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+====Begin by playing We Are the Halluci Nation by A Tribe Called Red. (1:15)==== |
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+====We are the tribe that they cannot see |
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+We live on an industrial reservation |
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+We are the Halluci Nation |
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+We have been called the Indians |
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+We have been called Native American |
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+We have been called hostile |
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+We have been called Pagan |
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+We have been called militant |
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+We have been called many names |
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+We are the Halluci Nation |
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+We are the human beings |
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+The callers of names cannot see us but we can see them |
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+We are the Halluci Nation |
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+Our DNA is of earth and sky |
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+Our DNA is of past and future |
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+We are the Halluci Nation |
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+We are the evolution, the continuation |
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+Hallucination==== |
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+====The affirmative attempts to interrogate the violence committed against Native people but they fail to interrogate the assumptions and Eurocentric logics of their liberal politics. They do not bring decolonization and indigenous sovereignty but simply expand the power and legitimacy of the settler state.==== |
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+====Instead, the role of your ballot should be to endorse hallucination through a de-colonial fugitive aesthetics. Decolonial fugitivity provides illegible creative alternatives to thought and action. Aesthetic praxis can disrupt settler colonialism and provide movement beyond geopolitical violence. Martineau and Ritskes 14:==== |
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+Jarrett Martineau and Eric Ritskes, Fugitive Indigieity, 2014 (In Dropbox Under Native StudiesArt as Resistance) |
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+These screams fracture the colonial veneer of aesthetics defined in reference to Euro civility but |
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+AND |
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+to realize the potential freedom found in our creative transformation of the world. |
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+====Now, here are a bunch of reasons why my performance and method are more effective at deconstructing settler colonialism and thus environmental racism.==== |
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+====First, the 1AC is an act of settler futurity. The speech act renders a settler future knowable and ethical through performance furthering the ongoing elimination of native people. To affirm is to work under the assumption that the settler-state can be ethical. Gaztambide-Fernandez and Tuck 13:==== |
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+**Ruben Gaztambide-Fernandez and Eve Tuck, Curriculum Replacement and Settler Futurity, 2013 (In Dropbox Under: Native StudiesSettler Colonialism as Structure)** |
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+The settler colonial curricular project of replacement is invested in settler futurity, or what |
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+AND |
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+now-settlers in the ways that settler futurity requires of Indigenous peoples. |
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+ |
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+ |
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+====Second, the 1AC's liberalism and demand for equality and recognition strengthens the settler state's claim to sovereignty by allowing it to determine what statues and positionalities are deemed meaningful and worth saving. This forecloses upon the possibility of an indigenous normativity free from settler control. Rifkin 09:==== |
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+**Mark Rifkin, Indigneizing Agamben, 2009 (In Dropbox under Native Studies Land and Geography)** |
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+Both of these strategies within Indigenous political the- ory treat sovereignty as a particular |
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+AND |
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+, and dependent on, the "peculiar"-ization of Native peoples. |
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+====Third, my performance is an act of critical solidarity, a method of expression that produces new worlds. Instead of simply demanding that Native people put up with current system or follow their plan text, we stand with them as allies willing to accept Native sovereignty. Gaztambide-Fernández 12: ==== |
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+~~Rubén A., Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto, Canada~~ "Decolonization and the pedagogy of solidarity" |
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+Like Sandoval's differential consciousness, the pedagogy of solidarity "is linked to whatever is |
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+AND |
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+new possibilities and strengths" (Lorde, 1984, p. 39). |
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+====Fourth, their reliance on fiat as a political method is pretty terrible. Their affirmation suggests that the settler-state will willingly stop committing violence against native folks. We need to confront the structure of settler colonialism as a whole for any progress to occur. Passively calling politicians doesn't do anything. This is an indictment of their specific plan and their broader political method and performance.==== |
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+====Fifth, even if the state were to implement their plan, they would still be perpetuating colonialism. Reforms allow the state to appear progressive and humane, further justifying its expansion and existence. It also undercuts systematic change, by distracting from the root causes, perfecting violence and evolving the means of social control, continuing the process that limits the scope of politics to liberal legalism. Decolonial fugitive aesthetics, in contrast, refuses the state.==== |
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+====Sixth, calling for government action sustains structural violence by shutting down practices of critical organization and resistance. Turning to the state allows debaters to be bystanders, marking them as removed. This, further precludes radical alternatives by asserting the state's hegemonic authority. Liberal politics of recognition and reform are irreconcilable with resisting structural violence in debate. ==== |