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Caselist.CitesClass[38]

Cites

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1		-===1NC – Reform Affs===
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5		-====Settler, Slave, Savage. Our demand- return turtle island to the savage. Repair the demolished subjectivity of the slave.====
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9		-**====The United States federal government institutionalized slavery against the brown body and then forgot about it - South Asian history in America has never been heard and we rewrite our history by acknowledging the first Indian Americans - runaway slaves who gasped for their freedom. ====**
10		-**Assisi 06** (Francis C. Assisi, author for IndoLink, "Tracking South Asian American Slaves", IndoLink, 2006, IndoLink is the first and largest ethnic internet media network serving South-Asians and Indians worldwide since 1995, http://www.indolink.com/displayArticleS.php?id=071204025816)//NVG
11		-In the quest to identify and track down the earliest Indian Americans I came upon
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13		-AND
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15		-heritage – including that of the runaway slaves who gasped for their freedom.
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19		-====Slavery does not die because it has never lived. Anti-blackness structures the field of Ontology—-black captivity is the perfection of metaphysics because Being itself became objectified. All of modernity relies on the fungibility of the black body as a conduit for unintelligibility—-Black emancipation is the literal destruction of the world.====
20		-**Warren 15** (Calvin L., Assistant Professor of American Studies at George Washington University, "Black Nihilism and the Politics of Hope"//rJ)
21		-For the black nihilist, anti-blackness is metaphysics. It is the system
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23		-AND
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25		-metaphysical thinking by foregrounding the function of anti-blackness in structuring thought.
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29		-====their politics of hope libidinally invests itself into the conditions of its own suffering—-a psychoanalytic drive to perpetuate anti-blackness====
30		-**Warren 15** (Calvin L., Assistant Professor of American Studies at George Washington University, "Black Nihilism and the Politics of Hope"//rJ)
31		-To speak of the "Politics of Hope" is to denaturalize or demystify a
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33		-AND
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35		-have solutions, and hope provides the accessibility and realization of these solutions.
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39		-====Gender and sexuality are part of a drama of value that operates on the terrain of bodies, but the black is only flesh====
40		-**Wilderson 10 **(Frank B., Apparently just an unqualified film critic. Friends with Siskel and Ebert? Red, White 26 Black: Cinema and the Structure of U.S. Antagonisms, pages 313-316)
41		-Above I suggested that Seshadri-Crooks, by way of Butler, contradicts my
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43		-AND
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45		-excess of cinema lets ordinary White film say what extraordinary White folks won’t.
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49		-====The process of racialization in America both subtends and fundamentally structures the question of gender, absent racial analysis gender as a category is impossible to effectively theorize and resist====
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53		-====White bodies have always occupied the realm of "free speech" and used it to legitimize violence against populations—the aff’s plea for free speech only serves to benefit dominant white culture. ====
54		-**National Center for Human Rights Education 11’**~~opened its doors and joined 21 other countries which launched human rights education projects as part of the United Nations Decade for Human Rights Education, "First Amendment and Racial Terrorism", 2011, University of Dayton, http://academic.udayton.edu/race/06hrights/waronterrorism/racial02.htm~~//JC//
55		-Racists in the United States have always been able to cloak their ideas in the
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57		-AND
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59		-a cross to intimidate a black family was equivalent to freedom of speech.
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63		-====Their faith in discourse as an act of emancipation presumes an access to subjectivity that the black has no access to====
64		-**Wilderson 10** (Red, White, and Black)
65		-Unfortunately, cultural studies that theorizes the interface between Blacks and Humans is hobbled in
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67		-AND
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69		-in the face of a subject position that is not a subject position—
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73		-====Slavery disarticulates any conception that civil society is elastic enough to contemplate black liberation – we cannot operate within the rubric of civil society because the very imaginary of the political terrain they attempt to manipulate is fundamentally and irreconcilably parasitic on the Middle Passage.====
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77		-====The burden is on the Master, not the Slave – them, not us – to explain how the Slave is of the world.====
78		-**Wilderson 10** /Frank B., Red, White, and Black/
79		-I have little interest in assailing political conservatives. Nor is my ar- gument
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81		-AND
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83		-occur? The woman at the gates of Columbia University awaits an answer.
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87		-====The role of the ballot is to best deconstruct anti blackness—Our alternative is an unflinching paradigmatic analysis which forefronts discussions of black criminality in context of this year’s resolution. Blackness as a site of absolute dereliction de-conceptualizes society as incoherent. We are the only ethical demand.====
88		-**Wilderson 10 **/Frank B., The Prison Slave as Hegemony's (Silent) Scandal, April 13^^th^^, 2002/
89		-Civil society is not a terrain intended for the Black subject. It is coded as waged and wages are White. Civil society is the terrain where hegemony is produced, contested, mapped. And the invitation to participate in hegemony's gestures of influence, leadership, and consent is not extended to the unwaged. We live in the world, but exist outside of civil society. This structurally impossible position is a paradox, because the Black subject, the slave, is vital to political economy: s/he kick-starts capital at its genesis and rescues it from its over-accumulation crisis at its end. But Marxism has no account of this phenomenal birth and life-saving role played by the Black subject: from Marx and Gramsci we have consistent silence. In taking Foucault to task for assuming a universal subject in revolt against discipline, in the same spirit in which I have taken Gramsci to task for assuming a universal subject, the subject of civil society in revolt against capital, Joy James writes : The U.S. carceral network kills, however, and in its prisons, it kills more blacks than any other ethnic group. American prisons constitute an "outside" in U.S. political life. In fact, our society displays waves of concentric outside circles with increasing distances from bourgeois self-policing. The state routinely polices the unassimilable in the hell of lockdown, deprivation tanks, control units, and holes for political prisoners (Resisting State Violence 1996: 34 ) But this peculiar preoccupation is not Gramsci's bailiwick. His concern is with White folks; or with folks in a White (ned) enough subject position that they are confronted by, or threatened by the removal of, a wage — be it monetary or social. But Black subjectivity itself disarticulates the Gramscian dream as a ubiquitous emancipatory strategy, because Gramsci, like most White activists, and radical American movements like the prison abolition movement, has no theory of the unwaged, no solidarity with the slave. Fanon (1968: 37) writes, "decolonization, which sets out to change the order of the world, is, obviously, a program of complete disorder." If we take him at his word, then we must accept that no other body functions in the Imaginary, the Symbolic, or the Real so completely as a repository of complete disorder as the Black body. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Real, for in its magnetizing of bullets the Black body functions as the map of gratuitous violence through which civil society is possible: namely, those bodies for which violence is, or can be, contingent. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Symbolic, for Blackness in America generates no categories for the chromosome of history, and no data for the categories of immigration or sover- eignty. It is an experience without analog — a past without a heritage. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Imaginary, for "whoever says ‘rape’ says Black" (Fanon), whoever says "prison" says Black, and whoever says "AIDS" says Black (Sexton) — the "Negro is a phobogenic object" (Fanon). Indeed, it means all those things: a phobogenic object, a past without a heritage, the map of gratuitous violence, and a program of complete disorder. Whereas this realization is, and should be, cause for alarm, it should not be cause for lament, or worse, disavowal — not at least, for a true revolutionary, or for a truly revolution- ary movement such as prison abolition. If a social movement is to be neither social democratic nor Marxist, in terms of structure of political desire, then it should grasp the invitation to assume the positionality of subjects of social death. If we are to be honest with ourselves, we must admit that the "Negro" has been inviting whites, as well as civil society’s junior partners, to the dance of social death for hundreds of years, but few have wanted to learn the steps. They have been, and remain today — even in the most anti-racist movements, like the prison abolition movement — invested elsewhere. This is not to say that all oppositional political desire today is pro-

EntryDate

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1		-2017-01-15 17:52:32.0

Judge

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1		-Chapman

Opponent

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1		-Katy Taylor CR

ParentRound

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1		-38

Round

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1		-5

Team

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1		-Dougherty Valley Sayani Neg

Title

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1		-JanFeb-AfroPessimism

Tournament

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1		-CPS