Changes for page Collegiate YUAN Aff

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1 -A2 Native CP
2 -The 1AC is not the end all be all. Native Nation and US Policy alliance is key to pass a strong climate bill with real solutions. This is a shift in the right direction and certainly a necessary one. Perm solves.
3 -Tom B. K. Goldtooth 10 (Mato Awanyankapi) “The State of Indigenous America Series: Earth Mother, Piñons, and Apple Pie” Wicazo Sa Review. Volume 25. Number 2. Fall 2010 pp. 11-28 University of Minnesota Press DOI: 10.1353/wic.2010.0006 muse.jhu.edu/article/400482
4 -Nuclear power is not a solution to climate change. From min- ing to nuclear waste, the nuclear cycle is far from carbon neutral and disproportionately impacts indigenous communities. Nuclear power is also economically unfeasible, and will not address climate change at the speed required to mitigate the devastation ahead. Unchecked expansion of biofuels (agrofuels) production and agricultural monocrops threaten biodiversity and food security and contribute to climate change and the destruction of rainforests, impact- ing indigenous communities worldwide. In this country, the govern- ment is planning to provide incentives for the construction of biomass waste-to-energy burners that will depend on agrofuels and potentially genetically modified trees and plants as fuels, replacing precious lands needed for food crop production. Here in the United States, our Native Nations, as sovereigns, working with our Native grassroots members have work in front of us. We must look toward the next steps at home, within our Native Nations and within the U.S. Senate. Copenhagen is over, yet our work is far from finished. We need to get more informed on climate policy and its link to energy, green jobs, and water and food policy. We need your support, as Native academia, to encourage the Senate to pass a strong climate bill—one with real solutions, not false solutions.
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6 -
7 -A2 Thorium PIC
8 -You misunderstand thorium reactors, they can’t be fissile on their own, they still require uranium and plutonium to work
9 -World Nuclear Association 15 “Thorium” http://www.world-nuclear.org/information-library/current-and-future-generation/thorium.aspx
10 -Thorium (Th-232) is not itself fissile and so is not directly usable in a thermal neutron reactor. However, it is ‘fertile’ and upon absorbing a neutron will transmute to uranium-233 (U-233)a, which is an excellent fissile fuel materialb. In this regard it is similar to uranium-238 (which transmutes to plutonium-239). All thorium fuel concepts therefore require that Th-232 is first irradiated in a reactor to provide the necessary neutron dosing to produce protactinium-233. The Pa-233 that is produced can either be chemically separated from the parent thorium fuel and the decay product U-233 then recycled into new fuel, or the U-233 may be usable ‘in-situ’ in the same fuel form, especially in molten salt reactors (MSRs).Thorium fuels therefore need a fissile material as a ‘driver’ so that a chain reaction (and thus supply of surplus neutrons) can be maintained. The only fissile driver options are U-233, U-235 or Pu-239. (None of these is easy to supply)
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1 -2016-09-17 21:47:53.0
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1 -Monica Amestoy
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1 -Sunset AB
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1 -Collegiate YUAN Aff
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1 -King Nuca 1AC v10 Normal
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1 -Greenhill Classic
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1 -For years, Israel has hid the Dimona nuclear plant from the world. It’s production program is grounded in hypocrisy, secrecy and imperialism. America has looked away
2 -Mowla 08, Khondakar Golam Mowla, ‪The Judgment Against Imperialism, Fascism and Racism Against Caliphate and Islam, Volume 1‬, m https://books.google.com/books?id=IX02RSLJrcoCandpg=PA146andlpg=PA146anddq=Dimona+Nuclear+reactor+imperialismandsource=blandots=thzL3_6BJUandsig=FX8aIp42UHlew7NTgCAJ4QpaxuQandhl=enandsa=Xandved=0ahUKEwii1f_glJXPAhUCDz4KHaq5CGYQ6AEIGzAA#v=onepageandqandf=false 2008, page 146-147‬‬‬‬‬‬‬
3 -Both Reuters via Yahoonews.com and the New York Times reported Friday that Israel
4 -AND
5 -whole world, which is a kind of implicit terror threat.
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8 - Dimona is the next Chernobyl→there are over a thousand defects at the decades old reactor.
9 -Adl 16, Carol Adl, Study Reveals That Israel’s Dimona Nuclear Reactor Has 1,537 Defectshttp://yournewswire.com/study-reveals-that-israels-dimona-nuclear-reactor-has-1537-defects/, April 29, 2016
10 -Scientists have uncovered 1,537 defects at the aluminum core in Israel’s Dimona nuclear
11 -AND
12 -require its sites to undergo regular inspection by the International Atomic Energy Agency.
13 -
14 -Waste is PURPOSEFULLY DUMPED by ISRAELI TRUCKS IN BROWN COMMUNITIES OF COLOR. CANCER RATES, DEFORMITIES, AND OTHER FORMS OF VIOLENCE ARE SLOWLY KILLING THEM OFF. They constantly plea for help only to be ignored as they are slowly, painfully dying.
15 -Arqoub 15, Anas Abu Arqoubm https://www.alaraby.co.uk/english/features/2015/6/30/is-waste-from-israels-nuclear-programme-poisoning-palestinians, The New Arab, 30 June, 2015
16 -Israel’s nuclear programme has operated in the shadows with little international oversight. Now it
17 -AND
18 -prevents international and UN experts in the field from entering the Palestinian territories.
19 -
20 -Blacks and Brown bodies in Dimona are relegated to second-class citizens—literally. Poverty, human right abuses and more types of violence pervade their lives.
21 -Abdul Mu’min 14, Dr. Ridgely Abdul Mu’min, BLACKS USED AS HUMAN SHIELDS IN ISRAEL, AUGUST 3, 2014, NOI Research Group
22 -Dimona itself was conceived in 1953, and settled in 1955, mostly by new
23 -AND
24 -sports figures. Sounds like the same roles that Blacks play in America.
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26 -These bodies, Falashas, are working and maintaining the facility.
27 -Abdul Mu’min 14, Dr. Ridgely Abdul Mu’min, BLACKS USED AS HUMAN SHIELDS IN ISRAEL, AUGUST 3, 2014, NOI Research Group
28 -Recently, just before Israel stepped up its attack on Iran’s nuclear facilities, the
29 -AND
30 -back on line for what they claim are peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
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32 -Workers at the Dimona reactor are exposed to these hazards and radioactive substances.
33 -Cohen 11, Gili Cohen Workers at Israel's Dimona Nuclear Reactor Say Leaks at Plant Gave Them Cancer read more: http://www.haaretz.com/workers-at-israel-s-dimona-nuclear-reactor-say-leaks-at-plant-gave-them-cancer-1.401478http://www.haaretz.com/workers-at-israel-s-dimona-nuclear-reactor-say-leaks-at-plant-gave-them-cancer-1.401478, 12/15/11
34 -Workers at the Dimona nuclear reactor say they have been sickened during their work at
35 -AND
36 -the Dimona facility was built, and I assume there still are."
37 -
38 -Ethiopian and American Black Hebrews near the area and working at facility face wipe out. Israeli War Hawks are attempting to bait Iran to blow up the reactors and kill Black Americans to get authorization from America to attack Iran. You can’t make this up.
39 -Abdul Mu’min 14, Dr. Ridgely Abdul Mu’min, BLACKS USED AS HUMAN SHIELDS IN ISRAEL, AUGUST 3, 2014, NOI Research Group
40 -Now the war hawks in Israel are threatening to launch an airstrike against those same
41 -AND
42 -by our open enemies to be human shields for their various nefarious exploits.
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44 -Attempts already made. Hamas has continued to attempt to blow up reactor.
45 -Fredericks 14, Israel bombarded by Hamas as rockets target nuclear reactor, Bob Fredericks, July 10, 2014
46 -Hamas terrorists launched three powerful rockets at an Israeli nuclear power plant on Wednesday —
47 -AND
48 -two missed their targets and detonated on the ground without causing any injuries.
49 -
50 -Plan Text: The State of Israel should prohibit the production of nuclear power by immediately decommissioning Negev Nuclear Research Center, also known as the Dimona power plant.
51 -Times of Israel, Times of Israel, Shut Dimona nuclear reactor, urges founding scientist Aging facility ‘may be world’s oldest reactor,’ says Uzi Even, after 1,537 defects found at aluminum core; says Israel couldn’t build new one without international help http://www.timesofisrael.com/writers/times-of-israel-staff/, April 26, 2016
52 -A scientist who was among the founders of the Dimona nuclear reactor on Tuesday said
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54 -not operated as often as it used to be, the report said.
55 -
56 -
57 -Closure helps demilitarizes Israel’s military. Capability for weapons based plutonium and tritium would end. Helps reduces nuclear tension in Middle East region.
58 -Ramberg 08, Bennett Ramberg , Should Israel Close Dimona? The Radiological Consequences of a Military Strike on Israel’s Plutonium-Production Reactor , Arms Control Association ,https://www.armscontrol.org, September 3, 2008
59 -Given mounting regional tensions and the capacity of Israel's adversaries to strike Dimona, does
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61 -keeping the facility in cold standby in the event circumstances required a restart.
62 -
63 -We address the immediate effects of the DImona plant through prohibition and paradigm shift from the status quote. If you think the Aff is a good idea vote aff.
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65 -We must confront the taboo. Lack of acknowledgment itself is the cultural problem. We engage POLICY MAKING AT A SOCIAL LEVEL. PUBLIC ENFORCES THAT POLICY WITH THE SILENCE. We must confront our own privileges with nuclear power and refuse to be complilcit in the system. We are a policy that engages discourse and lack of awareness.
66 -Cohen 13, The Worst-Kept Secret: Israel's Bargain with the Bomb, Avner Cohen, 2013, (XXVIII- XXIX)
67 -My reference to Israel's nuclear taboo throughout this book is different from that used by
68 -AND
69 -given them an excuse not to feel accountable for their nation's nuclear status.
70 -
71 -Voting affirmative endorses a social critique of nuclear power. Only instrumental reform to the energy system can effectively spill over to broader systemic problems without being coopted.
72 -
73 - Martin et. Al, 84(The main authors are Jill Bowling, Brian Martin, Val Plumwood and Ian Watson, with important contributions from Ray Kent, Basil Schur and Rosemary Walters. Strategy against nuclear power http://www.bmartin.cc/pubs/86sa.html)
74 -What is a strategy anyway? A strategy links the analysis of an issue with goals and objectives. Having chosen a strategy, it is implemented through appropriate actions. An action is a 'once-off' event such as a rally, march, blockade or lobbying a particular politician. A method, such as lobbying in general, refers to all actions of a certain type. Actions are coordinated together into a campaign. The campaign gives direction to a series of events. Given our analysis in section 1 of the structural forces responsible for the nuclear fuel cycle, the goal of stopping uranium mining must be closely linked to the goal of basic structural change in the state, capitalism, patriarchy and the division of labour. As such it must involve challenges to the structures which underlie nuclear concerns. The broader objectives for an anti-nuclear movement must include encouraging mass participation in decision making rather than elite control, decentralising the distribution of political power into smaller, local groups, and bringing about self-reliance based on environmentally sound technologies. These objectives involve fundamental changes to the way our society is organised at present. In effect, an anti-nuclear strategy must involve both actions aimed at stopping nuclear power and activities which challenge existing structures and help construct viable alternatives. In this context, the success or failure of an individual campaign must be viewed from the perspective of working towards these overall goals and objectives. The actions used by the anti-uranium movement fall into two main categories. Firstly there are actions which aim at convincing or influencing elites, such as lobbying or writing letters to politicians. Secondly are the actions such as rallies and blockades which usually involve more participation from the community. While such actions may be aimed at elites they are also important in educating or giving support to those who are involved. Lobbying. Lobbying is a direct attempt to convince or pressure elite decision-makers. It does nothing to challenge the state, patriarchy or other structures underlying nuclear power, but rather hopes to oppose nuclear power by 'working through the proper channels'. This leaves elite structures unchallenged and intact. Indeed lobbying is a form of political action most suited to powerful interest groups such as corporations and professional bodies. The state is the forum of the powerful, so for these kinds of groups lobbying often is an effective strategy. For small activist groups lobbying is useful only if it appears to be backed up by politically visible mass concern or mass action. In 1983, after the election of a Labor Government, the anti-uranium movement turned strongly to lobbying in an attempt to induce the Labor Caucus to implement the Labor Party platform. This effort was unsuccessful. Participating in environmental inquiries. In making submissions to the Ranger Inquiry, environmental groups made a concerted attempt to ensure that the issue of the Ranger mine was not divorced from the general issue of uranium mining and nuclear power, and that ultimate decisions were determined by the public rather than 'experts'. The Inquiry did in fact analyse the overall dangers of the nuclear industry and concluded that no decision on uranium mining should occur without public debate. These results helped fuel the ensuing widespread public debate on uranium mining in Australia. One reason for involvement in environmental inquiries is to challenge the role of experts in service to vested interests. The Ranger Inquiry commented on the bias of distinguished scientists who testified in favour of uranium mining. The Ranger Inquiry was unusual in making full use of broad terms of reference. Many environmental inquiries have institutional constraints which can make it questionable whether activists should spend much energy in that area. Many government inquiries with severely limited terms of reference offer few opportunities for activists to intervene effectively. There is not only the danger of being 'co-opted' if activists take part, but also the prospect that any structural challenges may be deflected by superficial concessions. Often such inquiries are not genuine and are only set up as window-dressing. For example, the Australian Science and Technology Council inquiry set up in November 1983 to investigate Australia's role in the nuclear fuel cycle has terms of reference which assume the continuation of uranium mining. Working through the trade union movement. In 1976 anti-uranium groups began a major effort to persuade trade unions and their Congress delegates to adopt and support anti-uranium policies. The Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) Congress adopted an anti-uranium policy in mid-1977. Following the re-election of the Liberal-National Government in December 1977, anti-uranium groups focussed on persuading unions to implement the ACTU policy. However, the members of a number of unions - including some with anti-uranium policies - continued to work in the uranium industry. Some union leaders chose not to attempt to convince members to avoid or leave the industry, while other leaders supportive of the policies could not persuade members working in the industry or transporting its products. The efforts within the trade union movement have been strong to the extent that they have mobilised rank-and-file action. One of the most valiant efforts to stop uranium mining was by the Waterside Workers Federation - supported by the Seamen's Union and the Transport Workers Union - in refusing to load yellowcake for export from Darwin in late 1981. This direct action - an obvious challenge to the power of corporations and the state - was only called off when deregistration threats from the Liberal-National Government induced the ACTU to back down. Efforts through the trade unions have been least effective when they have depended on action only by union elites. An ACTU policy against uranium mining is not enough: it does not in itself challenge any of the driving forces behind nuclear power. When Bob Hawke was President of the ACTU, the executive showed itself disinclined to mount even a strong publicity campaign against the uranium mining industry. Working through the parliamentary system. Since 1976 a major focus of the anti-nuclear power movement has been the ALP. A massive campaign of publicising and discussing the issue at the party branch level resulted in an anti-uranium platform being adopted in mid-1977. Since that time there has been strong anti-uranium feeling within the party. In late 1977 the focus of the anti-uranium movement became the federal election campaign. During this campaign the anti-uranium movement used the resources of local anti-uranium groups to help the ALP in marginal House of Representatives electorates and for the Australian Democrats in the Senate. Many anti-uranium activists pinned their hopes on a Labor victory. But the Liberal-National coalition won the election, and the anti-uranium campaign appeared to have little impact in marginal electorates. After this defeat, many activists left the movement while a number of local groups effectively ceased to exist. The danger in relying too much on anti-uranium action by a Labor Government was demonstrated in mid-1982 when the Labor anti-uranium platform was watered down on the initiative of party power brokers in spite of continuing support for the platform at the party branch level. The danger was further demonstrated in November 1983 when Labor Caucus, at the initiative of Cabinet, gave the go-ahead for Roxby Downs, potentially the largest uranium mine in the world. In each case the impetus to maintain the anti-uranium policy came from the grassroots of the party, while it was labour elites who pushed pro-mining stances. Any Australian government, whether Labor or not, is strongly tied to the established state apparatus and to the support of capitalism. It is futile to expect the government on its own - whatever its platform may be - to readily oppose aspects of the nuclear fuel cycle. This will occur only when there is strong and continual pressure from the grassroots of the party and from the community at large. Grassroots mobilisation. The anti-uranium movement has used a wide variety of methods to inform and involve the community. Commonly used methods include leaflet distribution, articles, talks, discussions, films, petitions, rallies, marches, vigils and street theatre. Major anti-uranium rallies and marches were held each year in most large cities, especially in the peak years of the uranium debate, 1976-1979 and again since 1983. A typical grassroots activity has been the creation of nuclear-free zones, which is mainly a symbolic action which helps raise awareness and encourage local groups to openly oppose nuclear power. This activity has worked closely with the dissemination of information through the media, local groups, the alternative press and schools. In 1983 the people in the Bega Valley Shire voted to declare their area a nuclear-free zone. To counter this popular sentiment, the Shire Council called in nuclear experts in order to argue the case against the nuclear-free zone. In this case the nuclear-free zone campaign provided a channel for exposing and challenging the role of nuclear expertise and elites in promoting nuclear power. Civil disobedience has also been used by the anti-nuclear movement. In the late 1970s, nonviolent direct action was used on several occasions at ports where uranium was being loaded for export. At the Roxby Downs blockade in August 1983, several hundred people gathered to express their opposition and hinder mining operations. Two distinctive features of this protest were the use of nonviolent action and the way in which participants formed themselves into affinity groups. These are a form of political organising which is consciously anti-elitist and aims to democratise all group interactions. Education, rallies, marches, petitions and civil disobedience sometimes do little to challenge the structures underlying nuclear power. For example, the rally outside Parliament House in October 1983 was primarily aimed at putting pressure on the Labor Party at a time when it was considering its uranium policy. Similarly, the 'tent embassy' located on Parliament House lawns aimed to prick the conscience of the ALP. One of the aims of the Roxby Downs blockade was to mobilise pressure to influence the ALP. On the other hand, grassroots mobilisation often provides a potent challenge to nuclear power and the forces behind it. All the lasting successes of Australian anti-uranium campaigns have depended ultimately on grassroots mobilisation, which provides a reservoir of commitment and concern which elite-oriented activities do not. In 1975, the virtue of mining uranium was largely unquestioned among the general public and the labour movement. It was simply unthinkable that a mineral which could be profitably sold would be left in the ground. Yet by 1977 the anti-uranium view had become widely understood and strongly supported. This change in opinion happened largely through the educational and organising efforts of the local anti-uranium groups and of anti-uranium activists within organisations such as trade unions, schools and churches. The resurgence of anti-uranium activity in 1983 owed much to the framework established in the late 1970s. The anti-uranium platform adopted by the ALP in 1977 was the result of organising and education at the party branch level. ALP stands and action against uranium mining have come consistently from the party grassroots, and this in turn has depended on anti-uranium sentiment in the general community. Support for uranium mining within the ALP has always been strongest on the part of party elites. The anti-uranium stands and actions by Australian trade unions have been stronger than in any other country in the world. Building on a tradition of trade union action on social issues, this has come about from persistent grassroots education and organising at the shop floor level. It has been the rank-and-file unionists who have taken the strongest anti-uranium stands, and the trade union elites who have backed away from opposition. When in late 1981 the Seamen's Union refused to load yellowcake in Darwin, it was the rank-and-file workers who took a stand and made the sacrifices. Does grassroots mobilisation then provide the most fruitful avenue for challenging the structures behind nuclear power? Yes, but the choice of methods is not straightforward or automatic. The problem with many grassroots methods used by the anti-uranium movement is that they have not been systematically organised and focussed as part of an overall long-term strategy. Instead, individual groups - and indeed the national movement - has often just looked ahead to the next rally, the next signature drive, or the next ALP Conference. While this approach does have some merit for example in saving an area from irreversible environmental destruction, it is inadequate as an approach to stopping mining or transforming the structures underlying nuclear power. For example the closing of Roxby mine would prevent the destruction of the surrounding ecosystem including mound springs inhabited by forms of aquatic life found nowhere else in the world. If the environment is altered, these unique creatures will be gone forever. However, the closing of Roxby in isolation would do nothing to prevent mining companies from setting up or increasing production in other places. If, on the other hand, existing power structures were challenged, and the closing of Roxby were carried out in conjunction with the closing of all uranium mines and a disbanding of uranium interests, then the safety of these ecosystems would be assured. What needs to be done is to focus on vulnerable points within the structures promoting nuclear power, and to devote efforts in these areas. What are the vulnerable points, then? Before looking at specific vulnerable points, let's examine the nuclear power issue as a whole. Nuclear power is a large-scale vulnerable point in the structures of the state, capitalism and so forth. In promoting nuclear power, and thereby entrenching centralised political and economic power, other consequences result which mobilise people in opposition: environmental effects (especially radioactive waste), the connection with nuclear weapons, threats to Aboriginal land rights, threats to civil liberties, and many others. In organising to oppose these specific threats, people at the same time can challenge the driving forces behind nuclear power. Here are a few of the specific vulnerable points which have been addressed by the anti-uranium movement. Threats to Aborigines. Nuclear power is alleged to be beneficial, but uranium mining is a severe cultural threat to Aborigines, who are already a strongly oppressed group in Australia. The anti-uranium movement and the Aboriginal land rights movements have been strengthened by joint actions, such as speaking tours. Centralised decision-making. Nuclear power has widespread social effects, but promoters of nuclear power claim the decisions must be taken by political and scientific elites. This runs counter to the rhetoric of Western democracies where ordinary people are meant to have a say in political decision-making. By moving in on this embarrassing contradiction, protests which demand a role for the public in decision-making about energy also challenge political elites and the political use of expertise. Capitalism and workers. Nuclear power is alleged to be good for the economy and for workers, but in practice massive state subsidies to the industry are the rule, and few jobs are produced for the capital invested. In challenging nuclear power as an inappropriate direction for economic investment, a challenge is made to the setting of economic priorities by corporations and the state. Capitalism also directs investments only into profitable areas, irrespective of their social benefits. If activists can undermine the profitability of marginal enterprises by delaying tactics or by jeopardising state subsidies, then capitalist investment can be shunted away from socially destructive areas. For example, direct actions against Roxby Downs could in the long run undermine its profitability and cause its closure. Grassroots mobilisation is usually the most effective way to intervene at vulnerable points such as these. A suitable combination of interventions then forms the basis for a strategy against uranium mining. But how can uranium mining actually be stopped? This is a good question. Grassroots mobilisation does not by itself stop uranium mining. The mobilisation must connect with major forces in society. There are several ways this can occur. Uranium mining could be stopped: (1) by direct decision of the government; (2) by the unions acting directly through strikes or bans to prevent uranium mining, export, or construction of nuclear plants; (3) through cost escalations, for example resulting from requirements to ensure safety or environmental protection, (4) by a referendum whose results were adhered to; (5) by legal action on the part of aborigines or anti-uranium forces; (6) by direct action to physically stop mining from proceeding. A critical element necessary to the success of any of these methods is the mobilisation of a large section of the public against uranium mining. Thus for example government action to stop mining would be likely to take place only if there were mass mobilisation on the issue. Similarly 'direct action' could only succeed if popular support were so great that the government refused to use sufficient force to physically overcome the resisters. To give an idea of how grassroots methods could be coordinated into a strategy to stop uranium mining, consider a hypothetical example. Suppose an analysis of the current political situation suggested that direct action by workers and unions gave the most immediate promise for directly stopping uranium mining, while government decision and cost escalations were also likely avenues for stopping mining. A grassroots strategy might include the following: Systematic community organising and education, to provide a basis in popular sympathy and support for direct action by workers. Points to be emphasised would include the right of workers to take direct action on conscience issues as well as work-related issues, and the importance of questioning decisions made solely on the basis of corporate profitability or state encouragement of large-scale economic investment. Development of alternative plans for investment and jobs based on input from workers and communities, and widespread dissemination of the ideas and rationale for the alternative plans. A series of rallies, marches, vigils and civil disobedience, aimed at both mobilising people and illustrating the strength of anti-uranium feeling. These actions would be coordinated towards major points for possible worker intervention, such as trade union conferences or the start of work for new mines. Through consultation with unions, workers and working-class families, the establishment of support groups and funds for workers and unions penalised for direct action against uranium mining. Plans to make parallel challenges to those by workers, such as simultaneous defiance of the Atomic Energy Act by trade unionists and community activists. Black bans of corporations or state instrumentalities by unionists could be coordinated with boycotts organised by community groups. With such a strategy, it is likely that the workers taking action would come under strong attacks from both corporations and the government. Preparation to oppose such attacks would depend on community mobilisation to demonstrate support for the workers in the media, in the streets, through informal communication channels and to the workers themselves. If direct action by workers began to be sustained through community support, it is quite possible that other channels for stopping uranium mining could come into play: the government - especially a Labor government - might back away from confrontation with unions supported by the community, or corporations might decide investment in this controversial area was too risky. Plans would be required to continue the campaign towards these or other avenues for stopping uranium mining. How does grassroots mobilisation provide a challenge to the structures underlying nuclear power? It challenges the division of labour and the role of elites, especially the role of political elites which have a corner on the exercise of social responsibility, by mobilising in a widespread way the social concern of ordinary people and by demonstrating the direct exercise of this concern for example by groups in the workplace. Grassroots mobilisation challenges the division of labour and the role of scientific elites through a challenge to the prestige and credibility of scientists who advocate nuclear power. As the nuclear power issue has been widely debated, it has become obvious to many people that the expertise of pro-nuclear scientists and engineers is tied to vested interests. The nuclear debate has greatly weakened the belief that 'the experts know best'. Grassroots mobilisation challenges the masculine rationality of dominant structures through calling contemporary values and attitudes to nature and to the future into question. Within the antinuclear movement, patriarchy has been challenged as at least some groups have addressed domination by men and developed egalitarian modes of interaction and decision-making. This sometimes has been fostered by nonviolent action training used to prepare for civil disobedience actions. The anti-nuclear movement has inevitably involved questioning the growth of energy use and development of programmes for a 'soft energy future' involving energy efficiency, renewable energy sources, and redesign of communities to reduce energy requirements. The challenge to unending energy growth is a direct challenge to the state and capitalism, whose power is tied to traditional economic expansion. Mass mobilisation against uranium also challenges capitalism by bringing under scrutiny the rationale of pursuing profitability at the expense of social responsibility and by direct economic blows to corporate profitability. More fundamentally, nuclear power represents a potential new stage in the entrenchment of centralised political and economic control and of specialist knowledge in the service of elites. By challenging the political and economic rationale for nuclear power, and by making demands for local control over energy decision-making, a direct challenge is made to the power of the state and corporations. It is important to realise that none of these challenges on their own are likely to bring down these structures however much they may weaken them. Sufficiently many blows however over a sustained period could do so. Thus campaigns on the nuclear issue could begin or be part of a process of sustained challenge which could weaken them irreversibly. A grassroots strategy against nuclear power and uranium mining can be seen as a 'non-reformist reform': namely, it can achieve effective change within the system in a way which weakens rather than strengthens dominant structures, or which helps to prevent the entrenchment of new, more powerful structures. Such a strategy does not simply attempt to bypass the 'macro' level of existing structures in the way that some focusses on alternatives do, such as promoting changes in lifestyles only at the level of the individual. Rather such a strategy aims at interactions with existing structures in a way which goes beyond them.
75 -
76 -
77 -Traditional debate embodies the systems of whiteness. Small or not possible impacts are useless. The judge should hold debaters accountable for their speech act. Don’t try to escape hard discussions.
78 -Wise, anti-racist activist and speaker, 2008.(Tim., B.A. from Tulane University in political science.,White Like Me: Reflections on Race From a Privileged Son., pg 32-36). Ef
79 -The reason I call this process a white one is because whites(and especially
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81 -actions, their money,their judging criteria, and even their ballots.
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1 -2016-09-18 16:20:45.0
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1 -Aimun Khan
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1 -Strake RC
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1 -Collegiate YUAN Aff
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1 -1AC Dimona
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1 -Greenhill
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1 -Tigers Roar 1AC v1.0 (Normal)
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3 -Part 1 Exposition
4 -
5 -Peter Liang story in connection with MMM.
6 -Kang 16, Jay Caspian Kang, 2. 2016, 3+4. “How Should Asian-Americans Feel About the Peter Liang Protests?”, New York Times, 5. Accessed 11/2/16, 6. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/23/magazine/how-should-asian-americans-feel-about-the-peter-liang-protests.html?_r=1, 7. Jay Caspian Kang is an American writer and editor, most known for his sports articles for Grantland, for which he worked as an Editor until December 2013. He currently serves as the science and technology editor for The New Yorker's Elements blog., 8. No page.
7 -Every public thing that happens to Asian-Americans — whether the unexpected ascent of
8 -AND
9 -enjoyed the protections of whiteness, then how do you explain his conviction?
10 -
11 -Internalization of MMM seen in protests.
12 -Kim 16 Claire Jean Kim, 2. April 21, 2016, 3+4. “Opinion The trial of Peter Liang and confronting the reality of Asian American privilege”, Los Angeles Times, 5. Accessed 11/2/16, 6. http://www.latimes.com/opinion/opinion-la/la-ol-peter-liang-asian-american-privilege-20160421-snap-story.html, 7. Professor of Asian American studies and political science at UC Irvine. She is the author of the award-winning book "Bitter Fruit: The Politics of Black-Korean Conflict in New York City.", 8. No page.
13 -On Tuesday, former New York police officer Peter Liang was sentenced to probation and
14 -AND
15 -racism, even when the self-interest of Asian Americans dictates otherwise.
16 -
17 -Confrontation deeper.
18 -Kang 16 Jay Caspian Kang, 2. 2016, 3+4. “How Should Asian-Americans Feel About the Peter Liang Protests?”, New York Times, 5. Accessed 11/2/16, 6. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/23/magazine/how-should-asian-americans-feel-about-the-peter-liang-protests.html?_r=1, 7. Jay Caspian Kang is an American writer and editor, most known for his sports articles for Grantland, for which he worked as an Editor until December 2013. He currently serves as the science and technology editor for The New Yorker's Elements blog., 8. No page.
19 -All these anxieties, born out of these small but crucial referendums on our place
20 -AND
21 -and the criminal-justice system ignore the inconvenient singularity of Liang’s conviction?
22 -
23 -Part 2 Resolve
24 -
25 -We affirm the 1AC as a conscious refusal to engage in the antiblack and anti-Asian violence that would take place through limiting qualified immunity in the United States. This is our process of conscientization and an affirmation of the Asian responsibility to confront antiblackness.
26 -
27 -Conscientization good for Asians
28 -Osajima ‘7 2007, Keith Osajima is a professor and Director of the Race and Ethnic Studies Program at the University of Redlands. REPLENISHING THE RANKS: Raising Critical Consciousness Among Asian Americans; JOURNAL OF ASIAN AMERICAN STUDIES (JAAS), February, Volume 10, No. 1; p.. 74-76
29 -CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS
30 -Given the profound change that conscientization had effected in the lives
31 -AND
32 -along with greater coordination of influences, is an important dimension of conscientization.
33 -
34 -Protests key for Asians.
35 -Kang 16, Jay Caspian Kang, 2. 2016, 3+4. “How Should Asian-Americans Feel About the Peter Liang Protests?”, New York Times, 5. Accessed 11/2/16, 6. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/23/magazine/how-should-asian-americans-feel-about-the-peter-liang-protests.html?_r=1, 7. Jay Caspian Kang is an American writer and editor, most known for his sports articles for Grantland, for which he worked as an Editor until December 2013. He currently serves as the science and technology editor for The New Yorker's Elements blog., 8. No page.
36 -Each of these thoughts represents an uneasy, probing investigation into the complicated, often
37 -AND
38 -things, even in private, I lack the vocabulary to discuss it.
39 -
40 -Recognition of privilege and oppression good
41 -Kang 16, Jay Caspian Kang, 2. 2016, 3+4. “How Should Asian-Americans Feel About the Peter Liang Protests?”, New York Times, 5. Accessed 11/2/16, 6. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/23/magazine/how-should-asian-americans-feel-about-the-peter-liang-protests.html?_r=1, 7. Jay Caspian Kang is an American writer and editor, most known for his sports articles for Grantland, for which he worked as an Editor until December 2013. He currently serves as the science and technology editor for The New Yorker's Elements blog., 8. No page.
42 -This cultural aphasia comes from decades of political silence. Asian-Americans, for
43 -AND
44 -hope it serves a more just cause than the freedom of Peter Liang.
45 -
46 -Part 3 Framing
47 -
48 -Don’t interpret resolution racist.
49 -
50 -Shome 96, Raka Shome, doctoral candidate in the Speech Communication Department, University of Georgia, Athens, 96, (www.blackwell-synergy.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/j.1468-2885.1996.tb00119.x). EE
51 -
52 -Don’t be racist
53 -Wise, anti-racist activist and speaker, 2008.(Tim., B.A. from Tulane University in political science.,White Like Me: Reflections on Race From a Privileged Son., pg 32-36). Ef
54 -The reason I call this process a white one is because whites(and especially
55 -AND
56 -actions, their money,their judging criteria, and even their ballots.
57 -
58 -Normative policy framework bad
59 -Reid-Brinkley 2008 Dr. Shanara Reid-Brinkley, “The Harsh Realities of “Acting Black”: How African-American Policy Debaters Negotiate Representation Through Racial Performance and Style”, P. 15//MHELLIE
60 -Genre Violation Four: Policymaker as Impersonal and the Rhetoric of Personal Experience. Debate
61 -AND
62 -of the “policymaker” and require their opponents to do the same.
EntryDate
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1 -2016-11-05 17:43:24.0
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1 -Ben Koh
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1 -Zach Gelles
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1 -5
Round
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1 -Collegiate YUAN Aff
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1 -1AC Furutani
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1 -AV
Caselist.CitesClass[4]
Cites
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1 -Part 1 Exposition
2 -
3 -Peter Liang story in connection with MMM.
4 -Kang 16, Jay Caspian Kang, 2. 2016, 3+4. “How Should Asian-Americans Feel About the Peter Liang Protests?”, New York Times, 5. Accessed 11/2/16, 6. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/23/magazine/how-should-asian-americans-feel-about-the-peter-liang-protests.html?_r=1, 7. Jay Caspian Kang is an American writer and editor, most known for his sports articles for Grantland, for which he worked as an Editor until December 2013. He currently serves as the science and technology editor for The New Yorker's Elements blog., 8. No page.
5 -Every public thing that happens to Asian-Americans — whether the unexpected ascent of
6 -AND
7 -enjoyed the protections of whiteness, then how do you explain his conviction?
8 -
9 -Internalization of MMM seen in protests.
10 -Kim 16 Claire Jean Kim, 2. April 21, 2016, 3+4. “Opinion The trial of Peter Liang and confronting the reality of Asian American privilege”, Los Angeles Times, 5. Accessed 11/2/16, 6. http://www.latimes.com/opinion/opinion-la/la-ol-peter-liang-asian-american-privilege-20160421-snap-story.html, 7. Professor of Asian American studies and political science at UC Irvine. She is the author of the award-winning book "Bitter Fruit: The Politics of Black-Korean Conflict in New York City.", 8. No page.
11 -On Tuesday, former New York police officer Peter Liang was sentenced to probation and
12 -AND
13 -racism, even when the self-interest of Asian Americans dictates otherwise.
14 -
15 -Confrontation deeper.
16 -Kang 16 Jay Caspian Kang, 2. 2016, 3+4. “How Should Asian-Americans Feel About the Peter Liang Protests?”, New York Times, 5. Accessed 11/2/16, 6. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/23/magazine/how-should-asian-americans-feel-about-the-peter-liang-protests.html?_r=1, 7. Jay Caspian Kang is an American writer and editor, most known for his sports articles for Grantland, for which he worked as an Editor until December 2013. He currently serves as the science and technology editor for The New Yorker's Elements blog., 8. No page.
17 -All these anxieties, born out of these small but crucial referendums on our place
18 -AND
19 -and the criminal-justice system ignore the inconvenient singularity of Liang’s conviction?
20 -
21 -Part 2 Resolve
22 -
23 -We affirm the 1AC as a conscious refusal to engage in the antiblack and anti-Asian violence that would take place through limiting qualified immunity in the United States. This is our process of conscientization and an affirmation of the Asian responsibility to confront antiblackness.
24 -
25 -Conscientization good for Asians
26 -Osajima ‘7 2007, Keith Osajima is a professor and Director of the Race and Ethnic Studies Program at the University of Redlands. REPLENISHING THE RANKS: Raising Critical Consciousness Among Asian Americans; JOURNAL OF ASIAN AMERICAN STUDIES (JAAS), February, Volume 10, No. 1; p.. 74-76
27 -CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS
28 -Given the profound change that conscientization had effected in the lives
29 -AND
30 -along with greater coordination of influences, is an important dimension of conscientization.
31 -
32 -Protests key for Asians.
33 -Kang 16, Jay Caspian Kang, 2. 2016, 3+4. “How Should Asian-Americans Feel About the Peter Liang Protests?”, New York Times, 5. Accessed 11/2/16, 6. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/23/magazine/how-should-asian-americans-feel-about-the-peter-liang-protests.html?_r=1, 7. Jay Caspian Kang is an American writer and editor, most known for his sports articles for Grantland, for which he worked as an Editor until December 2013. He currently serves as the science and technology editor for The New Yorker's Elements blog., 8. No page.
34 -Each of these thoughts represents an uneasy, probing investigation into the complicated, often
35 -AND
36 -things, even in private, I lack the vocabulary to discuss it.
37 -
38 -Recognition of privilege and oppression good
39 -Kang 16, Jay Caspian Kang, 2. 2016, 3+4. “How Should Asian-Americans Feel About the Peter Liang Protests?”, New York Times, 5. Accessed 11/2/16, 6. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/23/magazine/how-should-asian-americans-feel-about-the-peter-liang-protests.html?_r=1, 7. Jay Caspian Kang is an American writer and editor, most known for his sports articles for Grantland, for which he worked as an Editor until December 2013. He currently serves as the science and technology editor for The New Yorker's Elements blog., 8. No page.
40 -This cultural aphasia comes from decades of political silence. Asian-Americans, for
41 -AND
42 -hope it serves a more just cause than the freedom of Peter Liang.
43 -
44 -Part 3 Framing
45 -
46 -Don’t interpret resolution racist.
47 -
48 -Shome 96, Raka Shome, doctoral candidate in the Speech Communication Department, University of Georgia, Athens, 96, (www.blackwell-synergy.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/j.1468-2885.1996.tb00119.x). EE
49 -
50 -Don’t be racist
51 -Wise, anti-racist activist and speaker, 2008.(Tim., B.A. from Tulane University in political science.,White Like Me: Reflections on Race From a Privileged Son., pg 32-36). Ef
52 -The reason I call this process a white one is because whites(and especially
53 -AND
54 -actions, their money,their judging criteria, and even their ballots.
55 -
56 -Normative policy framework bad
57 -Reid-Brinkley 2008 Dr. Shanara Reid-Brinkley, “The Harsh Realities of “Acting Black”: How African-American Policy Debaters Negotiate Representation Through Racial Performance and Style”, P. 15MHELLIE
58 -Genre Violation Four: Policymaker as Impersonal and the Rhetoric of Personal Experience. Debate
59 -AND
60 -of the “policymaker” and require their opponents to do the same.
EntryDate
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1 -2016-11-05 23:35:50.0
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1 -Taylor, Marks, Wang
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1 -Lake Highland AA
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1 -6
Round
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1 -Octas
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1 -1AC Furutani
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Cites
... ... @@ -1,43 +1,0 @@
1 -Chapter 1: Asian Academy
2 -We begin with the following question:
3 -What does it mean to restrict speech? Currently in public colleges and universities df, Asian women hold the lowest tenure rates of any minority. The academy believes Asian women are fungible parts of a greater system – they are not the integral tenured professors, just transient and vulnerable ones. We make up 1.5 of college and university presidents. Something is wrong with our academic culture that restricts Asian speech generally, and Asian women’s speech particularly in ways that cannot be fixed by a “safe space” or the same old solutions that result in no progress. This system of exclusion is proven by the stories of many Asian-American academic faculty, who consistently report a culture of exclusion and a permanent status as “strangers on the periphery.” For them, this is how their speech is restricted.
4 -Li and Beckett 2006, Guofang Li and Gulbahar H. Beckett, 2. 2006, 3+4. "Strangers" of the Academy: Asian Women Scholars in Higher Education, Stylus Publishing, 5. Accessed 12/15/16, 6. https://books.google.com/books?id=yvAz1671F2ACandpg=PA193andlpg=PA193anddq=strangers+of+the+academy+asian+american+womenandsource=blandots=EU9i6NOzPtandsig=elTfktclmsGW-67WKjPFK4xPuTAandhl=enandsa=Xandved=0ahUKEwiihIu83PfQAhWCsVQKHT7dA-UQ6AEILTAD#v=onepageandq=speechandf=false, 7. Guofang Li is an Assistant Professor in the Graduate School of Education, University of Buffalo (SUNY). Gulbahar H. Beckett is an Assistant Professor in the College of Education, University of Cincinnati., 8. 89.
5 -In her discussion of nonnative English-speaking teachers and issues of credibility, Thomas (1999) stated that English-as-a-second-or-other-language instructors “are not merely ‘strangers in academia’… we are sometimes strangers on the periphery” (p. 5). The feeling of being on the periphery was echoed in Nina’s, Terry’s, and Sue’s reflexive conversations. The excerpts reported above show that these female faculty were figuratively as well as literally peripheralized by their negative teaching experiences. These negative experiences seemed to have infected Nina’s, Terry’s and Sue’s perceptions of their own language capacity. When asked about the source of student resistance and negative attitudes, they at times look to their own perceived incompetence in English for an explanation. The following narratives portray their sense of peripheralized professional identity. Sometimes I make grammatical errors because I put English words in Chinese syntactic structures. Other times, there are new big vocabularies in my field that I need to learn. I pronounce them according to the International Phonetic Alphabets in English-Chinese dictionaries, but my pronunciation turns out to be different from how Americans would pronounce. I have to learn by listening to how Americans say those words. (Nina) I have a big vocabulary for reading but a small vocabulary for speaking. … I can’t express some of the things I want to say. For instance, during my lectures, an idea that I have never talked about would come into my mind. I am not prepared and would need to talk as I think. I would be nervous and worry about not being able to express the idea clearly. My speech would be worse under such circumstances because I am nervous. I would be worse under such circumstances because I am nervous. I would not find appropriate words to fully express my meaning. … I feel limited by my English when I want to lead discussion to a deeper level. I wish my English was better. (Terry) I have language anxiety when making a public speech. Having to speak to an audience in a second language makes it even worse because I am not certain whether my English is correct or not. Sometimes, students sit there having no reactions whatsoever. When I have no idea whether students understand or not, I get nervous. (Sue) I’m nervous when speaking English. I am in a different mode in English than in Chinese. Every time, every moment I speak English, I need to be very attentive and feel mentally stressed and not relaxed. I want to speak appropriately without making errors. That becomes a filter, a barrier in my mind. (Sue) The first-person narratives above evidence Nina, Terry, and Sue’s struggle to construct a pedagogical context that would allow them to restructure a new professional identity as expert instructors professing in a nonnative tongue in U.S. university classrooms. Although they were well qualified to teach and had high confidence in their content and research knowledge, they did not seem to have the same level of confidence in their English. In their own words, I have confidence in the content of my class. It’s just that I’m not as accurate as I’d like to be in English pronunciation and grammar. (Nina) I am a very confident person. I have some confidence in my English, but I don’t feel very confident. It’s a conflicting feeling. (Terry) I wouldn’t hesitate that much if I were to write student assignment comments in Chinese. I would just write what I think. In English, I really need to work hard on how to express what I really mean appropriately in this culture. (Sue)
6 -The impacts are twofold: first, just as the plight of Asian women in academia remains hidden by a veneer of “inclusion,” the myth of the model minority persists hidden in plain sight – “positive” stereotypes of Asian-Americans and the Asian-American experience constantly impede progress towards equality by setting resistance movements against each other.
7 -Wu 2k, Frank H. Wu, "The Model Minority: Asian American 'Success' as a Race Relations Failure," from Yellow: Race in America Beyond Black and White (New York: Basic Books, 2002): 39-77
8 -I am fascinated by the imperviousness of the model minority myth against all efforts at debunking it. I am often told by nice people who are bewildered by the fuss, "You Asians are all doing well. What could you have to complain about anyway? Why would you object to a positive image?" To my frustration, many people who say with the utmost conviction that they would like to be color blind revert to being color conscious as soon as they look at Asian Americans, but then shrug off the contradiction. They are nonchalant about the racial generalization, "You Asians are all doing well," dismissive in asking "What could you have to complain about anyway?," and indifferent to the negative consequences of "a positive image." Even people who are sympathetic to civil rights in general, including other people of color, sometimes resist mentioning civil rights and Asian Americans together in the same sentence. It is as if Asian American civil rights concerns can be ruled out categorically without the need for serious consideration of the facts, because everyone knows that Asian Americans are prospering. Consider the term "overachiever." I am reluctant to accept the title for myself, and not out of Asian modesty. To be called an "overachiever" begs the question: What, exactly, is it that individuals have achieved over-what others expected of them or what they deserve? In either case, overachievers have surprised observers by surpassing the benchmark, and their exploits are not quite right. They will get their comeuppance sooner or later. Applied to an entire racial group, as "overachiever" is to Asian Americans, the implications are troubling. Asian Americans, often thought of as intellectuals, will be consigned to the same fate as intellectuals. As Columbia University historian Richard Hofstadter stated in the opening pages of his Anti-Intellectualism in American. Life, "The resentment from which the intellectual has suffered in our time is a manifestation not of a decline in his position but of his increasing prominence." And so it is with Asian Americans. "You Asians are all doing well anyway" summarizes the model minority myth. This is the dominant image of Asians in the United States. Ever since immigration reforms in 1965 led to a great influx of Asian peoples, we have enjoyed an excellent reputation. As a group, we are said to be intelligent, gifted in math and science, polite, hard working, family oriented, law abiding, and successfully entrepreneurial. We revere our elders and show fidelity to tradition. The nation has become familiar with the turn-of-the-century Horatio Alger tales of "pulling yourself up by your own bootstraps" updated for the new millennium with an "Oriental" face and imbued with Asian values. This miracle is the standard depiction of Asian Americans in fact and fiction, from the news media to scholarly books to Hollywood movies. From the 1960s to the 1990s, profiles of whiz kid Asian Americans became so common as to be cliches. In 1971, Newsweek magazine observed that we were "outwhiting the whites." People magazine one year made celebrities of the five Asian American teenagers who swept the highest prizes in the annual Westinghouse science talent search in an article headlined "Brain Drain Boon for the U.S.," and it followed up the next year by profiling an entire family of Asian American winners.3 Brown University history professor Stephen Graubard wrote an op-ed for The New York Times asking "Why Do Asian Pupils Win Those Prizes?"4 The Asian refugee who was a finalist in a spelling bee, but who lost on the word "enchilada," has become legendary.' Time, Newsweek, Sixty Minutes, and other media outlets have awarded Asian Americans the title "model minority."(' Fortune magazine dubbed us the "superminority." The New Republic heralded, "the triumph of Asian Americans" as "America's greatest success story" and Commentary magazine referred to Asian Americans as "a trophy population."~ The New York Times announced that we are "going to the head of the class." The Washington Post said in a headline, "Asian Americans Outperform Others at School and Work." Smith College sociologist Peter Rose has described Asian Americans as making a transition "from pariahs to paragons."" Memoirist Richard Rodriguez and Washington Post columnist William Raspberry have wondered whether Hispanics and blacks, respectively, might be able to emulate Asian immigrants. A minority group could become the equivalent of a white real estate developer: Advertising Age quoted a consultant who opined that Asian Americans were "the Donald Trumps of the 1990s."'·1
9 -
10 -The false inclusion of Asians in academia recreates itself in the structures of civil society and education – we learn more to get paid less; we can get far, but not too far – any real power would be a problem, and nobody pays attention because on the surface it seems like we’re doing well.
11 -Wu 2k, Frank H. Wu, "The Model Minority: Asian American 'Success' as a Race Relations Failure," from Yellow: Race in America Beyond Black and White (New York: Basic Books, 2002): 39-77
12 -Although the average educational levels of Asian Americans might be taken as substantiating the model minority myth, the more plausible reading is that Asian Americans have had to overcompensate. Asian Americans receive a lower return on their investment in education. They gain less money than white Americans on average for each additional degree. They are underrepresented in management, and those who are managers earn less than white Americans in comparable positions. The excuse most often voiced for the situation emanates from the stereotype itself, namely that Asian Americans would rather make less money in research and development than be promoted to management positions. The only research on the subject refutes this pretext, showing that Asian Americans are no different than whites in desiring career advancement.34 Even though Asian Americans are associated with education, they remain underrepresented even in higher education at all levels beyond students and entry-level teaching positions in a few departments. Asian American women are granted academic tenure at rates lower than any other demographic group. Asian Americans generally are severely underrepresented throughout administrative ranks, from department chairs and deans to provosts and presidents.
13 -The impact is marginalization and a fractured sense of self – if Asian women exist in a space that marks them as indelibly “stranger” their speech and selfhood will always remain excluded by academia.
14 -Li and Beckett 2, Guofang Li and Gulbahar H. Beckett, 2. 2006, 3+4. "Strangers" of the Academy: Asian Women Scholars in Higher Education, Stylus Publishing, 5. Accessed 12/15/16, 6. https://books.google.com/books?id=yvAz1671F2ACandpg=PA193andlpg=PA193anddq=strangers+of+the+academy+asian+american+womenandsource=blandots=EU9i6NOzPtandsig=elTfktclmsGW-67WKjPFK4xPuTAandhl=enandsa=Xandved=0ahUKEwiihIu83PfQAhWCsVQKHT7dA-UQ6AEILTAD#v=onepageandq=speechandf=false, 7. Guofang Li is an Assistant Professor in the Graduate School of Education, University of Buffalo (SUNY). Gulbahar H. Beckett is an Assistant Professor in the College of Education, University of Cincinnati., 8. 89.
15 -This conflicting sense of alternating confidence and functioning levels appeared to have made Nina, Terry, and Sue feel fragmented much of the time. Their feeling of fragmentation was not entirely metaphorical as “there were indeed two ‘selves’ who needed to communicate” (Verity, 2000, p. 191) in these immigrant women faculty: the confident Chinese-speaking self at home and the not-so-confident English-speaking self in the classroom. The following testimony clearly depicts the dual nature of their private and public selves in two languages (Watkins-Goffman, 2001), and, perhaps, their subconscious regret in needing to speak their first language. My English is not very stable. Sometimes I am very fluent in speech. Sometimes, I just stumble, forget what words to use, or have wrong pronunciation. … I think It has something to do with speaking Chinese at home. My English is usually better on Wednesday than on Monday. After a whole weekend of Chinese, my tongue doesn’t seem very flexible on Monday. I don’t speak that much Chinese on Tuesday. On Wednesday, my English sounds better. (Terry)
16 -
17 -Impacts spill over – the myth of the model minority is used not only to oppress the Asian body but is an enforcement mechanism against all other oppressed groups in society – coalition building can never begin unless we name the myth first.
18 -장 ’93, 1993, 장 Robert S. is a Professor of Law and an Associate Dean for Research and Faculty Development, He also serves on the advisory board of Berkeley’s Asian American Law Journal. “Toward an Asian American Legal Scholarship: Critical Race Theory, Post-Structuralism, and Narrative Space”, 81 Cal. L. Rev. 1241
19 -Thus, the answer to Posner's first question is yes-Asian Americans are an oppressed group in America. To accept the myth of the model minority is to participate in the oppression of Asian Americans. In addition to hurting Asian Americans, the model minority myth works a dual harm by hurting other racial minorities and poor whites who are blamed for not being successful like Asian Americans. "African-Americans and Latinos and poor whites are told, 'look at those Asians-anyone can make it in this country if they really try.' "" This blame is justified by the meritocratic thesis supposedly proven by the example of Asian Americans." ° This blame is then used to campaign against government social services for these "undeserving" minorities and poor whites and against affirmative action. To the extent that Asian Americans accept the model minority myth, we are complicitous in the oppression of other racial minorities and poor whites. This blame and its consequences create resentment against Asian Americans among African Americans, Latinos, and poor whites. This resentment, fueled by poor economic conditions, can flare into anger and violence. Asian Americans, the "model minority," serve as convenient scapegoats, as Korean Americans in Los Angeles discovered during the 1992 riots." Many Korean Americans "now view themselves as 'human shields' in a complicated racial hierarchy," caught between "the racism of the white majority and the anger of the black minority."1'0 The model minority myth plays a key role in establishing a racial hierarchy which denies the oppression of Asian Americans while simultaneously legitimizing the oppression of other racial minorities and poor whites.
20 -
21 -Chapter 2: Asian Advocacy
22 -Advocacy text: We employ the 1AC as a reconceptualization of the restriction of speech protesting the restrictions of Asian speech that occur in public universities and colleges and society writ large – the underlying power structure of white supremacy means that any advocacy must include race in its analysis: otherwise we risk recreating the harms of ostensible colorblindness that re-entrenches structures of privilege.
23 -
24 -We affirm the 1AC as part of a process of conscientization.
25 -Conscientization allows Asian American debaters to name their world and understands the way we can relate it to educational spaces to debate; this is the starting point for real world change.
26 -Osajima ‘7 2007, Keith Osajima is a professor and Director of the Race and Ethnic Studies Program at the University of Redlands. REPLENISHING THE RANKS: Raising Critical Consciousness Among Asian Americans; JOURNAL OF ASIAN AMERICAN STUDIES (JAAS), February, Volume 10, No. 1; p.. 74-76
27 -CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS Given the profound change that conscientization had effected in the lives of respondents, it is not surprising that many of them wanted to be in positions where they could help to create for others the educational experiences that were so meaningful to them. They took leadership positions in student organizations; they helped to organize and put on educational programs; they worked in community organizations; they pursued graduate studies; and they took positions in student affairs to work closely with new cohorts of Asian American students. Pamela Kim, who wanted to become a professor of Asian American Studies, best expresses their desires: One of the reasons why I want to be a professor of Asian American Studies is because I want to help these kids who are going through the same things that I did. I want to help them figure things out, to help educate them about these issues because I had no idea about them while I was growing up. I could see what these kids are all going through in college, and it helps to be where you can pop those bubbles that they have around themselves. As they go about the task of trying to replenish the ranks by raising critical consciousness amongst new groups of Asians, a number of lessons learned from their collective experiences may provide helpful guides. From the interviews, we can identify critical elements that contribute to conscientization. While these elements do not guarantee that conscientization will follow, incorporating them into one’s practice may enhance the possibility that efforts will be successful. First, respondents described the importance of obtaining information and conceptual tools that helped them to cognitively understand how their lives and the lives of others are shaped by larger historical and social structural forces. An Asian American Studies course on a college campus was the most common source of relevant information, but as we have seen exposure can take place in many venues. People can learn from reading on their own, from student groups, and from multimedia sources. Second, breaking through isolation and interrupting the tendency to explain their life experiences solely in individual terms reflects a social dimension to conscientization. Contact and conversation with other Asian Americans was often the most effective way to help respondents make connections between their lives, the experiences of others, and information on the Asian American experience. Connections to key mentors and peers provided a safe environment in which to think and question further. Third, respondents described important affective aspects of conscientization. When respondents talked about important moments in their education or key social support that made a difference, invariably they referred to how they felt about these experiences. They were angered by the realization that their schooling had not taught them about racism or the Asian American experience. They felt inspired by the experiences of other Asian Americans who struggled to overcome harsh conditions. They were excited to learn more. Fourth, respondents’ commitment to Asian American issues was deepened when they transformed understanding into action. Involvement in protests, organizing, programming, teaching, and research gave respondents a chance to extend their knowledge and learn from efforts to make change. Finally, the study indicates that consientization occurs when the discrete elements work in combination. No respondent described his or her conscientization in terms of a single element. It was not a purely intellectual or cognitive experience in a classroom, absent of social or affective elements. Nor was it a purely social or affective experience without information and conceptual tools. Instead, respondents described multifaceted and interrelated experiences that reinforced each other, inspiring further thinking and commitment to action. For activists seeking to raise the critical consciousness of Asian Americans, the study’s findings carry implications for practice. For some, combining elements in a single venue, like an introductory course or a training program, will be the main focus. In these cases, the study suggests that the course or program should offer substantive content and concepts to lay the cognitive foundation needed for people to see themselves in relation to the world. It also should include social activities to break isolation and opportunities for people to share stories with each other in an non-judgmental, safe environment. On a broader level, the study suggests that there is a value in and need to offer a range of experiences across campus and community to increase the likelihood that students will combine, on their own, elements that contribute to conscientization. Pressure to have one person, course, or program that single-handedly transforms students’ lives subsides when we recognize that the interrelated process of conscientization benefits from contributions across diverse segments of the community. The importance of combining influences also casts new light on how different parts of the campus and community can work collaboratively to raise critical consciousness. Breaking from binary constructions that often pit academic programs against student life activities, or divide academe from community, the study shows how conscientization arises when people are exposed to and combine lessons learned from a variety of sources. This process implies that increased appreciation for the work done across campus and community, along with greater coordination of influences, is an important dimension of conscientization.
28 -
29 -And, acts of protest like the 1AC are essential to allowing Asian-Americans to conscientize themselves by developing a properly founded grammar to challenge oppression and to investigate their relationships with racial hierarchies – this is the way we build coalitions.
30 -Kang 16, Jay Caspian Kang, 2. 2016, 3+4. “How Should Asian-Americans Feel About the Peter Liang Protests?”, New York Times, 5. Accessed 11/2/16, 6. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/23/magazine/how-should-asian-americans-feel-about-the-peter-liang-protests.html?_r=1, 7. Jay Caspian Kang is an American writer and editor, most known for his sports articles for Grantland, for which he worked as an Editor until December 2013. He currently serves as the science and technology editor for The New Yorker's Elements blog., 8. No page.
31 -Each of these thoughts represents an uneasy, probing investigation into the complicated, often-complicit relationship between Asian-Americans and the nation’s racial hierarchies. I do not claim to know the right answer to any of these questions. I do not know how to explain why I knew Liang would be found guilty well before the verdict was announced. I cannot adequately describe the conflict in feeling like a race traitor for applauding Liang’s conviction while also feeling like a race traitor for questioning it. I know the lifeblood of my conditional whiteness as an educated, upwardly mobile Asian-American lies somewhere in those conflicts. And because it’s historically been in the best interests of people like me to never discuss these things, even in private, I lack the vocabulary to discuss it.
32 -Chapter 3 Asian Framing
33 -Accessibility is a multiplier for all other impacts – without debate, they’re not valuable. Texts like the resolution should not be viewed from an objective lens – meaning is subjective and inherently shaped by racism. Our interpretation of debate is critical for coalition building and Asian American activism as a whole.
34 -Shome 96, Raka Shome, doctoral candidate in the Speech Communication Department, University of Georgia, Athens, 96, (www.blackwell-synergy.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/j.1468-2885.1996.tb00119.x). EE
35 -I thus argue for the importance of a postcolonial perspective for rhetorical studies. Postcolonialism, which is a critical perspective that primarily seeks to expose the Eurocentrism and imperialism of Western discourses (both academic and public), ’ has significantly influenced a wide range of fields across the humanities such as sociology, anthropology, education, literature, cultural studies, and even some areas in communication such as mass communication and development communication. However, the field of rhetorical studies has not adequately recognized the critical importance of a postcolonial perspective. By working from a postcolonial perspective, I suggest that as we engage in rhetorical understandings of texts, or produce rhetorical theories, it is important to place the texts that we critique or the theories that we produce against a larger backdrop of neocolonialism and racism, and interrogate to what extent these discourses and our own perspectives on them reflect the contemporary global politics of (neo) imperialism. In today’s world, when people are constantly discriminated against by virtue of their skin color or by virtue of their belonging to “other worlds, ” to avoid the issues of racism and neocolonialism in our critical politics is to “avoid questions concerning ways in which we see the world; it is to remain imprisoned . .. by conditioned ways of seeing . .. without the self-consciousness that must be the point of departure for all critical understanding” (Dirlik, 1990, p. 395).
36 -
37 -The role of the judge is to vote for the debater that best performatively and methodologically resists white supremacy . Traditional debate embodies the white supremacy. The judge should hold debaters accountable for their speech act. Don’t try to escape hard discussions.
38 -Wise, anti-racist activist and speaker, 2008.(Tim., B.A. from Tulane University in political science.,White Like Me: Reflections on Race From a Privileged Son., pg 32-36). Ef
39 -The reason I call this process a white one is because whites(and especially affluent ones), much more so than folks of color,have the luxury of looking at life or death issues of war, peace, famine, unemployment, or criminal justice as a game, as a mere exercise in intellectual and rhetorical banter. For me to get up and debate, for example,whether or not full employment is a good idea, presupposes that my folks are not likely out of work as I go about the task. To debate whether racial profiling is legitimate likewise presupposing that I, the debater, am not likely to be someone who was confronted by the practice as my team drove to the debate tournament that day, or as we pass through security at the airport. In this way,competitive debate reinforces whiteness and affluence as normative conditions, and makes the process more attractive to affluent white students. Kids of colorand working-class youth of all colorsaresimply not as likely to gravitate to an activity which pretty much half the time they'll be forced to take positions that, if implemented in the real world, might devastate their families andcommunities.Because debaters are encouraged to think about life or death matters as if they had little consequence beyond a given debate round, the fact that those who have come through the activity go on to hold a disproportion share of powerful political and legal positions—something about which l National Forensics League has long bragged—is a matter that should a concern us all. Being primed to think of serious issues as abstractions increases the risk that the person who has been so primed will reduce everything to a brutal cost-benefit analysis, which rarely prioritizes the needs and interests of society's less powerful. Rather,it becomes easierat that pointto support policies that benefit the haves at the expense of the have-nots, because the damage will be felt by others whom the ex-debaters never met and never had to take seriously Unless debate is fundamentally transformed—and at this point the only forces for real change are the squads from Urban Debate Leagues who are clamoring for different styles of argumentation and different evidentiary standards—it will continue to serve as a staging ground for those whose interests are mostly the interests of the powerful. Until the voices of economically and racially marginalized persons are given equal weightin debate rounds with those of affluent white experts (whose expertise is only presumed because other whites published what they had to say in the first place),the ideas that shape our world will continue to be those of the elite, no matter how destructive these ideas have proven to be for the vast majority of the planet's inhabitants.Until debate is substantially diversified, so that previously ignored voices will have a chance to be heard on their own terms, and in their own styles, little will change. What debate needs most is an infusion of persons who because of their life experiences are almost guaranteed to be less naive; people who know full well that the system is anything but fair. Such persons have a right to be heard, and white, upper-middle-class, and affluent debaters need to hear them. They need to know how power works, and they will never gain an understanding of that by listening over and over to the voices of others like themselves.But debate will never change in this way unless the gatekeepers of the activity are prepared tostep up anddemand it, not just with their words but with their actions, their money,their judging criteria, and even their ballots.
40 -Normative policy framework does nothing but produce a deceptive network of collective forgetting. It immures us to atrocities in world by neutralizing terms such as racism, genocide and war. This stance is inherently linked to modern practices of power.
41 -Reid-Brinkley 2008 Dr. Shanara Reid-Brinkley, “The Harsh Realities of “Acting Black”: How African-American Policy Debaters Negotiate Representation Through Racial Performance and Style”, P. 15//MHELLIE
42 -Genre Violation Four: Policymaker as Impersonal and the Rhetoric of Personal Experience. Debate is a competitive game.112 It requires that its participants take on the positions of state actors (at least when they are affirming the resolution). Debate resolutions normally call for federal action in some area of domestic or foreign policy. Affirmative teams must support the resolution, while the negative negates it. The debate then becomes a “laboratory” within which debaters may test policies.113 Argumentation scholar Gordon Mitchell notes that “Although they 117 may research and track public argument as it unfolds outside the confines of the laboratory for research purposes, in this approach students witness argumentation beyond the walls of the academy as spectators, with little or no apparent recourse to directly participate or alter the course of events.”114 Although debaters spend a great deal of time discussing and researching government action and articulating arguments relevant to such action, what happens in debate rounds has limited or no real impact on contemporary governmental policy making. And participation does not result in the majority of the debate community engaging in activism around the issues they research. Mitchell observes that the stance of the policymaker in debate comes with a “sense of detachment associated with the spectator posture.”115 In other words, its participants are able to engage in debates where they are able to distance themselves from the events that are the subjects of debates. Debaters can throw around terms like torture, terrorism, genocide and nuclear war without blinking. Debate simulations can only serve to distance the debaters from real world participation in the political contexts they debate about. As William Shanahan remarks: …the topic established a relationship through interpellation that inhered irrespective of what the particular political affinities of the debaters were. The relationship was both political and ethical, and needed to be debated as such. When we blithely call for United States Federal Government policymaking, we are not immune to the colonialist legacy that establishes our place on this continent. We cannot wish away the horrific atrocities perpetrated everyday in our name simply by refusing to acknowledge these implications” (emphasis in original).116 118 The “objective” stance of the policymaker is an impersonal or imperialist persona. The policymaker relies upon “acceptable” forms of evidence, engaging in logical discussion, producing rational thoughts. As Shanahan, and the Louisville debaters’ note, such a stance is integrally linked to the normative, historical and contemporary practices of power that produce and maintain varying networks of oppression. In other words, the discursive practices of policyoriented debate are developed within, through and from systems of power and privilege. Thus, these practices are critically implicated in the maintenance of hegemony. So, rather than seeing themselves as government or state actors, Jones and Green choose to perform themselves in debate, violating the more “objective” stance of the “policymaker” and require their opponents to do the same.
43 -Also impact turns engagement arguments because the only way we can actually engage with the political is through testing its limits through protests like the 1AC.
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2017-01-28 18:56:09.0
Judge
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1 -Luis Carrera
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1 -Hawken
ParentRound
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1 -7
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -1
Team
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Collegiate YUAN Aff
Title
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -1AC Helen Zia
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Barkley Forum
Caselist.RoundClass[0]
Cites
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1 -0
Caselist.RoundClass[1]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -1
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2016-09-17 21:47:52.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Monica Amestoy
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Sunset AB
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -3
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,2 +1,0 @@
1 -1AC King Nuca
2 -1NC Thorium Natives Warming Gas Case
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Greenhill Classic
Caselist.RoundClass[2]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2016-09-18 16:20:40.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Aimun Khan
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Strake RC
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -5
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,4 +1,0 @@
1 -1AC Dimona
2 -1NC
3 -T
4 -Agamben
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Greenhill
Caselist.RoundClass[3]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -3
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2016-09-18 16:20:46.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Aimun Khan
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Strake RC
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -5
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,4 +1,0 @@
1 -1AC Dimona
2 -1NC
3 -T
4 -Agamben
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Greenhill
Caselist.RoundClass[4]
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2016-09-25 18:52:13.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Vincent, Parmo, Powell
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Newark BA
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Quarters
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,2 +1,0 @@
1 -1AC Dimona
2 -1NC Black Nihilism
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Greenhill Fall Classic
Caselist.RoundClass[5]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -3
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2016-11-05 17:43:23.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Ben Koh
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Zach Gelles
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -6
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,3 +1,0 @@
1 -1AC Furutani
2 -1NC T and Tuck and Yang
3 -2NR Both
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -AV
Caselist.RoundClass[6]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -4
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2016-11-05 23:35:48.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Taylor, Marks, Wang
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Lake Highland AA
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Octas
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,3 +1,0 @@
1 -1AC Furutani
2 -1NC Saldanha Facility
3 -2NR Saldanha
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -AV
Caselist.RoundClass[7]
Cites
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -5
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2017-01-28 18:56:08.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Luis Carrera
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Hawken
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -1
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,2 +1,0 @@
1 -Helen Zia
2 -Hate Speech DA
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Barkley Forum
Caselist.RoundClass[8]
EntryDate
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -2017-02-19 22:36:10.0
Judge
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Chris Vincent
Opponent
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Lexington VV
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -6
RoundReport
... ... @@ -1,3 +1,0 @@
1 -Same aff
2 -Cap K
3 -Tuck and Yang
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Harvard Invitational

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