Changes for page Christopher Columbus Navarrete Neg
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... ... @@ -1,21 +1,0 @@ 1 -Same FW 2 - 3 -New cards: 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 -====The sovereign must be the one defining meaning in the economy of violence to make the final discriminative judgement, otherwise we have absolute violence. PARRISH Derrida's Economy of Violence in Hobbes' Social Contract 7:4 ~| © 2004 Rick Parrish //AK==== 9 -All of the foregoing points to the conclusion that in the commonwealth the sovereign’s first and most fundamental job is to be the ultimate definer. Several other commentators have also reached this conclusion. By way of elaborating upon the importance of the moderation of individuality in Hobbes’ theory of government, Richard Flathman claims that peace "is possible only if the ambiguity and disagreement that pervade general thinking and acting are eliminated by the stipulations of a sovereign." Pursuant to debunking the perennial misinterpretation of Hobbes’ mention of people as wolves, Paul Johnson argues that "one of the primary functions of the sovereign is to provide the necessary unity of meaning and reference for the‘ primary terms in which ~~people~~ men try to conduct their social lives." "The whole raison d’entre of sovereign helmsmanship lies squarely in the chronic defusing of interpretive clashes," without which humans would "fly off in all directions" and fall inevitably into the violence of the natural condition. 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 -====Thus the standard is adhering to the will of the sovereign. ==== 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 -====Independently, The sovereign is inevitable. All persons want to become meaning creators and eventually a sovereign will be formed. Parrish 2 Derrida's Economy of Violence in Hobbes' Social Contract 7:4 ~| © 2004 Rick Parrish Quotes are from Hobbes //AK==== 18 -But even more significantly for his relationship with Derrida, Hobbes argues that in the state of nature persons must not only try to control as many objects as possible — they must also try to control as many persons as possible. "There is no way for any man to secure himself so reasonable as anticipation, that is, by force or wiles to master the persons of all men he can, so long till he see no other power great enough to endanger him. And this is no more than his own conservation requireth, and is generally allowed."37 While it is often assumed that by this Hobbes means a person will try to control others with physical force alone, when one approaches Hobbesian persons as meaning creators this control takes on a more discursive, arche-violent character. First," says Hobbes, "among ~~persons in the state of nature~~ there is a contestation of honour and preferment,"38 a discursive struggle not over what physical objects each person will possess, but over who or what will be considered valuable. Persons, as rationally self-interested beings who "measure, not only other men, but all other things, by themselves,"39 and value themselves above all others, attempt to force that valuation on others. "The human desire for 'glory', which in today's language translates not simply as the desire for prestige, but also the desire to acquire power over others," is therefore primarily about subsuming others beneath one's own personhood, as direct objects or merely phenomenal substances. As above, the inevitability of this situation is given by the fact that the primarily egoistic nature of all experience renders the other in a "state of empirical alter-ego"41 to oneself. Those who prefer a more directly materialistic reading of Hobbes may attempt to bolster their position by pointing to his comment that "the most frequent reason why men desire to hurt each other, ariseth hence, that many men at the same time have an appetite to the same thing; which yet very often they can neither enjoy in common, nor yet divide it; whence it follows that the strongest must have it, and who is strongest must be decided by the sword."42 This quote also supports my reading of Hobbes, because quite simply the primary thing all persons want but can never have in common is the status of the ultimate creator of meaning, the primary personhood, from which all other goods flow. Everyone, by their natures as creators of meaning whose "desire of power after power . . . ceaseth only in death,"43 tries to subsume others beneath their personhood in order to control these others and glorify themselves. As Piotr Hoffman puts it, "every individual acting under the right of nature views himself as the center of the universe; his aim is, quite simply and quite closely, to become a small "god among men," to use Plato's phrase."Hobbes argues that this discursive struggle rapidly becomes physical by writing that "every man thinking well of himself, and hating to see the same in others, they must needs provoke one another by words, and other signs of contempt and hatred, which are incident to all comparison, till at last they must determine the pre-eminence by strength and force of body."45 The ultimate violence, the surest and most complete way of removing a person's ability to create meaning, is to kill that person, and the escalating contentiousness of the state of nature makes life short in the war of all against all. But this does not render the fundamental reason for this violence any less discursive, any less based on "one's sense of self-importance in comparison with others"46 or human nature as a creator of meaning. 19 - 20 - 21 -Contention is analytic - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,55 +1,0 @@ 1 -The border is a zone of difference which makes possible violence in the borderland. Rigid distinctions between epistemological systems of thinking cannot account for hybridity. Embracing the borderland resist colonialism within epistemology itself. 2 -KYNČLOVÁ 1 : 3 -Tereza Jiroutová Kynčlová, « Elastic, Yet Unyielding: The U.S.-Mexico Border and Anzaldúa’s Oppositional Rearticulations of the Frontier », European journal of American studies Online, Vol 9, No 3 | 2014, document 3, Online since 23 December 2014, connection on 17 August 2016. URL : http://ejas.revues.org/10384 ; DOI : 10.4000/ Special Issue: Transnational Approaches to North American Regionalism UH-DD 4 - 5 -“The border functions 6 -AND 7 -civil war within representation” (xiv).” (2) 8 - 9 -Our approach is not purely grounded in the theoretical. The epistemology of binaries creates categories of normality within both sides of the dualism. This subjugates the lived experiences of those who can’t fit neither side of the border. 10 -KYNČLOVÁ 2 : 11 -Tereza Jiroutová Kynčlová, « Elastic, Yet Unyielding: The U.S.-Mexico Border and Anzaldúa’s Oppositional Rearticulations of the Frontier », European journal of American studies Online, Vol 9, No 3 | 2014, document 3, Online since 23 December 2014, connection on 17 August 2016. URL : http://ejas.revues.org/10384 ; DOI : 10.4000/ Special Issue: Transnational Approaches to North American Regionalism UH-DD 12 - 13 -“The physical presence of 14 -AND 15 -methodology of Borderlands/La Frontera.” (3-4) 16 - 17 -The United States is founded on rugged individualism made possible by the colonial gaze of manifest destiny. This sets up the stage for borders and inevitable violence towards those in the borderland. 18 -KYNČLOVÁ 3 : 19 -Tereza Jiroutová Kynčlová, « Elastic, Yet Unyielding: The U.S.-Mexico Border and Anzaldúa’s Oppositional Rearticulations of the Frontier », European journal of American studies Online, Vol 9, No 3 | 2014, document 3, Online since 23 December 2014, connection on 17 August 2016. URL : http://ejas.revues.org/10384 ; DOI : 10.4000/ Special Issue: Transnational Approaches to North American Regionalism UH-DD 20 - 21 -“On the metaphorical level, 22 -AND 23 -in my presence (156).” (7) � 24 - 25 -The affirmative’s focus on social norms in the construction of identity is a counterproductive starting point. We relate meaning to our experiences from social norms but these are simply deterritorialized views of the world that do not allow us to see beyond the border. We must embrace new meaning beyond the border of what is socially institutionalized. 26 -KYNČLOVÁ 4 : 27 -Tereza Jiroutová Kynčlová, « Elastic, Yet Unyielding: The U.S.-Mexico Border and Anzaldúa’s Oppositional Rearticulations of the Frontier », European journal of American studies Online, Vol 9, No 3 | 2014, document 3, Online since 23 December 2014, connection on 17 August 2016. URL : http://ejas.revues.org/10384 ; DOI : 10.4000/ Special Issue: Transnational Approaches to North American Regionalism UH-DD 28 - 29 -“Further, Slotkin’s theoretical 30 -AND 31 -and struggle for recognition.” (2) 32 - 33 -Prohibition reinscribes domination 34 -Ball n.d: 35 -Ball n.d (Anna, University of Manchester, “Writing in the Margins: Exploring the Borderlands in the Work of Janet Frame and Jane Champion,” Borders and Boundaries, Esharp Issue 5, n.d. http://www.gla.ac.uk/media/media_41163_en.pdf, TW) 36 - 37 -How might the border, 38 -AND 39 -defended, fought over. (2002, p.198) 40 - 41 -The alternative is to embrace NEPANTLA as a starting point for an epistemology that recognizes the exclusion of the borderland through dualisms. This creates the possibility of bridging the object-subject duality that keeps the mestiza a prisoner by recuperating the possibility of a space in between that allows us to theorize about new forms of becoming and productive epistemologies. 42 -Zaccaria: 43 -PAOLA ZACCARIA Living in El Lugar of Transformations, Translating Vision into Writing UH-DD 44 - 45 -“In my opinion all 46 -AND 47 -multicultural/mestizo/nepantla translationscapes.” (186-191) 48 - 49 -The role of the ballot is to adopt Nepantla pedagogy. Outweighs their role of the ballot – their unquestionable starting point of needing to construct debate through a singular axis rein trenches borders and epistemological colonialism in education. 50 -Abraham: 51 -Abraham, S. (2014). A Nepantla pedagogy: Comparing Anzaldúa’s and Bakhtin’s Ideas for pedagogical and social change. Critical Education, 5(5). University of Georgia UH-DD 52 - 53 -“Nepantla is the site of 54 -AND 55 -school pedagogies and frame our educational research (Gonzalez-Lopez, 2006; Keating, 2006). - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,21 @@ 1 +Same FW 2 + 3 +New cards: 4 + 5 + 6 + 7 + 8 +====The sovereign must be the one defining meaning in the economy of violence to make the final discriminative judgement, otherwise we have absolute violence. PARRISH Derrida's Economy of Violence in Hobbes' Social Contract 7:4 ~| © 2004 Rick Parrish //AK==== 9 +All of the foregoing points to the conclusion that in the commonwealth the sovereign’s first and most fundamental job is to be the ultimate definer. Several other commentators have also reached this conclusion. By way of elaborating upon the importance of the moderation of individuality in Hobbes’ theory of government, Richard Flathman claims that peace "is possible only if the ambiguity and disagreement that pervade general thinking and acting are eliminated by the stipulations of a sovereign." Pursuant to debunking the perennial misinterpretation of Hobbes’ mention of people as wolves, Paul Johnson argues that "one of the primary functions of the sovereign is to provide the necessary unity of meaning and reference for the‘ primary terms in which ~~people~~ men try to conduct their social lives." "The whole raison d’entre of sovereign helmsmanship lies squarely in the chronic defusing of interpretive clashes," without which humans would "fly off in all directions" and fall inevitably into the violence of the natural condition. 10 + 11 + 12 + 13 +====Thus the standard is adhering to the will of the sovereign. ==== 14 + 15 + 16 + 17 +====Independently, The sovereign is inevitable. All persons want to become meaning creators and eventually a sovereign will be formed. Parrish 2 Derrida's Economy of Violence in Hobbes' Social Contract 7:4 ~| © 2004 Rick Parrish Quotes are from Hobbes //AK==== 18 +But even more significantly for his relationship with Derrida, Hobbes argues that in the state of nature persons must not only try to control as many objects as possible — they must also try to control as many persons as possible. "There is no way for any man to secure himself so reasonable as anticipation, that is, by force or wiles to master the persons of all men he can, so long till he see no other power great enough to endanger him. And this is no more than his own conservation requireth, and is generally allowed."37 While it is often assumed that by this Hobbes means a person will try to control others with physical force alone, when one approaches Hobbesian persons as meaning creators this control takes on a more discursive, arche-violent character. First," says Hobbes, "among ~~persons in the state of nature~~ there is a contestation of honour and preferment,"38 a discursive struggle not over what physical objects each person will possess, but over who or what will be considered valuable. Persons, as rationally self-interested beings who "measure, not only other men, but all other things, by themselves,"39 and value themselves above all others, attempt to force that valuation on others. "The human desire for 'glory', which in today's language translates not simply as the desire for prestige, but also the desire to acquire power over others," is therefore primarily about subsuming others beneath one's own personhood, as direct objects or merely phenomenal substances. As above, the inevitability of this situation is given by the fact that the primarily egoistic nature of all experience renders the other in a "state of empirical alter-ego"41 to oneself. Those who prefer a more directly materialistic reading of Hobbes may attempt to bolster their position by pointing to his comment that "the most frequent reason why men desire to hurt each other, ariseth hence, that many men at the same time have an appetite to the same thing; which yet very often they can neither enjoy in common, nor yet divide it; whence it follows that the strongest must have it, and who is strongest must be decided by the sword."42 This quote also supports my reading of Hobbes, because quite simply the primary thing all persons want but can never have in common is the status of the ultimate creator of meaning, the primary personhood, from which all other goods flow. Everyone, by their natures as creators of meaning whose "desire of power after power . . . ceaseth only in death,"43 tries to subsume others beneath their personhood in order to control these others and glorify themselves. As Piotr Hoffman puts it, "every individual acting under the right of nature views himself as the center of the universe; his aim is, quite simply and quite closely, to become a small "god among men," to use Plato's phrase."Hobbes argues that this discursive struggle rapidly becomes physical by writing that "every man thinking well of himself, and hating to see the same in others, they must needs provoke one another by words, and other signs of contempt and hatred, which are incident to all comparison, till at last they must determine the pre-eminence by strength and force of body."45 The ultimate violence, the surest and most complete way of removing a person's ability to create meaning, is to kill that person, and the escalating contentiousness of the state of nature makes life short in the war of all against all. But this does not render the fundamental reason for this violence any less discursive, any less based on "one's sense of self-importance in comparison with others"46 or human nature as a creator of meaning. 19 + 20 + 21 +Contention is analytic - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,55 @@ 1 +The border is a zone of difference which makes possible violence in the borderland. Rigid distinctions between epistemological systems of thinking cannot account for hybridity. Embracing the borderland resist colonialism within epistemology itself. 2 +KYNČLOVÁ 1 : 3 +Tereza Jiroutová Kynčlová, « Elastic, Yet Unyielding: The U.S.-Mexico Border and Anzaldúa’s Oppositional Rearticulations of the Frontier », European journal of American studies Online, Vol 9, No 3 | 2014, document 3, Online since 23 December 2014, connection on 17 August 2016. URL : http://ejas.revues.org/10384 ; DOI : 10.4000/ Special Issue: Transnational Approaches to North American Regionalism UH-DD 4 + 5 +“The border functions 6 +AND 7 +civil war within representation” (xiv).” (2) 8 + 9 +Our approach is not purely grounded in the theoretical. The epistemology of binaries creates categories of normality within both sides of the dualism. This subjugates the lived experiences of those who can’t fit neither side of the border. 10 +KYNČLOVÁ 2 : 11 +Tereza Jiroutová Kynčlová, « Elastic, Yet Unyielding: The U.S.-Mexico Border and Anzaldúa’s Oppositional Rearticulations of the Frontier », European journal of American studies Online, Vol 9, No 3 | 2014, document 3, Online since 23 December 2014, connection on 17 August 2016. URL : http://ejas.revues.org/10384 ; DOI : 10.4000/ Special Issue: Transnational Approaches to North American Regionalism UH-DD 12 + 13 +“The physical presence of 14 +AND 15 +methodology of Borderlands/La Frontera.” (3-4) 16 + 17 +The United States is founded on rugged individualism made possible by the colonial gaze of manifest destiny. This sets up the stage for borders and inevitable violence towards those in the borderland. 18 +KYNČLOVÁ 3 : 19 +Tereza Jiroutová Kynčlová, « Elastic, Yet Unyielding: The U.S.-Mexico Border and Anzaldúa’s Oppositional Rearticulations of the Frontier », European journal of American studies Online, Vol 9, No 3 | 2014, document 3, Online since 23 December 2014, connection on 17 August 2016. URL : http://ejas.revues.org/10384 ; DOI : 10.4000/ Special Issue: Transnational Approaches to North American Regionalism UH-DD 20 + 21 +“On the metaphorical level, 22 +AND 23 +in my presence (156).” (7) � 24 + 25 +The affirmative’s focus on social norms in the construction of identity is a counterproductive starting point. We relate meaning to our experiences from social norms but these are simply deterritorialized views of the world that do not allow us to see beyond the border. We must embrace new meaning beyond the border of what is socially institutionalized. 26 +KYNČLOVÁ 4 : 27 +Tereza Jiroutová Kynčlová, « Elastic, Yet Unyielding: The U.S.-Mexico Border and Anzaldúa’s Oppositional Rearticulations of the Frontier », European journal of American studies Online, Vol 9, No 3 | 2014, document 3, Online since 23 December 2014, connection on 17 August 2016. URL : http://ejas.revues.org/10384 ; DOI : 10.4000/ Special Issue: Transnational Approaches to North American Regionalism UH-DD 28 + 29 +“Further, Slotkin’s theoretical 30 +AND 31 +and struggle for recognition.” (2) 32 + 33 +Prohibition reinscribes domination 34 +Ball n.d: 35 +Ball n.d (Anna, University of Manchester, “Writing in the Margins: Exploring the Borderlands in the Work of Janet Frame and Jane Champion,” Borders and Boundaries, Esharp Issue 5, n.d. http://www.gla.ac.uk/media/media_41163_en.pdf, TW) 36 + 37 +How might the border, 38 +AND 39 +defended, fought over. (2002, p.198) 40 + 41 +The alternative is to embrace NEPANTLA as a starting point for an epistemology that recognizes the exclusion of the borderland through dualisms. This creates the possibility of bridging the object-subject duality that keeps the mestiza a prisoner by recuperating the possibility of a space in between that allows us to theorize about new forms of becoming and productive epistemologies. 42 +Zaccaria: 43 +PAOLA ZACCARIA Living in El Lugar of Transformations, Translating Vision into Writing UH-DD 44 + 45 +“In my opinion all 46 +AND 47 +multicultural/mestizo/nepantla translationscapes.” (186-191) 48 + 49 +The role of the ballot is to adopt Nepantla pedagogy. Outweighs their role of the ballot – their unquestionable starting point of needing to construct debate through a singular axis rein trenches borders and epistemological colonialism in education. 50 +Abraham: 51 +Abraham, S. (2014). A Nepantla pedagogy: Comparing Anzaldúa’s and Bakhtin’s Ideas for pedagogical and social change. Critical Education, 5(5). University of Georgia UH-DD 52 + 53 +“Nepantla is the site of 54 +AND 55 +school pedagogies and frame our educational research (Gonzalez-Lopez, 2006; Keating, 2006). - EntryDate
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