UCLA's official press release on the subject, Wallace’s video did not violate the student code, nor did it “seek to harm or threaten a specific person or group."2 What is even more remarkable is that Wallace enjoyed some fame-she was invited to MTV's Jersey Shore reunion show, and has been featured in a co-ed magazine bikini photo shoot as the “UCLA Asian Racist.” Although Alexandra Wallace’s is one of the more extreme cases of racial hostility to occur in recent years, it provides an opportunity to examine both the acceptability of racism against Asian Americans and white normative university politics. By failing to pursue action against Alexandra Wallace, UCLA administrators prioritized a single white student’s right to anti-Asian racist bombast as a matter of free speech over the right of their Asian American students to operate within a tolerant community. More alarming, UCLA’s statement that the video did not “seek to harm or threaten a specific person or group” minimized the emotional destruction its Asian American students experience as a consequence of racism. By refraining the discussion around the “intentionality” of Alexandra Wallace’s video, UCLA attempted to excuse the racism embedded throughout her diatribe. Unfortunately this is not an isolated situation of clueless administrators but rather an example of how white social institutions founded on racial inequalities continue to operate within a white normative frame that allows racism to persist. Moreover, that Alexandra Wallace gained celebrity from her racist tirade further underlines how the use of Asian Americans as a punch line is still profitable in mainstream white American culture. The Wallace incident at UCLA also shows us that white institutional space trumps other factors. UCLA’s undergraduate makeup as of the 2013 fall quarter was 34.8 percent Asian/Pacific Islander, 3.8 percent African American, 18 percent Hispanic, and 27.8 percent white. These numbers do not include the 11.8 percent of international students, of which a portion is from Asian countries. While Asian and Pacific Islander students are the majority at this elite private West Coast institution (which is often portrayed as Asian-friendly), white institutional space dictates the racial climate. Numerous racist incidents at UCLA have made headlines in recent years, including a lawsuit brought by an African American professor in the school of medicine against his own department, a black law student receiving hate mail, and anti-Asian flyers posted across campus in both 2012 and 2014.‘ We challenge the argument that diverse representation can effectively combat racism. White institutional space must be critically examined and challenged before racial oppression can be dismantled. In this chapter we present ways in which our Asian American participants dealt with the racial climate at their university. We classify their reactions in two ways-resignation or resistance. Individuals were not inclined to exclusively resign or exclusively resist; positionality and location mattered. However, we aim to highlight that there is a spectrum of ways in which our respondents responded to racism. Additionally, we asked our participants to give advice to other Asian Americans who may be dealing with similar situations, and we organized their responses into two categories. We found that advice either suggested racial disengagement or racial engagement, two opposing types of suggestions. Finally, we offer a summary of our research, their implications, and suggestions for future areas in need of research. Resignation v. Resistance Asian Americans in college seem to suffer from many racialized social experiences that shape how they live and navigate their daily lives. As elucidated above, these experiences are often intersectional, gendered, and raced. Many problems are complex and involve various social and personal pressures. Asian American students are continually faced with the question of how to react to these problems on a day-to-day basis. While there are many different ways Asian Americans have chosen to respond to these problems, navigating the white-dominated space of college universities requires significant emotional management on the part of its students of color, regardless of how they choose to react. To illustrate a dichotomy in responses, the way they deal with these problems has been grouped into two strands: resignation and resistance. Resignation Resistance and resignation are not mutually exclusive responses to racism. Asian Americans students responding via resignation direct their behavior and responses toward fitting into white space in an attempt to make it a safe space for them. They use resignation to affirm notions of Asian Americans as irregular and whites as normal. Growing up in the South, among a population with a majority of middle-class whites, Ted talks about his perspectives on facing social problems as an Asian American: To an extent, I believe it's very overcomable sic, if you're an Asian American with the right personality, the right character. I guess height always works in the business world. I would say that the generalizations always comes from the fact that so many Asians falling under the stereotype. So we’re obviously disadvantaged, but it's very overcomable sic if you're the right type of person. Ted recognizes a disadvantage to being Asian American in a white- dominated world. He talks about “overcoming” difficulties through having a certain set of characteristics. By mentioning being disadvantaged by “generalizations” stemming from other Asian Americans “falling under the stereotype,” Ted has shifted the blame for his difficulties fitting into a white society onto other Asian Americans. 4 + 5 +The education system reinforces the image of the Asian student: industrious, obedient, and successful – rendering invisible the crisis of Asian students to whom the system does not cater. 6 +Li 5 (Guofang, "Other People’s Success: Impact of the “Model Minority” Myth on Underachieving Asian Students in North America", KEDI Journal of Educational Policy Vol.2 No.1 2005, https://msu.edu/~liguo/file/KEDI20Journal-Guofang20Li2020051.pdf, DOA: 7-28-2017) //Snowball 7 +Contemporary public perceptions of Asian students in North America have been associated with the label “model minorities” (Lee, 1996; Suzuki, 1989, 2002). Asian students are described as intelligent, industrious, enduring, obedient, and highly successful, and have been constructed as “academic nerds,” “high achievers” who are “joyfully” initiated into North American life and English literacy practices (Lee, 1996; Townsend and Fu, 1998). These model minority images are based on reports of Asian students’ high test scores in mathematics and SAT, and higher grade point average in high school in comparison with other minority groups such as African and Hispanic students in the U.S., and Aboriginal students in Canada (Hsia, 1988; Kim and Chun, 1994; Sue and Okazaki, 1991). In recent years, there are also reports that Asians are outdoing whites in test scores, educational attainment, and family income (Min, 2004). These images are further reinforced by reports of only success stories in research literature and in the media. According to the U.S. Census Bureau 2001 population survey, in 2050, one of the greatest increases in the U. S. population will be Asian American/Pacific Islanders (from 3.7 in 2000 to 8.9 in 2050). In Canada, Asia/Pacific has become the leading source of immigrants since the 1990s (53.01 in 2001), with China (including Hong Kong) being the No. 1 source country (Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2002). In the Province of British Columbia (B.C.) alone, Asian immigrants accounted for 87.2 of its population growth during 1993-2000. With the increase of Asian population in North America, the number of school age Asian Pacific children also increased tremendously. For example, between 1960 and 1990, it grew about six-fold and it continues to grow at a high rate in the U.S. and Canada. Are the “model minority” images true to all Asian students? Are the Asian students destined to excel as “model minorities”? The fast growing Asian Pacific population has posed unprecedented challenges to schools that are under prepared for educating students who do not speak English as their first language and who come from a wide range of cultural, political and economic backgrounds. With the increasing number of Asian children in today’s schools, researchers began to see the other side of the “model minority myth.” Contrary to the widely reported success stories, research on recent Asian immigrants began to draw public attention to “an invisible crisis” that many Asian Pacific children face in today’s schools (AAPIP, 1997). More and more Asian children are reported to experience difficulty not only in learning English, but also in achieving academic success. For example, the 2001 results of the British Columbia Foundations Skills Assessment indicated that nearly 37 of the 4th graders (in addition to 21 of whom were excused from taking the test due to their limited English proficiency) in the school had not yet reached the provincial standards in reading comprehension (B. C. Ministry of Education, 2001). In many districts with high Asian concentration (e.g., California, New York, and Chicago), Asian drop out rates are also reported to be increasing (NECS, 2004). 8 + 9 +The narrative of the ‘model minority’ is a myth based on skewed statistics that renders violence against Asian Americans invisible and justifies the oppression of other minorities 10 +Kasinitz 11 (P, Masters at Harvard University, “Model Minority”, https://depts.washington.edu/sibl/Publications/Model20Minority20Section20(2011).pdf) 11 +The term "model minority" was coined in 1966 by sociologist William Petersen in an article he wrote for The New York Times Magazine entitled "Success story: Japanese American style." Petersen emphasized that family structure and a cultural emphasis on hard work allowed Japanese Americans to overcome the discrimination against their group and achieve a measure of suc cess in the United States. Numerous popular press articles subsequently appeared describing the "successes" of various Asian American groups. Explanations for the seeming success of Asian Americans focused variously on Confucian values, work ethic, centrality of family, and genetic superiority. One factor that was often overlooked in these accounts was US immigration law. The 1965 Immigration Act reversed years of restrictive immigration policies that virtually banned all immigration from Asia, allowing for a greater number of immigrants to enter the United States from non-Western countries, including countries in Asia and Latin America. Although this act lifted previous geographic restrictions, it allowed only those with certain backgrounds to enter the United States. After immediate family members of those already in the United States, the second priority was recruiting professionals and scientists. As a result, a large influx of highly-educated professionals (such as doctors and engineers) and scientists from Asia left their home countries after 1965 and immigrated to the Unites States. It is this group of Asian Americans, and their children, that make up a significant portion of the Asian American community today. A radical change in US immigration policy can thus explain some of the individual success stories profiled in popular press articles describing Asian American success. Model minority myth? Although there are national statistics that suggest that Asian Americans have achieved some measure of success in US society, disaggregating the statistics reveals a different story. According to the 2006 Census data, when combined into one group, Asian Americans earn a greater household income than Whites ($66,060 vs $53,910), Blacks ($32,876), and Latinos ($38,853). Educational attainment from the 2000 Census shows a similar pattern: a greater percentage of Asian Americans attend college than Whites (65 percent vs 54 percent). On the face of it, the Asian American community may appear to be doing quite well. However, the term "model minority" is often accompanied by the word "myth" because many scholars have argued that the assumptions that Asian Americans are doing well is overgeneralized and inaccurate. First, the use of household income statistics obscures the fact that many Asian American families have larger households with more adults who are employed than White families. Second, although some Asian American ethnic groups may be doing relatively well, there are many Asian American ethnic groups that not doing well compared to the rest of the US population. For instance, according to the 2000 Census, Cambodians have a per-capita income of $10,215, and over 90 percent of their population does not have a bachelor's degree, significantly lower than the comparable statistics for the US overall ($21,587 per capita income and 76 percent without a bachelor's degree). Third, Asian Americans make up a disproportionately high percentage of those living in poverty; the 2005 Census data reveals that II percent of Asian Americans live below the poverty line, compared to 8 percent of Whites. Asian Americans are also uninsured at a higher rate than Whites (18 percent vs 11 percent). Focusing on the Asian Americans who have "made it" renders invisible those in the community who continue to struggle. Relying on aggregate household income and education statistics also obscures the fact that White Americans still hold a disproportionate number of the top positions in US society. Even today, there is only one Asian American governor and two Asian American senators (both from Hawaii). Similarly, the top-level positions in business are still overwhelmingly filled by Whites. Asian Americans have also encountered a glass ceiling, making up less than 1.5 percent of the top executives in Fortune 1000 firms. Perhaps most telling, Asian Americans realize lower returns on their education than Whites, meaning that Asian Americans require more years of education to achieve the same level of income as Whites. Asian Americans, like other minority groups, have not yet achieved a level of success that is commensurate to the success of Whites, even when education differences are controlled for across the two groups. Moreover, this is true even of Asian Americans born in the United States, suggesting that a lack of facility with English does not fully explain the greater achievement of Whites. Taken together, these observations reveal that the model minority stereotype is problematic because it masks many of the struggles faced by Asian Americans. Consequences/or Asian Americans While some Asian Americans embrace the seemingly positive characterization of their group, others resist it because of the negative consequences it has for the Asian American community. On the one hand, social psychological experiments have shown that being stereotyped as smart may benefit Asian Americans in test-taking situations because positive stereotypes about one's group can boost performance. On the other hand, the model minority myth can be harmful to Asian Americans who may feel pressure to live up to unrealistic expectations. In addition, believing that Asian Americans are a model minority diverts attention away from any discrimination they may have faced and continue to face. Asian Americans who mention discrimination may seem to be complaining about something that does not exist or is not serious. However, discrimination against Asian Americans is real. Asian Americans are often mistaken for foreign citizens, are believed to be more loyal to Asia than to the United States, and have little political support among other Americans. Moreover, although being stereotyped as smart may seem like a good thing, seeming too competent garners feelings of envy and competition, especially in situations where resources may be scare (such as during bad economic times). Envied groups are also often viewed cold and unsociable, reflecting a tradeoff between competence and likability in perceptions of social groups. Thus, although the model minority's high competence may be (begrudgingly) admired, it can at same time undermine liking for the group and lead to prejudice. Whites have initiated hate crimes against Asian because of a belief that Asian Americam were achieving too much and resources, such as jobs, away from Whites. The model minority myth can also obscure socioeconomic diversity within the Asian American community and prevent Asian Americans who need assistance getting it. More research is necessary identify the situations in which the mode minority label benefits as opposed harms Asian Americans. Consequences/or relationships between minority groups Scholars argue that the model label serves to undermine positive relationships between ethnic groups. The minority myth reinforces the dream by promoting the image that work pays off. This rhetoric can be divisive, because it can be used as a tool reinforce the subordinate position of minority groups ("they made it, why you?") and prevent cooperation Asian Americans and other minorities. In addition, the characterization of Americans as a model minority can be to undermine support for programs help other minority groups to achieve sucess, such as affirmative action, by suggestinging that affirmative action should be able to work hard and success without any assistance. Consequences for majority groups Asian Americans' status as the minority also has negative effects Asian Americans require more years of education to achieve the same level of income as Whites. Asian Americans, like other minority groups, have not yet achieved a level of success that is commensurate to the success of Whites, even when education differences are controlled for across the two groups. Moreover, this is true even of Asian Americans born in the United States, suggesting that a lack of facility with English does not fully explain the greater achievement of Whites. Taken together, these observations reveal that the model minority stereotype is problematic 12 + 13 +Thus, in response we advocate for Asian rage, an embodied experience which flips the script on the docile model minority and sparks emotional connections in our communities 14 +Asian American rage is a tool – we weaponize rage to collapse the myth of the model minority, and to break down white supremacy. Under the paradigm of the model minority, Asians are perceived as docile, our grief is accepted but our anger is seen as ungrateful. Our rage turns these perceptions on their head – instead of internalizing the melancholy of the status quo, our rage empowers and resists. 15 +Chandra 14 (Ravi, psychiatrist and poet, “Asian American Anger: It’s A Thing!”, pg. 14-22)//MNW 16 +Asian Americans very easily find themselves under threat as well. While we might call Rodger’s anger “self-centered” and say Asian American cultural anger responds to bigger threats, the latter still holds tensions that must be reckoned with on a personal level. We might find cultural anger more “justifiable”, but it is tied to identity struggles that impact relations between all individuals. We could cite a long and undeniable history of racism and violence against Asian Americans in the U.S., from the earliest Chinese immigrants through Japanese American internment to the continuing hate crimes against South Asians post 9-11. We recently passed the 32nd anniversary of the murder of Vincent Chin in Detroit, a seminal moment in Asian American history. There are still those who deny this was a hate crime, including one of the murderers – yet the fact remains that Chin’s murderers got off essentially scot-free. A Chinese American man’s life was worth only three years of probation and a $3720 fine that was never even paid. The list goes on. Balbir Singh Sodi, murdered days after 9-11 in Mesa, Arizona. Fong Lee, a 19-year old Hmong American man who was brutally shot multiple times in the back while he was on the ground, by a Minneapolis police officer in 2006. Cau Bich Thi Tran, a 25-year old Vietnamese American mother of two shot by a San Jose policeman in 2003 three seconds after he entered her house responding to her own 911 call, claiming he mistook her vegetable peeler for a weapon. Sunando Sen, an Indian immigrant pushed to his death on a New York City subway track in 2012 by a woman who stated she was retaliating for 9-11. The six people killed and four injured by a white supremacist in the Oak Creek, Wisconsin Sikh Temple massacre in 2012. In 2012, at least 4.1 of hate crimes reported to the FBI were against Asians and Pacific Islanders, but critics counter there is significant underreporting. 54 of Asian American teens reported being bullied in a recent survey, far above the rates of whites and other minorities. When we raise our voices in anger about violence and harassment targeting our communities, we are not “crying wolf”. The “isolated incidents” are not isolated – they are part of a pattern of hatred directed against all minority groups. There is a serious and significant danger to which we remain alert and sensitive. Asian Americans are victims of bias that renders them “outsiders” and “others” to be discriminated against, harassed and even killed. Trauma can also be transmitted intergenerationally. There is evidence that experiences of parents and ancestors leave their marks on gene expression and thus can predispose children to anger and other difficult emotions and alter their response to stress. Men (and women) also absorb the stories of their families’ and forebears’ struggles, here and abroad. In Korea and in Korean Americans, for example, there is a word for this – han – a collective feeling of oppression and cultural suffering that becomes woven into personal identity. As Asian Americans, we often think in terms of group identity and affiliation – so I think there is an Asian American han, which vies with cultural amnesia and dissociation from the totality of the Asian American experience to define the Asian American soul. Some of us can’t forget; others try to flee into the supposed safety of the river of forgetfulness, and so perpetuate the problem. This is all occurring at the same time that some Asian American groups are experiencing financial prosperity and success. We are stereotyped as the “Model Minority”, which ignores the great diversity between groups and also the complicated stories within groups and individuals (see Jenn Fang’s and Marie Myung-Ok Lee’s analyses at Reappropriate.com and Salon.com, respectively). Asians are seen as quiet, docile, submissive, and silent “worker drones” who do their job without complaint, and for their service are held up as ideals by even our “own” Amy Chua (in her recent book “The Triple Package”), causing a backlash of resentment and hostility, as well as internal and external conflict as Asian Americans struggle to find and assert their own identities. Anger arises in the context of discrimination, violence, racism, misunderstanding and even dismissal of our perspectives, potentials, histories and individualities. Where financial success does not occur, as in many parts of the Asian American experience, the complications of poverty and disenfranchisement – violence, mental and physical health problems, and so forth – cause deep and interlocking problems, and plenty of food for anger. Success might in itself be soothing – but it is incomplete and therefore, is not. Financial success, even when it occurs, cannot compete with relational or moral victory, and does not translate into freedom from suffering. The “successful” Asian American man can feel excluded, unrelated and demoralized everywhere from the big screen to the boardroom to the bedroom. When not excluded, he and his cultures are openly mocked, stereotyped, appropriated and insulted, an ignorance-fueled hazing by some in the white majority. Despite this, he is viewed as having no “right” to be angry. All speak to a sense of emasculation and disempowerment, isolation and injustice, silencing, marginalization and victimization. While it feels at times (for some of us) that the landscape is changing quickly, we cannot feel distant to racial and cultural inequities. As human beings, no matter our socioeconomic status, we remain sensitive to the suffering of not only our groups but all groups. The instant we become insensitive to others’ suffering is the instant we become party to the perpetuation of that suffering. You may have heard this slogan: “If you’re not angry, you’re not paying attention.” We can’t help but pay attention, so anger is one of our understandable reactions. We get to this feeling honestly. But in the end, the righteous anger of the socially conscious may be an aspirational anger, available only to those relatively unburdened by more proximal issues, such as family conflicts. To paraphrase Tolstoy, happy families are all of a piece; unhappy ones tell myriad dark tales. Yet there are themes common to the genesis of the frustrated, angry Asian American man. All of us are victims, first, of our own families and their limitations. Children are always on the front line of their family’s issues from the time of birth. Amy Chua, for example, infamously promoted the “Tiger Mom” parenting strategy, but she angered Asian American men and women who were harmed by harsh, critical parents. Dr. Su Yeong Kim showed that harsh and tiger parenting led to higher rates of depression, lower self-esteem, and poorer performance in school in Chinese American children. The ranks of the angry and suffering often come saddled with issues created by their family situations. The children of immigrants are often frustrated by a large generation and cultural gap with their parents. They can feel torn between worlds. Expectations – for success at school and work, for obedience – can run high, leaving them in a double bind of both loving their parents and being angry or disappointed with them, of trying to please parents and also trying to assert themselves. Male children especially may be prized at home and put on a pedestal, yet feel alienated or socially stunted in the outside world, feeling that their family situation didn’t prepare them to relate to the broader American scene and women in particular. Emotional growth may be devalued, and they are sometimes alienated from parents who don’t understand the pressures they experience due to race or class. Sexuality can be repressed at home, and uncertain outside. Until recently, Asian males were categorically seen as less masculine, less powerful, and thus less desirable to women, leading to self-esteem issues and understandable anger. Anecdotally, Asian American males have longer periods of being single than either white males or Asian American women – leaving room for frustration and anger directed at Asian American women and whites. And of course, the man who feels undesirable or disempowered might take out his frustrations on the nearest available person with lower status – his wife, girlfriend or women more generally. Men might seek power and control in their relationship when unable to attain them outside the home. Patriarchy, more than culture, explains misogyny – and Asian families can be patriarchal, privileging men and boys and allowing them to feel entitled towards women, or especially disappointed when spurned. Anger at controlling or smothering mothers may lead to confusion and anger about identity and relationships. Anger at fathers complicates the assertion and development of masculinity. Asian Americans may feel silenced by their own families, who value “face” over dealing with conflicts or mental illness. Nerd, gaming and pop culture, including a subset of male Asian Americans, is often particularly misogynistic, as Arthur Chu of recent Jeopardy-fame pointed out in the Daily Beast recently. Frustration and aggression may be unchecked and in fact kindled and reinforced in this ‘alternate family’ that provides a validation of a kind of masculinity and an escape from isolation at the very least. The Asian American man can feel not only relationship-less but stateless, a refugee adrift in a sea of longings, unmoored and un-amoured, always on the edge of social defeat, scanning the horizons for some island to call home. Perpetually estranged by the presumptions and rejections of others, the stereotypes and gross and subtle racisms of a limited cultural imagination, he is always reminded of outsider status and exclusion. To be unloved, to not be touched, to have your masculinity indicted first by your family, then popular culture, then the women you’re attracted to – is a decidedly unpleasant and, even excruciating scenario. It is a situation conducive to unhappiness, resentment, and alienation – yet it is not uncommon for the young Asian American man. Feeling frustration and anger is understandable, but it is complicated. Expressing it outwardly towards more powerful targets invites blowback and retribution. Stifling it lends to passivity. Misogyny and abuse become, then, a “safe” expression of power against an even more vulnerable victim. While I’ve highlighted the potential sources of conflict between Asian American men and women, I should point out that many Asian American men are angry on behalf of women as well. We’ve seen the abuse of our mothers, witnessed mistreatment of our sisters, friends and colleagues, and carry anger towards the perpetrators. We worry for our daughters. Our masculine rage and concern is protective and empathic, we aim to be responsible and responsive to women’s issues. But this doesn’t immunize us from the problems of anger, or shield us from sometimes also being hurt by and angry with the women in our lives. “You can be enlightened to everyone but your family,” as the saying goes; thus anger enters our relationships and complicates them. Speaking for myself, as I’ve witnessed the explosive effects of anger, I feel particularly self-conscious and wary of being in anger’s grasp, even so-called “righteous anger” or “moral outrage.” But we’re still not free, either of the stimuli for anger or the need for it. Poet and community activist Bao Phi says “one thing that I’ve been thinking about lately is how other people can accept Asian people’s grief, but not our anger. Other people can accept, and in many cases consume, the stories of tragedies and sorrow from Asian and Asian American people. They have a harder time accepting, validating, or seeing our anger. Anger at injustice, at being silenced. I’m a person that accepts my anger, and is comfortable talking about it. Beyond that, there’s not much to say, really. I mean, I didn’t become a poet to make friends. I didn’t write about these things to be popular. If the goal was to be popular, I wouldn’t be a poet. I don’t invite hatred, and I certainly don’t enjoy being hated. But, as you say, the people who take the time to really read my work understand that it comes from the challenge of love, and with hope we can all be better. Including my own jagged, flawed self.” As psychiatrists, we know the importance of empathizing with and validating anger – we know that it often comes from a place of hurt. Anger can be an activator, empowering the angry person to take charge of their lives in a meaningful way. Anger in relationships and human relations is unavoidable, at least on occasion, and provides an energy and intensity that might be in some way necessary for the relationship. With perspective and mindfulness, conflict can help couples become closer, better friends. Anger at society, when received with empathy, can lead to constructive change. Phil Yu’s Angry Asian Man blog advances the cause of awareness and activism about issues of discrimination. His yearly message in ads for the San Francisco International Asian American Film Festival is “Stay Angry, CAAMFest!” Indeed, the Center for Asian American Media (CAAM) and many other non-profit institutions vital to our communities were born out of a sense of disaffection with the status quo and a wish to change it. Anger is necessarily part of what we bear, a marker of discontent. Anger resonates across Asian America, as it does across all distressed and marginalized communities. 17 + 18 +Anger is a powerful strategy of resistance and activism, and even though it can be dangerous, our alternative’s exploration of anger and specific implementation of anger as an empowering survival strategy means anger doesn’t consume us and become hostile 19 +Chandra 14 (Ravi, psychiatrist and poet, “Asian American Anger: It’s A Thing!”, pg. 14-22)//MNW 20 +This is not to say that angry Asian American men are necessarily abusive or even angry with Asian American women. Our relationship is, after all, largely characterized by love, support and shared struggle. But we are dealing with an insidious and shapeshifting emotion and mindset that do have an impact on our ability to be supportive of one another – and at their extreme, do lead to abuse, with the statistics to prove it. Anger does not always abuse, but it is always a crisis for relationship. All the more reason to understand this fearsome, powerful, and in the thick of it, consuming, raw passion. Are we rising with anger, or rising out of it? Can we put borders on rage, or is it by nature without bounds, first looking for expression, then satisfaction, then control, and then carrying out its own oppressive strategy? I think we would agree that anger, whatever its benefit, however necessary it might be, and in any case, how unavoidable – should not be in charge of a personality. That would be yielding to resentment, hostility, bitterness and continued suffering and difficulty in relationship. We have to find ways of leavening anger, and perhaps even empowering people to increasingly be beyond its reach, while empathizing with its source as a marker of identity. But of course, the main motto in dealing with anger is “strike while the iron is cold.” It’s sacrosanct that you can never tell an angry person to “not be angry” or to “just get over it.” Unless you want them to be more angry, harden your own heart and give yourself points for a lack of empathy. “Don’t add insight to injury” is another motto. As my friend, transpersonal analyst Seymour Boorstein is fond of saying, “don’t give them an insight. Give them a crust of bread.” 21 + 22 +The counter role of the ballot is to endorse the best liberation strategy for oppressed bodies. 23 +Smith ’13: (Elijah Smith. “A Conversation in Ruins: Race and Black Participation in Lincoln Douglas Debate.” Vbriefly. September 6, 2013) 24 +At every tournament you attend this year look around the cafeteria and take note of which students are not sitting amongst you and your peers. Despite being some of the best and the brightest in the nation, many students are alienated from and choose to not participate in an activity I like to think of as homeplace. In addition to the heavy financial burden associated with national competition, the exclusionary atmosphere of a debate tournament discourages black students from participating. Widespread awareness of the same lack of participation in policy debate has led to a growing movement towards alternative styles and methods of engaging the gatekeepers of the policy community, (Reid-Brinkley 08) while little work has been done to address or even acknowledge the same concern in Lincoln Douglas debate. Unfortunately students of color are not only forced to cope with a reality of structural violence outside of debate, but within an activity they may have joined to escape it in the first place. We are facing more than a simple trend towards marginalization occurring in Lincoln Douglas, but a culture of exclusion that locks minority participants out of the ranks of competition. It will be uncomfortable, it will be hard, and it will require continued effort but the necessary step in fixing this problem, like all problems, is the community as a whole admitting that such a problem with many “socially acceptable” choices exists in the first place. Like all systems of social control, the reality of racism in debate is constituted by the singular choices that institutions, coaches, and students make on a weekly basis. I have watched countless rounds where competitors attempt to win by rushing to abstractions to distance the conversation away from the material reality that black debaters are forced to deal with every day. One of the students I coached, who has since graduated after leaving debate, had an adult judge write out a ballot that concluded by “hypothetically” defending my student being lynched at the tournament. Another debate concluded with a young man defending that we can kill animals humanely, “just like we did that guy Troy Davis”. Community norms would have competitors do intellectual gymnastics or make up rules to accuse black debaters of breaking to escape hard conversations but as someone who understands that experience, the only constructive strategy is to acknowledge the reality of the oppressed, engage the discussion from the perspective of authors who are black and brown, and then find strategies to deal with the issues at hand. It hurts to see competitive seasons come and go and have high school students and judges spew the same hateful things you expect to hear at a Klan rally. A student should not, when presenting an advocacy that aligns them with the oppressed, have to justify why oppression is bad. Debate is not just a game, but a learning environment with liberatory potential. Even if the form debate gives to a conversation is not the same you would use to discuss race in general conversation with Bayard Rustin or Fannie Lou Hamer, that is not a reason we have to strip that conversation of its connection to a reality that black students cannot escape. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +23 - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Garland PHAM Neg - Title
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Jan-Feb Angery Asians K - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +25,26 - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-03-10 20:19:21.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Chris Vincent - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Clear Brook DW - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +6 - RoundReport
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,3 @@ 1 +1AC- canadian social housing model 2 +1nc- states cp debt da aca politics case 3 +2NR- states cp debt da - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +27,28 - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-04-21 21:40:09.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Aabid Shivji - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Grapevine TS - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2 - RoundReport
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,3 @@ 1 +1AC- IPV Housing 2 +1NC- Biopower K Victims K Case 3 +2NR- Biopower K case - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +NSDA Lone Star
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +29 - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-04-24 13:41:32.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Martinez, Seaman, Shofner - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Greenhill AM - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +5 - RoundReport
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,5 @@ 1 +1AC - IPV Aff 2 +1N - Patriarchy NC 3 +1AR 2AR - All 4 +2N - All 5 +Note Stock Round - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +NSDA Lone Star
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +30,31 - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-08-03 02:47:45.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Melissa Chau - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Strake Jesuit AN - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +1 - RoundReport
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,4 @@ 1 +1AC - Untopical Asian Identity Aff 2 +1N - T (Framework) Cap K Case 3 +1AR 2AR - All 4 +2N - K Case - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +32,33,34 - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-08-09 00:56:43.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Adam Brown - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Katy Taylor AW - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +3 - RoundReport
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,5 @@ 1 +1AC - Sexual Assault Survivors Aff 2 +1N - T-any Title IX CP Cap K case 3 +1AR - all 4 +2N - T-any 5 +2AR - Case T-any - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-08-10 05:08:50.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Grant Brown - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Westwood AG - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +4 - RoundReport
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,4 @@ 1 +1AC - Fem Psycho Un-T Aff 2 +1N - Asian American Rage K Case 3 +1AR 2AR - Same 4 +2N - Same - Tournament
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