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... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@ 1 -Interpretation: Debaters' disclosure must include a listing of the labels of all positions they have read directly on the wiki page, and may not only post speech docs without a general description of the arguments within. To clarify, you can't just throw up a document on the wiki, if you disclose a warming DA, you must add a listing saying "Warming DA" or similarly descriptive entry title. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,15 @@ 1 +===Contention – Blackmail=== 2 + 3 + 4 +====Blackmail stops the exercise of freedom – it should be banned.==== 5 +**Varden:** Helga Varden ~~Associate Professor of Philosophy, University of Illinois~~ "A Kantian Conception of Free Speech" Springer. 2010 //BWSWJ 6 +Finally, why is blackmail a matter of public right?17 As we have 7 +AND 8 +It is a public crime, since it endangers public right as such. 9 + 10 + 11 +====Blackmail is free speech – its not a violation of the first amendment==== 12 +**Block and Gordon 85** ~~Walter Block and David Gordon, Blackmail, Extortion and Free Speech: A Reply to Posner, Epstein, Nozick and Lindgren, 19 Loy. L.A. L. Rev. 37 (1985). Available at: h p://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/llr/vol19/iss1/4 //BWSWJ~~~~ 13 +As defined, blackmail should not be accorded the legal sanctions usually meted out in 14 +AND 15 +, to threaten to do X. Blackmail is thus a noncriminal act. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,8 @@ 1 +====Counterplan Text: Public colleges and universities ought not restrict constitutionally protected speech except for posts on RateMyProfessors.com and other related teacher rating websites==== 2 + 3 + 4 +====RateMyProfessors ratings reflect racism towards Asian professors and cause criticism for their accents==== 5 +Subtirelu 15 ~~Subtirelu, Nicholas Close. ""She does have an accent but…": Race and language ideology in students' evaluations of mathematics instructors on RateMyProfessors. com." Language in Society 44.01 (2015): 35-62. //BWSWJ~~ 6 +I return now to my original research questions, attempting to provide answers to them 7 +AND 8 +to comment on 'Asian' instructors' language serves as a disadvantage for them. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,14 @@ 1 +Prescriptive claims can’t be derived from descriptive properties like how we descriptively reason. Explanatory meta-ethical accounts of morality commit a conceptual error. Morality exists to explain what is right, not what is so. 2 +Reader Reader, Soren. Late Professor of Philosophy, Durham University “New Directions in Ethics: Naturalism, Reasons, and Virtue.” Ethical Theory and Moral Practice, Vol. 3, No. 4, Dec. 2000. 3 +What is the … need to go. 4 +Instead, a virtue paradigm views ethics as a developmental social phenomenon in which the pre-existing moral categories and inculcated as a disposition. 5 +Reader 2: Reader, Soren. Late Professor of Philosophy, Durham University “New Directions in Ethics: Naturalism, Reasons, and Virtue.” Ethical Theory and Moral Practice, Vol. 3, No. 4, Dec. 2000. 6 +Virtue is a … what constitutes it. 7 +Thus the standard is Promoting Human Flourishing. 8 +Contention 9 +The state has an obligation to inculcate civic virtue. 10 +Smith: George H. Smith FEB 28, 2012 The Roots of State Education Part 3: Aristotle and Civic Virtue formerly Senior Research Fellow for the Institute for Humane Studies, a lecturer on American History for Cato Summer Seminars, and Executive Editor of Knowledge Products. Smith's fourth book, The System of Liberty, was recently published by Cambridge University Press. 11 +Aristotle explicitly repudiated … of the State….” 12 +That entails restricting university speech. 13 +Byrne 91, J. Peter Byrne (Associate Professor, Georgetown University Law Center), Racial Insults and Free Speech Within the University, 79 Geo. L.J. 399 (1991). 14 +The university’s relationship … been insufficiently studied. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,11 @@ 1 +I will not be reading PICs out of specific types or methods of constitutionally protected speech against affs that are not parametricized at the USC tournament. 2 + 3 +Examples of pics I can't read: 4 +Only restrict hate speech 5 +Only restrict revenge porn 6 +Only restrict journalist speech 7 + 8 +Examples I can still read: 9 +Word PICs 10 +Process PICs 11 +Agent PICs - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,10 @@ 1 +Counterplan text: Public colleges and universities in the United States ought not restrict constitutionally protected journalist speech except for publication of personally identifying information of child victims of crimes 2 +Jones et al 10 Jones, Lisa M., David Finkelhor, and Jessica Beckwith. "Protecting victims’ identities in press coverage of child victimization." Journalism 11.3 (2010): 347-367. //BWSWJ 3 +This study demonstrates that identifying information about child victims appears in media reports with considerable regularity. What we do not know and cannot say with authority, however, is how frequently or seriously this impacts on victims. Some research, discussed in the introduction, suggests that such coverage could add substantially to a victim’s sense of shame and anxiety or inhibit their recovery. Personal quotes and individual anecdotes provide evidence that it happens in at least some cases (Haws and Ramsey, 1996; Riski and Grusin, 2003). In addition, fears of media disclosure may also play a role in the reluctance of some victims or their families to report crimes to authorities or cooperate in criminal cases, as at least one survey suggested (Kilpatrick et al., 1992). The appearance of identifying information in news accounts may add to this concern, making it harder to promote disclosure. But no research has yet been undertaken to determine how often and to what degree these negative consequences occur. Such research is badly needed and could be easily incorporated into studies of child victimization. In follow-up studies of samples of victimized children and their families, for example, questions about the impact of media exposure need to be asked. In community surveys of victims, their concerns about the potential negative impact of being identified in the media need to be assessed, and its connection to reporting or non-reporting evaluated. Until such research is done, we need to be cautious, but there is substantial cause for concern. Even without direct evidence of its negative impact, discussions about media practices are warranted. Media organizations and public policy in general already recognize and accept the potential for negative impact on victims from media exposure. This recognition is reflected in the policies observed by many media outlets to withhold the names of sexual assault victims (Thayer and Pasternack, 1994). It is also implicit in the laws and practices protecting juvenile offenders from media exposure (Davis, 2000). 4 +Publication of child victims information can extremely harm abuse victims and make them less likely to report crimes toward them 5 +Jones et al 10 Jones, Lisa M., David Finkelhor, and Jessica Beckwith. "Protecting victims’ identities in press coverage of child victimization." Journalism 11.3 (2010): 347-367. //BWSWJ 6 +While media publicity is likely to have a negative effect on all victims, there is evidence to be particularly concerned about child victims. Children have the capacity for feelings of shame and embarrassment as early as 3 or 4 years old and research has demonstrated that by the age of 10, youth can experience shame just by guessing or assuming that others are evaluating them negatively (Abrams, 1988; Bennett, 1989; Bennett and Gillingham, 1991). Child abuse experts note that children may be more likely to develop shame in the wake of traumatic experiences because their views of themselves are still forming (Deblinger and Runyon, 2005). The effects of the publicity of their victimization may also be particularly hard on children because their self-concept is so dependent upon others, peers in particular (see for example, Adler and Adler, 1998; McLellan and Pugh, 1999). By middle childhood, anxiety about peer relationships intensifies and reputation becomes very important to children (Hill and Pillow, 2006; Parker and Gottman, 1989). Children as young as 8 years old perceive that associating with a stigmatized person may affect their own reputation (Bennett et al., 1998). The stigma of abuse or victimization could lead to avoidance and rejection by a child’s peers, which in turn is associated with isolation, loneliness, impaired school performance and the greater likelihood of future social problems that can persist into adulthood (Asher and Coie, 1990; Buhs and Ladd, 2001; Dodge et al., 2003). Furthermore, research on victimization and bullying suggests that a past history of victimization and a reputation as a victim sometimes causes children to be targeted for further hazing, exclusion and victimization (Schwartz et al., 1993). The US justice system already recognizes the need for particular protections for children. A key element of juvenile justice systems in almost all states is an enhanced level of confidentiality for juvenile offenders beyond the protections afforded to adult offenders – for example, sealed records and closed hearings (Regoli and Hewitt, 2006). These provisions are based in part on an assumption that stigma is particularly detrimental to the development of youth, and that it inhibits opportunities to grow beyond the constraints of unfavorable childhood circumstances. These same arguments also apply to juvenile victims. Child victims need to be able to trust that their privacy will be protected as much as possible by those whom they have turned to for help. The alternative means not only the risk of heightened distress, as the evidence presented above suggests, but also the possibility that fewer victims will come forward to get help at all. Victims are very concerned about the possibility that their private trauma may be broadcast publicly. In one study, over half the surveyed rape victims reported that they would be ‘a lot’ more likely to report an attack to the police if there was a law prohibiting the news media from disclosing their name 7 + 8 +Publishing personal info of child crime victims is extremely common – it puts children at risk 9 +Jones et al 10 Jones, Lisa M., David Finkelhor, and Jessica Beckwith. "Protecting victims’ identities in press coverage of child victimization." Journalism 11.3 (2010): 347-367. //BWSWJ 10 +Our review found that newspaper articles on child victimization commonly included identifying information about the child. In 51 percent of the articles we reviewed, at least one type of identifying information about the child was included. Table 2 presents the frequency with which different types of identifying information about the child were included in newspaper coverage for all reviewed articles. Rates were also calculated separately for articles covering sexual and non-sexual victimizations. The most directly identifying source of information, the child’s name, was included in 9 percent of the child victimization articles we reviewed. While it was rare for newspapers to publish the child’s name in reports of child sexual assault, the name was printed in 21 percent of the articles covering non-sexual assaults against children. In coverage of non-sexual victimizations (most typically physical abuse and neglect), we found that it was relatively common for newspapers to publish information about where the child lives, and to include the full name of either a non-offending caregiver or a family member offender. Overall, in newspaper coverage of non-sexual victimizations, at least one type of identifying information about children was included in 78 percent of the articles we reviewed. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,41 @@ 1 +====Confidence in government is low now==== 2 +Higgins 1/30 ~~Eoin Higgins, 1-30-2017, "The Left Needs to Go All the Way, and Demand Trump's Resignation," pastemagazine, https://www.pastemagazine.com/articles/2017/01/liberals-need-to-go-all-the-way-and-demand-trumps.html //BWSWJ~~ 3 +It’s not only Trump. The people have no confidence in their government as a 4 + 5 +AND 6 + 7 +and working to keep that cycle going with voter suppression and political repression. 8 + 9 + 10 + 11 +====Thus Counterplan Text: Public colleges and universities in the United States ought not restrict constitutionally protected speech to free speech zones except for protests within 500 feet of funerals by the Westboro Baptist Church==== 12 + 13 + 14 + 15 +====That competes==== 16 +NYT EDITORS 12 ~~Editors Page 8-12-2012, "Free Speech at Military Funerals," http://www.nytimes.com/2012/08/13/opinion/free-speech-at-military-funerals.html~~ 17 +The Constitution shields even hateful protests like those of the Westboro Baptist Church, which 18 + 19 +AND 20 + 21 +its message that God is punishing the United States for tolerance of homosexuality. 22 + 23 + 24 + 25 +====Allowing funeral protests kill trust in government – the counterplan solves==== 26 +Suesz 12 ~~Suesz, Kendra. "America versus Westboro Baptist Church: The Legal Battle to Preserve Peace at the Funerals of Fallen Soldiers." (2012) //BWSWJ~~ 27 +Funeral protest is a current and sensitive topic. Americans hold great pride and respect 28 + 29 +AND 30 + 31 +of spreading God's message that Americans are doomed to hell for tolerating homosexuality. 32 + 33 + 34 + 35 +====Distrust in government leads to the death of political opposition and resistance – turns the aff’s internal link==== 36 +Freeland Summarizing Hirschman 11 ~~Chrystia Freeland summarizing Hirschman (Albert Otto Hirschman was an influential economist and the author of several books on political economy and political ideology. His first major contribution was in the area of development economics. Here he emphasized the need for unbalanced growth) , 8-5-2011, "What happens when citizens lose faith in government?," Reuters, http://blogs.reuters.com/chrystia-freeland/2011/08/05/what-happens-when-citizens-lose-faith-in-government/ //BWSWJ~~ 37 +Tolstoy thought unhappy families were unique in their unhappiness. But when it comes to 38 + 39 +AND 40 + 41 +this age of exit, do we have much chance of reforming them? - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,3 @@ 1 +Numerous international law conventions require countries to place restrictions on any hate speech or discriminatory expression 2 +Bell 09 Bell, Jeannine. "Restraining the Heartless: Racist Speech and Minority Rights." Indiana Law Journal 84.3 (2009). https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1618848 //BWSWJ 3 +The approach taken … incite racial discrimination.108 - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,13 @@ 1 +Confidence in government is low now 2 +Higgins 1/30 Eoin Higgins, 1-30-2017, "The Left Needs to Go All the Way, and Demand Trump's Resignation," pastemagazine, https://www.pastemagazine.com/articles/2017/01/liberals-need-to-go-all-the-way-and-demand-trumps.html //BWSWJ 3 +It’s not only Trump. The people have no confidence in their government as a whole. A Quinnipiac poll from Jan. 25 finds the legislative body with an anemic 19 support among the American public. And while the GOP maintained its edge in the House of Representatives with a 2 million vote popular vote advantage, in the Senate over 11 million voters chose the Democrats over the GOP. The Senate totals can be adjusted to 6 million excepting California, which had two Democrats up for election. The Washington Post’s Aaron Blake argues that that total is misleading due to the states that voted for Senate this cycle. Yet the vote totals stand. More Americans voted for the a Democrat for President and for Senate in 2016, yet both the Executive Branch and the Senate are controlled by the GOP. These raw numbers tell a story. It’s a story of a government in which the minority are governing the majority and working to keep that cycle going with voter suppression and political repression. 4 +Thus Counterplan Text: Public colleges and universities in the United States should not restrict any constitutionally protected speech to free speech zones except for protests within 500 feet of funerals by the Westboro Baptist Church 5 +That competes 6 +NYT EDITORS 12 Editors Page 8-12-2012, "Free Speech at Military Funerals," http://www.nytimes.com/2012/08/13/opinion/free-speech-at-military-funerals.html 7 +The Constitution shields even hateful protests like those of the Westboro Baptist Church, which picketed at the funeral of Lance Cpl. Matthew Snyder using slogans like “God Hates the U.S.A.” to get out its message that God is punishing the United States for tolerance of homosexuality. 8 +Allowing funeral protests kill trust in government – the counterplan solves 9 +Suesz 12 Suesz, Kendra. "America versus Westboro Baptist Church: The Legal Battle to Preserve Peace at the Funerals of Fallen Soldiers." (2012) //BWSWJ 10 +Funeral protest is a current and sensitive topic. Americans hold great pride and respect for those who have risked and lost their lives fighting in the military. Policy makers are scrambling to do what they can to try and protect the family and friends of the deceased who are exposed to the WBC's demonstrations, but they must walk a thin line on the level of restrictions they can place on protesters. With the recent ruling of the Supreme Court in favor of the Westboro Baptist Church, the issue of funeral protests is still abuzz in many American people's minds. With so many Americans finding the group highly offensive, the ruling came as a shock. The Supreme Court argued that although the words of the WBC are not of popular opinion, the decision was correct in protecting the First Amendment rights as outlined in the U.S. Constitution. The government and other organizations, such as the ACLU, have argued that no matter how distasteful the message is, is to be protected under the Constitution. The counterargument that many lawmakers use is that when words are used to inflict injury towards those that are exposed to it than it should no longer deserve the protection of the First Amendment. This puts the government in a difficult situation of where to draw the line on First Amendment protection. The issue of funeral protest legislation is important and requires further research. Although the WBC holds a belief that is not shared by the majority of the American people and chooses to present it in an unsolicited way, it is their right as noted in the U.S. Constitution to assemble and express their freedom of speech. King et al. (2007) argues that protesters are in competition with lawmakers for attention on certain issues. In the case of funeral protesters and the WBC, they are testing lawmakers' patience and ability on how to handle the situation. As the WBC is pushing the boundaries of their freedom of speech, lawmakers are responding. I believe continuing research on state funeral protest legislation can be beneficial to understand how lawmakers interpret the law and how they use it to limit protest at funerals. State funeral protest statues are constantly changing, either being overturned by the court, or amended by state lawmakers. While lawmakers struggle to draft an acceptable law in the eyes of the Courts and First Amendment, changes are constantly being made and further distance restrictions are being proposed. It could be beneficial to interview state lawmakers to understand how they decided upon the restrictions used in their funeral protest legislation. More anthropological-focused research can follow the Westboro Baptist Church in an attempt to gain a better understanding of the group and their beliefs. It may also be beneficial to evaluate the group dynamic and effectiveness once their leader, Fred Phelps, has deceased. We may find that the WBC is similar to other groups who have been led by a charismatic leader, that when the leader moves on or dies, the organization also ceases to exist. Although Phelps has been grooming two of his daughters in leadership roles, Margie and Shirley, it will be interesting to know if the WBC can outlive its leader. What I must conclude on the issue of funeral protests laws is that the citizens of the United States has a strong military culture and an equally strong respect for the dead, and they have decided to fight for peaceful funerals. The country has endured difficult times over the past decade and the WBC has added distress upon many Americans with their funeral protests. Many people might consider the Westboro Baptist Church a terrorist group, and by having the U.S. government step in and limit their demonstrations may help restore Americans confidence in their government. The attention that the American citizens and government has given to the WBC has helped them succeed in their quest to spread their message and the "Word of God" to people around the country. The media has propelled the group to a level of national attention, bringing the WBC's message into nearly every American home. In response to their shocking behavior at the funerals of fallen soldiers, Americans has urged the government to take action. Unfortunately for the government, their unfamiliarity for handling such cases, has led them to create weak state funeral protest legislations as a knee-jerk reaction to the issue. This works in the WBC's favor when they challenge the laws in court and are awarded money to help fund their cause when the laws are found unconstitutional. As of yet, the WBC remains to be undeterred in their quest of spreading God's message that Americans are doomed to hell for tolerating homosexuality. 11 +Distrust in government leads to the death of political opposition – turns the aff’s internal link 12 +Freeland Summarizing Hirschman 11 Chrystia Freeland summarizing Hirschman (Albert Otto Hirschman was an influential economist and the author of several books on political economy and political ideology. His first major contribution was in the area of development economics. Here he emphasized the need for unbalanced growth) , 8-5-2011, "What happens when citizens lose faith in government?," Reuters, http://blogs.reuters.com/chrystia-freeland/2011/08/05/what-happens-when-citizens-lose-faith-in-government/ //BWSWJ 13 +Tolstoy thought unhappy families were unique in their unhappiness. But when it comes to countries, these days the world’s gloomy ones have a lot in common. From Fukushima to Athens, and from Washington to Wenzhou, China, the collective refrain is that government doesn’t work. “2011 will be the year of distrust in government,” said Richard Edelman, president and chief executive of Edelman, the world’s largest independent public relations firm. For the past decade, Mr. Edelman has conducted a global survey of which institutions we have confidence in and which ones are in the doghouse. In 2010, the villains were in the private sector — from BP, to Toyota, to Goldman Sachs, corporations and their executives were the ones behaving badly. But this year, Mr. Edelman said, we are losing faith in the state: “From the sovereign debt crisis in Europe, to the government’s response to the earthquake in Japan, from the high-speed rail crash in China, to the debt ceiling fight in Washington, people around the world are losing faith in their governments.” Even the Arab Spring, Mr. Edelman mused, was an extreme expression of the same breakdown in the people’s support for those who rule them. After that, though, the global parallels start to break down. In our kitchens, on Facebook, and in our public squares, a lot of us, in a lot of places, are talking about how we long to kick the bastards out. But how we act on that angry impulse varies widely. Figuring out when and how our private anger translates into public action, and of what kind, is one of the big questions in the world today. One answer comes from Ivan Krastev, a Bulgarian political scientist. One of Mr. Krastev’s special interests is in the resilience of authoritarian regimes in the 21st century. To understand why they endure, Mr. Krastev has turned to the thinking of the economist Albert O. Hirschman, who was born in Berlin in 1915 and eventually became one of America’s seminal thinkers. In 1970, while at Harvard, Mr. Hirschman wrote an influential meditation on how people respond to the decline of firms, organizations and states. He concluded that there are two options: exit — stop shopping at the store, quit your job, leave your country; and voice — speak to the manager, complain to your boss, or join the political opposition. For Mr. Krastev, this idea — the trade-off between exit and voice — is the key to understanding what he describes as the “perverse” stability of Vladimir V. Putin’s Russia. For all the prime minister’s bare-chested public displays of machismo, his version of authoritarianism, in Mr. Krastev’s view, is “vegetarian.” “It is fair to say that most Russians today are freer than in any other period of their history,” he wrote in an essay published this spring. But Mr. Krastev argues that it is precisely this “user-friendly” character of Mr. Putin’s authoritarianism that makes Russia stable. That is because Russia’s relatively porous dictatorship effectively encourages those people who dislike the regime most, and have the most capacity to resist it, to leave the country. They choose exit rather than voice, and the result is the death of political opposition: “Leaving the country in which they live is easier than reforming it.” Nowadays, the Chinese find little to emulate in Russia. That includes flavors of authoritarianism: Theirs is the more carnivorous variety, including locking up dissidents, rather than encouraging them to leave, and censoring the Internet, rather than allowing the intelligentsia to be free but ignored. Mr. Krastev’s thinking suggests a perverse possibility — that Mr. Putin’s slacker authoritarianism, while less able to deliver effective governance than the stricter Chinese version, may actually prove to be more enduring. The recent outburst of public rage in China over the high-speed rail crash is one piece of supporting evidence. Mr. Hirschman came up with his theory of exit and voice in the United States, and he believed that exit had been accorded “an extraordinarily privileged position in the American political tradition.” That was partly because the United States was populated by exiters and their descendants — immigrants who chose to leave home rather than reform it — and partly because for much of American history the frontier made it possible to choose exit without even leaving the country. For Americans, that sort of internal exit is no longer an option. Whatever you may think of the political agenda of the Tea Party, or of its wealthy supporters and media facilitators, it is at heart an ardent grass-roots movement whose angry and engaged participants have chosen voice over exit or apathy. But when you look at what they are using that voice to advocate, you may decide that Mr. Hirschman was right after all about the American national romance with exit. The Tea Party’s engaged citizens aren’t so much trying to reform government as to get rid of it — the only possible version of exit when the frontier is gone and you already live in the best country on earth. There is something, as Mr. Hirschman understood, particularly American about that impulse. But it may also be rooted in a theory about how to reform government that has been popular on both sides of the Atlantic in recent decades. That is the idea that creating competing, private-sector-operated alternatives to the public sector is a good way to force the state to raise its game. The charter school movement in the United States is one example. Prime Minister David Cameron’s advocacy of the Big Society is another. Looked at through Mr. Hirschman’s lens, however, these private providers of formerly state services may have quite a different effect. If they allow the best and the most disgruntled citizens to exit the state, they might make the state-supplied option worse, rather than better. As Mr. Hirschman argued: “This may be the reason public enterprise … has strangely been at its weakest in sectors such as transportation and education where it is subjected to competition: The presence of a ready and satisfactory substitute for the services public enterprise offers merely deprives it of a precious feedback mechanism that operates at its best when the customers are securely locked in.” The 21st century is the era of mass travel, open borders, instant communication and the affluent citizen-consumer. Russian oligarchs aren’t the only ones who can exit — a lot of us can. It is no wonder so many of us distrust our governments. But in this age of exit, do we have much chance of reforming them? - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-04-30 20:05:57.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Eric Emerson - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Peninsula JL - ParentRound
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +73 - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +6 - Team
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Brentwood Jackson Neg - Title
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +- TOC T Free Speech Zones - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +TOC
- Caselist.CitesClass[81]
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- Cites
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,17 @@ 1 +Counterplan text: Public colleges and universities in the United States should not restrict any constitutionally protected speech to free speech zones except for protests within 35 feet of abortion clinics. 2 + 3 +Students are demanding abortion clinics on campuses—they’re coming. Richardson 16 4 +Bradford Richardson, reporter for the Washington Times, “Student senate at UC Berkeley calls for on-campus abortion clinic,” March 23, 2016 http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2016/mar/23/student-senate-uc-berkeley-campus-abortion-clinic/ 5 +The student government at the University of California-Berkeley last week passed a resolution calling for the implementation of an abortion clinic on campus. Senate Resolution 69 urges the campus’s University Health Services to “implement medical abortion services” at the school’s health center. “The bill states that UC Berkeley students should have access to legal and safe medical abortions,” according to student newspaper the Daily Californian. Students said the lack of an abortion facility on campus constitutes a health risk to those who do not have time to travel to an off-campus location. 6 + 7 +Preventing free speech around abortion clinics is unconstitutional; SCOTUS precedent proves. McVeigh 14 8 +Karen McVeigh, reporter for the Guardian, “Abortion clinic 'buffer zones' violate first amendment – supreme court,” June 26, 2014 https://www.theguardian.com/law/2014/jun/26/buffer-zone-rule-abortion-clinics-supreme-court 9 +The US supreme court struck down a Massachusetts law ensuring a 35-foot protective “buffer zones” outside abortion clinics, ruling that it violated the first amendment by preventing the free speech of anti-abortion protesters. In a unanimous decision, the court said the zone was too sweeping, intruding onto public sidewalks where free debate and leafletting traditionally take place. The decision, which was relatively narrow, allows the state an opportunity to enact a new, less restrictive law. It did not overturn a previous supreme court decision in 2000, which upheld a buffer zone in Colorado. The 2007 law was aimed at keeping protesters at least 35 feet from the entrance to prevent clashes between opponents and advocates of abortion rights that were occurring outside healthcare clinics. “The buffer zones burden substantially more speech than necessary to achieve the Commonwealth’s asserted interests,” the court said. 10 + 11 +Protestors outside clinics intimidate and harass women seeking abortions. Hostetler 97 12 +Darrin Alan Hostetler, “Face-to-Face with the First Amendment: Schenck v. Pro-Choice Network and the Right to "Approach and Offer" in Abortion Clinic Protests,” 1997 13 +Project Rescue repeatedly gathered large numbers of demonstrators at the clinic, where they formed a picket line, chanted antiabortion slogans, and attempted to intercept women entering the building, offering them antiabortion literature and asking that they stop and talk to one of Project Rescue's sidewalk counselors before proceeding with their abortions.7 There were several documented incidents in which protesters trespassed onto clinic parking lots, blocked doorways and driveways, and occasionally followed women into the clinic itself.8 The protests sometimes degenerated into the "jostling, grab- bing, pushing, and shoving" of women as they attempted to enter the clinic.9 In fact, "many of the 'sidewalk counselors' and other defendants had been arrested on more than one occasion for harassment."10 14 + 15 +Inability to access abortion resources leads to college dropouts and decreased engagement. Palissian 16 16 +Sareen Palissian reporter for the Daily Trojan, “Berkeley abortion bill reflects national need,” April 26, 2016, http://dailytrojan.com/2016/04/26/berkeley-abortion-bill-reflects-national-need/ 17 +When 44 percent of abortion seekers are ages 18 to 24 and only 1.3 percent of American universities offer medical abortions in their campus health centers, a supply and demand problem ensues. Unplanned pregnancy is also strongly correlated with dropout rates, especially for students in financial need and those attending community colleges. According to the National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy, pregnancy prompts one in 10 dropouts among female community college students and 7 percent of dropouts among both men and women overall. Of all community college students who are unable to obtain an abortion or do not want one and carry their pregnancies to term, 61 percent do not graduate, and the vast majority of them who manage to stay enrolled take over six years to complete a bachelor’s degree. The ill effects of unplanned pregnancy in college are enough to warrant widespread abortion reform. - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-04-30 20:05:58.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Eric Emerson - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Peninsula JL - ParentRound
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +73 - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +6 - Team
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Brentwood Jackson Neg - Title
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +- TOC Abortion Zones PIC - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +TOC
- Caselist.RoundClass[62]
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- EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-02-19 04:44:31.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Matt Conrad - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Loyola - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +3 - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Berkeley
- Caselist.RoundClass[63]
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- Cites
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +72 - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-02-19 04:44:48.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Matt Conrad - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Loyola - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +3 - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Berkeley
- Caselist.RoundClass[64]
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- Cites
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +73 - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-02-20 20:44:29.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Joseph, James, and Hughes - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Lynbrook YZ - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Triples - RoundReport
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,5 @@ 1 +1AC - Kant 2 +1NC - Must spec evaluative method Virtue Case 3 +1AR - Must have neg advocacy text all 4 +2NR - Theory Kant 5 +2AR - Theory - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Berkeley
- Caselist.RoundClass[66]
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- EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-03-03 20:59:43.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +READ THIS - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +READ THIS - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Finals - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +READ THIS
- Caselist.RoundClass[67]
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- Cites
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +74 - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-03-03 21:00:05.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +READ THIS - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +READ THIS - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Finals - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +READ THIS
- Caselist.RoundClass[68]
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- Cites
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +75 - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-03-04 22:04:33.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Torson - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +HW VC - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +3 - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +USC
- Caselist.RoundClass[69]
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- Cites
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +76,77 - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-03-04 22:08:29.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Torson - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +HW VC - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +3 - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +USC
- Caselist.RoundClass[70]
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- Cites
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +78 - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-03-06 03:21:51.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Panel - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Jonas Swagbarillec - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Semis - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +USC
- Caselist.RoundClass[71]
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- Cites
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +79 - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-04-30 14:50:40.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Danny Li - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Scarsdale ZG - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +4 - RoundReport
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,5 @@ 1 +1AC - Constitutionality 2 +1NC - 3 shells Ilaw Turn Presume Neg Case 3 +1AR - All 4 +2NR - Theory Presumption 5 +2AR - Theory - Tournament
-
... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +TOC
- Caselist.RoundClass[72]
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- EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-04-30 20:05:18.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Eric Emerson - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Peninsula JL - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +6 - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +TOC
- Caselist.RoundClass[73]
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- Cites
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +80,81 - EntryDate
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +2017-04-30 20:05:55.0 - Judge
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Eric Emerson - Opponent
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +Peninsula JL - Round
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +6 - Tournament
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... ... @@ -1,0 +1,1 @@ 1 +TOC