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Summary

Details

Caselist.CitesClass[22]
Cites
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1 -Interp: debaters not run more than one conditional advocacy
2 -
3 -1. Education
4 -2. Fairness
5 -3. Ground
6 -4. Skills
EntryDate
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1 -2017-01-17 00:03:10.0
Judge
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1 -Brian Devine
Opponent
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1 -Brookfield East TG
ParentRound
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1 -23
Round
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1 -Octas
Team
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1 -Appleton East Moorhead Aff
Title
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1 -0- no condo pls
Tournament
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1 -Alexandra Hoechrel Challenge
Caselist.CitesClass[23]
Cites
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1 -The role of the ballot is to vote for the best political strategy for liberation of the oppressed and that creates the best framework for education
2 -Giroux 10
3 -Henry Giroux. “Rethinking Education As The Practice of Freedom: Paulo Freire and the Promise of Critical Pedagogy.” Truthout. January 3rd, 2010. http://archive.truthout.org/10309_Giroux_Freire
4 -a) Paulo was a cosmopolitan intellectual, who never overlooked the details in everyday life and
5 -b) AND
6 -c) we are unlikely to get the truth since we aren’t considering all perspectives.
7 -
8 -This requires a change in the way education itself is conceived. The education system is dominated by Neoliberal ideology, which has been indoctrinated through public education Hyslop 12
9 -Hyslop-Margison, Emery. "Post Neo-Liberalism And The Humanities: What The Repressive State Apparatus Means For Universities." Canadian Journal of Higher Education. 2012.
10 -The discourse that dominates current public education policy development suggests that neo-liberal logic
11 -AND
12 -and political studies, might be eliminated through a lack of public funding.
13 -
14 -The ideology created in public education celebrates neoliberalism, while professors breaking down oppressive structures are fired by powerful lobbyist groups, a democratized version of free speech is key to breaking down oppression Khan 15
15 -http://www.anarchistagency.com/commentary/masking-oppression-as-free-speech-an-anarchist-take/ “MASKING OPPRESSION AS “FREE SPEECH”: AN ANARCHIST TAKE”; October 28, 2015 Tariq Khan
16 -Last year the American Indian Studies Program at the University of Illinois, Urbana-
17 -AND
18 -go unchecked under the guise of a disingenuous notion of “free speech.”
19 -
20 -Neoliberalist public education is only being used as a tool to destroy education and eliminate critical ideas Hyslop 12
21 -Hyslop-Margison, Emery. "Post Neo-Liberalism And The Humanities: What The Repressive State Apparatus Means For Universities." Canadian Journal of Higher Education. 2012.
22 -We believe the importance of public discursive spaces to democratic society and the current threats
23 -AND
24 -the pressure to say something false or hasty” (p. 51).
25 -
26 -The attack on the university has led to the government restricting the free flow of scholarly ideas, using the war on terror to justify the denial of intellectual’s visa’s and destroying any critical thought Giroux 06
27 -“Henry A. Giroux” “Fall 2006 “Academic Freedom Under Fire: The Case for Critical Pedagogy; pp. 1-42 | 10.1353/lit.2006.0051
28 -In light if this authoritarian agenda, the Bush administration has made it difficult for
29 -AND
30 -restricting open inquiry, critical knowledge, and dissent in the United States.
31 -
32 -Part 2 is Solvency
33 -
34 -Plan Text: Public Colleges and Universities ought to critically interrogate educational perspectives to respect the constitutional rights for free speech to help oppressed fringes of society
35 -
36 -Critical Pedagogy is necessary for educators to break down oppressive structures throughout society, it is the imperative of educators to endorse a critical pedagogy Giroux 06
37 -“Henry A. Giroux” “Fall 2006 “Academic Freedom Under Fire: The Case for Critical Pedagogy; pp. 1-42 | 10.1353/lit.2006.0051
38 -While most defenders of the university as a democratic public sphere rightly argue that the
39 -AND
40 -now at risk in the latest and most dangerous attack on higher education.
41 -
42 -The purpose of the university is to challenge student’s worldview, not inoculate current ideologies Giroux 06
43 -“Henry A. Giroux” “Fall 2006 “Academic Freedom Under Fire: The Case for Critical Pedagogy; pp. 1-42 | 10.1353/lit.2006.0051
44 -What is disturbing about these instances is that aggrieved students and their sympathizers appear entirely
45 -AND
46 -Politcal Correctness is a tool used right win pundits to suppress oppressed people’s voices
47 -
48 -The assault of right wing organization on freedom in the academy epistemologically corrupt knowledge and perpetuate oppressive norms, we need to endorse a different form of education to fix the assault on higher education Giroux 06
49 -“Henry A. Giroux” “Fall 2006 “Academic Freedom Under Fire: The Case for Critical Pedagogy; pp. 1-42 | 10.1353/lit.2006.0051
50 -One gets the sense that conservative educators from Lynne Cheney to Ann D. Neal
51 -AND
52 -one of the very few remaining democratic public spheres in the United States today
53 -
54 -Today ideas of political correctness are used as a tool used right win pundits to suppress oppressed people’s voices Bryant Williams et al 16
55 -Bryant William Sculos and Sean Noah Walsh (2016): The Counterrevolutionary Campus: Herbert Marcuse and the Suppression of Student Protest Movements, New Political Science, DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2016.1228580
56 -Besides the hypocritical critiques from right-wing pundits and presidential candidates, what the
57 -AND
58 -are threatened to be silenced, and silenced as university or state policy.
59 -
60 -Balance is a flawed concept that is used to censor liberal ideas Giroux 06
61 -“Henry A. Giroux” “Fall 2006 “Academic Freedom Under Fire: The Case for Critical Pedagogy; pp. 1-42 | 10.1353/lit.2006.0051
62 -As Stanley Fish has argued, balance is a flawed concept and should be understood
63 -AND
64 -interlocutors presume that liberal academics are to be equated with an evil menace.
65 -
66 -Part 3 is the Underview
67 -
68 -Aff gets RVIs on I meets and counter-interps because
69 -(a) 1AR timeskew means I can’t cover theory and still have a fair shot on substance.
70 -(b) no risk theory would give neg a free source of no risk offense which allows him to moot the AC.
71 -2. The neg must defend one unconditional advocacy. Conditionality is bad because it makes the neg a moving target which kills 1AR strategy. He’ll kick it if I cover it and extend it if I undercover it, meaning I have no strategic options. Also, it’s unreciprocal because I can’t kick the AC.
72 -Kritik without real solutions is doomed to fail, we need to start building real solutions to the problem, liberating against oppression requires material change in ideological spaces Bryan William et al 16
73 -Bryant William Sculos and Sean Noah Walsh (2016): The Counterrevolutionary Campus: Herbert Marcuse and the Suppression of Student Protest Movements, New Political Science, DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2016.1228580
74 -Importantly, we must not limit ourselves to merely critiquing existing oppressions, or just
75 -AND
76 -embodied that impetus here and shown it to be more relevant than ever.
77 -
78 -Higher educational facilities destroy environmental policy discussion Khan 16
79 -Kahn, Richard. "Operation Get Fired: A Chronicle Of The Academic Repression Of Radical
80 -Environmentalist And Animal R." Antioch University. November 2016.
81 -http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.492.988andrep=rep1andtype=pdf
82 -In closing this section, attention must be paid to the manner in which higher
83 -AND
84 -which works in ways that serve to damage academia’s intellectual and civic mission.
EntryDate
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1 -2017-01-17 00:07:20.0
Judge
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1 -Josh You
Opponent
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1 -La Canada AZ
ParentRound
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -24
Round
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -1
Team
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1 -Appleton East Moorhead Aff
Title
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1 -JANFEB- Pedagogy AC
Tournament
... ... @@ -1,1 +1,0 @@
1 -Blake
Caselist.CitesClass[24]
Cites
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1 -Part 1 is Neoliberalism
2 -
3 -In the status quo Neoliberalism has led to the rise of Trump and destroyed critical thought, destroying culture and making ethical calculations impossible leading to the militarization of society, action now is key to breaking down this structure Giroux 16
4 -Henry A Giroux; "Donald Trump and the Plague of Atomization in a Neoliberal Age"; August 8th 2016; (www.truth-out.org/opinion/item/37133-donald-trump-and-the-plague-of-atomization-in-a- neoliberal-age)
5 -
6 -This week, Donald Trump lowered the bar even further by attacking the Muslim parents of US Army Captain Humayan Khan, who was killed in 2004 by a suicide bomber while he was trying to save the lives of the men in his unit. This stunt was just the latest example of his chillingly successful media strategy, which is based not on changing consciousness but on freezing it within a flood of shocks, sensations and simplistic views. It was of a piece with Trump's past provocations, such as his assertion that Mexicans who illegally entered the country are rapists and drug dealers, his effort to defame Fox News host Megyn Kelly by referring to her menstrual cycle, and his questioning of the heroism and bravery of former prisoner-of-war Senator John McCain. This media strategy only succeeds due to the deep cultural and political effects of neoliberalism in our society ~-~- effects that include widespread atomization and depoliticization. For more original Truthout election coverage, check out our election section, "Beyond the Sound Bites: Election 2016." I have recently returned to reading Leo Lowenthal, particularly his insightful essay, "Terror's Atomization of Man," first published in the January 1, 1946 issue of Commentary and reprinted in his book, False Prophets: Studies in Authoritarianism. He writes about the atomization of human beings under a state of fear that approximates a kind of updated fascist terror. What he understood with great insight, even in 1946, is that democracy cannot exist without the educational, political and formative cultures and institutions that make it possible. He observed that atomized individuals are not only prone to the forces of depoliticization but also to the false swindle and spirit of demagogues, to discourses of hate, and to appeals that demonize and objectify the Other. Lowenthal is helpful in illuminating the relationship between the underlying isolation individuals feel in an age of precarity, uncertainty and disposability and the dark shadows of authoritarianism threatening to overcome the United States. Within this new historical conjuncture, finance capital rules, producing extremes of wealth for the 1 percent, promoting cuts to government services, and defunding investments in public goods, such as public and higher education, in order to offset tax reductions for the ultra-rich and big corporations. Meanwhile millions are plunged into either the end-station of poverty or become part of the mass incarceration state. Mass fear is normalized as violence increasingly becomes the default logic for handling social problems. In an age where everything is for sale, ethical accountability is rendered a liability and the vocabulary of empathy is viewed as a weakness, reinforced by the view that individual happiness and its endless search for instant gratification is more important than supporting the public good and embracing an obligation to care for others. Americans are now pitted against each other as neoliberalism puts a premium on competitive cage-like relations that degrade collaboration and the public spheres that support it. To read more articles by Henry A. Giroux and other authors in the Public Intellectual Project, click here. Within neoliberal ideology, an emphasis on competition in every sphere of life promotes a winner-take-all ethos that finds its ultimate expression in the assertion that fairness has no place in a society dominated by winners and losers. As William Davies points out, competition in a market-driven social order allows a small group of winners to emerge while at the same time sorting out and condemning the vast majority of institutions, organizations and individuals "to the status of losers." As has been made clear in the much publicized language of Donald Trump, both as a reality TV host of "The Apprentice" and as a presidential candidate, calling someone a "loser" has little to do with them losing in the more general sense of the term. On the contrary, in a culture that trades in cruelty and divorces politics from matters of ethics and social responsibility, "loser" is now elevated to a pejorative insult that humiliates and justifies not only symbolic violence, but also (as Trump has made clear in many of his rallies) real acts of violence waged against his critics, such as members of the Movement for Black Lives. As Greg Elmer and Paula Todd observe, "to lose is possible, but to be a 'loser' is the ultimate humiliation that justifies taking extreme, even immoral measures." They write: We argue that the Trumpesque "loser" serves as a potent new political symbol, a caricature that Trump has previously deployed in his television and business careers to sidestep complex social issues and justify winning at all costs. As the commercial for his 1980s board game "Trump" enthused, "It's not whether you win or lose, but whether you win!" Indeed, in Trump's world, for some to win many more must lose, which helps explain the breath-taking embrace by some of his racist, xenophobic, and misogynist communication strategy. The more losers ~-~- delineated by Trump based on every form of "otherism" ~-~- the better the odds of victory. Atomization fueled by a fervor for unbridled individualism produces a pathological disdain for community, public values and the public good. As democratic pressures are weakened, authoritarian societies resort to fear, so as to ward off any room for ideals, visions and hope. Efforts to keep this room open are made all the more difficult by the ethically tranquilizing presence of a celebrity and commodity culture that works to depoliticize people. The realms of the political and the social imagination wither as shared responsibilities and obligations give way to an individualized society that elevates selfishness, avarice and militaristic modes of competition as its highest organizing principles. Under such circumstances, the foundations for stability are being destroyed, with jobs being shipped overseas, social provisions destroyed, the social state hollowed out, public servants and workers under a relentless attack, students burdened with the rise of a neoliberal debt machine, and many groups considered disposable. At the same time, these acts of permanent repression are coupled with new configurations of power and militarization normalized by a neoliberal regime in which an ideology of mercilessness has become normalized; under such conditions, one dispenses with any notion of compassion and holds others responsible for problems they face, problems over which they have no control. In this case, shared responsibilities and hopes have been replaced by the isolating logic of individual responsibility, a false notion of resiliency, and a growing resentment toward those viewed as strangers. We live in an age of death-dealing loneliness, isolation and militarized atomization. If you believe the popular press, loneliness is reaching epidemic proportions in advanced industrial societies. A few indices include the climbing suicide rate of adolescent girls; the rising deaths of working-class, less-educated white men; and the growing drug overdose crises raging across small towns and cities throughout America. Meanwhile, many people often interact more with their cell phones, tablets and computers than they do with embodied subjects. Disembodiment in this view is at the heart of a deeply alienating neoliberal society in which people shun in-person relationships for virtual ones. In this view, the warm glow of the computer screen can produce and reinforce a new type of alienation, isolation and sense of loneliness. At the same time, it is important to note that in some cases digital technologies have also enabled young people who are hyper-connected to their peers online to increase their face-to-face time by coordinating spontaneous meetups, in addition to staying connected with each other near-constantly virtually. How this dialectic plays out will in part be determined by the degree to which young people can be educated to embrace modes of agency in which a connection to other human beings, however diverse, becomes central to their understanding of the value of creating bonds of sociality. Needless to say, however, blaming the internet itself ~-~- which has also helped forge connections, and has facilitated movement-building and much wider accessibility of information ~-~- is too easy. We live in a society in which notions of dependence, compassion, mutuality, care for the other and sociality are undermined by a neoliberal ethic in which self-interest and greed become the organizing principles of one's life and a survival-of-the fittest ethic breeds a culture that at best promotes an indifference to the plight of others and at worst, a disdain for the less fortunate and support for a widespread culture of cruelty. Isolated individuals do not make up a healthy democratic society. New Forms of Alienation and Isolation A more theoretical language produced by Marx talked about alienation as a separation from the fruits of one's labor. While that is certainly truer than ever, the separation and isolation now is more extensive and governs the entirety of social life in a consumer-based society run by the demands of commerce and the financialization of everything. Isolation, privatization and the cold logic of instrumental rationality have created a new kind of social formation and social order in which it becomes difficult to form communal bonds, deep connections, a sense of intimacy, and long term commitments. Neoliberalism fosters the viewing of pain and suffering as entertainment, warfare a permanent state of existence, and militarism as the most powerful force shaping masculinity. Politics has taken an exit from ethics and thus the issue of social costs is divorced from any form of intervention in the world. For example, under neoliberalism, economic activity is removed from its ethical and social consequences and takes a flight from any type of moral consideration. This is the ideological metrics of political zombies. The key word here is atomization, and it is the defining feature of neoliberal societies and the scourge of democracy. At the heart of any type of politics wishing to challenge this flight into authoritarianism is not merely the recognition of economic structures of domination, but something more profound ~-~- a politics which points to the construction of particular identities, values, social relations, or more broadly, agency itself. Central to such a recognition is the fact that politics cannot exist without people investing something of themselves in the discourses, images and representations that come at them daily. Rather than suffering alone, lured into the frenzy of hateful emotion, individuals need to be able to identify ~-~- see themselves and their daily lives ~-~- within progressive critiques of existing forms of domination and how they might address such issues not individually but collectively. This is a particularly difficult challenge today because the menace of atomization is reinforced daily not only by a coordinated neoliberal assault against any viable notion of the social but also by an authoritarian and finance-based culture that couples a rigid notion of privatization with a flight from any sense of social and moral responsibility. The culture apparatuses controlled by the 1 percent, including the mainstream media and entertainment industries, are the most powerful educational forces in society and they have become disimagination machines ~-~- apparatuses of misrecognition and brutality. Collective agency is now atomized, devoid of any viable embrace of the social. Under such circumstances, domination does not merely repress through its apparatuses of terror and violence, but also ~-~- as Pierre Bourdieu argues ~-~- through the intellectual and pedagogical, which "lie on the side of belief and persuasion." Too many people on the left have defaulted on this enormous responsibility for recognizing the educative nature of politics and the need for appropriating the tools, if not weapons, provided by the symbolic and pedagogical for challenging this form of domination, working
7 -
8 -
9 -Neoliberalism shapes any other moral framework, achieving morality is impossible if we do not address neoliberalism
10 -Thus, the role of the ballot is to vote for the debater best who resists neoliberalism to reclaim higher education
11 -Prefer my FW because any other ethical criteria refuses to question the power relations in society destroying education
12 -Giroux 13 (Henry, American scholar and cultural critic. One of the founding theorists of critical pedagogy in the United States, he is best known for his pioneering work in public pedagogy, “Public Intellectuals Against the Neoliberal University,” 29 October 2013, http://www.truth-out.org/opinion/item/19654-public-intellectuals-against-the-neoliberal-university)//
13 -
14 -Increasingly, as universities are shaped by an audit culture, the call to be objective and impartial, whatever one's intentions, can easily echo what George Orwell called the official truth or the establishment point of view. Lacking a self-consciously democratic political focus, teachers are often reduced, or reduce themselves, to the role of a technician or functionary engaged in formalistic rituals, unconcerned with the disturbing and urgent problems that confront the larger society or the consequences of one's pedagogical practices and research undertakings. Hiding behind appeals to balance and objectivity, too many scholars refuse to recognize that being committed to something does not cancel out what C. Wright Mills once called hard thinking. Teaching needs to be rigorous, self-reflective, and committed not to the dead zone of instrumental rationality but to the practice of freedom, to a critical sensibility capable of advancing the parameters of knowledge, addressing crucial social issues, and connecting private troubles and public issues. In opposition to the instrumental model of teaching, with its conceit of political neutrality and its fetishization of measurement, I argue that academics should combine the mutually interdependent roles of critical educator and active citizen. This requires finding ways to connect the practice of classroom teaching with important social problems and the operation of power in the larger society while providing the conditions for students to view themselves as critical agents capable of making those who exercise authority and power answerable for their actions. Higher education cannot be decoupled from what Jacques Derrida calls a democracy to come, that is, a democracy that must always "be open to the possibility of being contested, of contesting itself, of criticizing and indefinitely improving itself."33 Within this project of possibility and impossibility, critical pedagogy must be understood as a deliberately informed and purposeful political and moral practice, as opposed to one that is either doctrinaire, instrumentalized or both. Moreover, a critical pedagogy should also gain part of its momentum in higher education among students who will go back to the schools, churches, synagogues and workplaces to produce new ideas, concepts and critical ways of understanding the world in which young people and adults live. This is a notion of intellectual practice and responsibility that refuses the professional neutrality and privileged isolation of the academy. It also affirms a broader vision of learning that links knowledge to the power of self-definition and to the capacities of students to expand the scope of democratic freedoms, particularly those that address the crisis of education, politics, and the social as part and parcel of the crisis of democracy itself. In order for critical pedagogy, dialogue and thought to have real effects, they must advocate that all citizens, old and young, are equally entitled, if not equally empowered, to shape the society in which they live. This is a commitment we heard articulated by the brave students who fought tuition hikes and the destruction of civil liberties and social provisions in Quebec and to a lesser degree in the Occupy Wall Street movement. If educators are to function as public intellectuals, they need to listen to young people who are producing a new language in order to talk about inequality and power relations, attempting to create alternative democratic public spaces, rethinking the very nature of politics, and asking serious questions about what democracy is and why it no longer exists in many neoliberal societies. These young people who are protesting the 1 recognize that they have been written out of the discourses of justice, equality and democracy and are not only resisting how neoliberalism has made them expendable, they are arguing for a collective future very different from the one that is on display in the current political and economic systems in which they feel trapped. These brave youth are insisting that the relationship between knowledge and power can be emancipatory, that their histories and experiences matter, and that what they say and do counts in their struggle to unlearn dominating privileges, productively reconstruct their relations with others, and transform, when necessary, the world around them
15 -
16 -Current norms use free speech zones to justify the repression of free speech, the law justifies this oppression, claiming that civil disobedience is an act of terrorism. Mitchell 03
17 -Don Mitchell, Distinguished Professor of Geography at Syracuse’s Maxwell School: 2003 (“The Liberalization of Free Speech: Or, How Protest in Public Space is Silenced” Stanford Agora Vol. 4 p.43-45 Available at agora.stanford.edu/agora/volume4/articles/mitchell/mitchell.pdf Accessed on 12/11/16)
18 -
19 -As the preceding argument has indicated, the liberalization of free speech has not always been progressive. And it has not been progressive in both senses of the term. It has not marched steadily forward, uninterrupted, towards the shining light of freedom, to become ever more liberal, ever more just. Rather, to the degree it has been liberalized, this has occurred in fits and starts, with frequent steps backwards or to the side rather than forward. Like any social history, that is, the history of free speech is not a linear one of ever-expanding enlightenment; like any social history it is a history of ongoing struggle. Nor has it been progressive in the sense of necessarily more just, as a close focus on the geography of speech makes clear. Geographical analysis has shown that what sometimes appears as a progressive reinforcement of a right to speech and assembly is really (or is also) in fact a means towards its suppression.169 Nonetheless, whatever rights have been won, have been won through struggle and often not by following the law, but by breaking it. Civil disobedience, by labor activists and other picketers, by civil rights marchers, by anti-war protesters, and by Free Speech activists (as with the Free Speech Movement in Berkeley in the sixties), has forced often illiberal theories of speech and assembly to be reconsidered. But against these struggles has to be set a history of governmental recidivism: the Palmer raids and Red Scare of 1919-1920, the Smith Act of 1940, the McCarthy era, and the antics of COINTELPRO in the 1960s and 1970s, are just a few of the more well-known moments of repression, often cloaked in law and justified as urgent “legitimate state interests” at a time when serious challenges were being made to the “established order” or when other exigent factors induced panic within the government and the public at large. The history of speech and assembly, that is, can be told as an on-going struggle against recurring illiberalism. We are, most likely, now reentering an illiberal phase, and if I am right that civil disobedience has always been necessary to winning and securing rights to assembly and speech, there is a great deal to be deeply concerned about. For the closing off of space to protest has made civil disobedience all the more necessary right at the moment when new laws make civil disobedience not just illegal, but potentially terroristic. The witch’s brew of Supreme Court spatial regulation of speech and assembly and new antiterrorism laws portends deep trouble for those of us who think we have a duty as well as a right to transform our government when we think it is in the wrong, a duty and a right for which street protest is sometimes the only resource. Within six weeks of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, Congress had passed, and the President signed into law, the Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act of 2001 (USA PATRIOT Act).170 Among its many provisions, the Act defines as domestic terrorism, and therefore covered under the Act, “acts dangerous to human life that are in violation of the criminal laws,” if they “appear to be intended … to influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion” and if they “occur primarily within the territorial jurisdiction of the United States.”171 As Nancy Chang argues: Acts of civil disobedience that take place in the United States necessarily meet three of the five elements in the definition of domestic terrorism: they constitute a “violation of the criminal laws,” they are “intended … to influence the policy of a government,” and they “occur primarily within the territorial jurisdiction of the United States.” Many acts of civil disobedience, including the blocking of streets and points of egress by nonviolent means during a demonstration or sit-in, could be construed as “acts dangerous to human life” that appear to be intended to influence the policy of a government “by intimidation or coercion,” which case they would meet the crimes remaining elements…. As a result, protest activities that previously would most likely have ended with a charge of disorderly conduct under a local ordinance can now lead to federal prosecution and conviction for terrorism.172 As the space for protest has become more and more tightly zoned, the likelihood that laws will be broken in the course of a demonstration – a demonstration seeking to “influence a policy of government” – increases. And, of course, the very reason for engaging in a demonstration is to coerce, even if it is not to directly “intimidate.” One should not be sanguine about the “or” placed between intimidate and coerce. It means just what it says: coercion or intimidation will be enough for prosecution.173 Now even civil disobedience can be construed as an act of terrorism. The intersection of the new repressive state apparatus being constructed in the wake of September 11 with nearly a century of speech and assembly “liberalization” portends a frightening new era in the history of speech and assembly in America. We may soon come to long for those days when protest in public space was only silenced through the strategic geography of the public forum doctrine.
20 -
21 -This ideology criminalizes free speech when it becomes effective destroying the possibility of discourse to fight against neoliberalism Mitchell 03
22 -Don Mitchell, Distinguished Professor of Geography at Syracuse’s Maxwell School: 2003 (“The Liberalization of Free Speech: Or, How Protest in Public Space is Silenced” Stanford Agora Vol. 4 p.9-14 Available at agora.stanford.edu/agora/volume4/articles/mitchell/mitchell.pdf Accessed on 12/11/16)
23 -
24 -There is an additional result of Holmes’s declaration about the value of speech in Abrams. Whereas the First Amendment is silent on why speech is to be protected from Congressional interference,44 Holmes makes it clear that the protection of speech serves a particular purpose: improving the state.45 Indeed, he quickly admits that speech likely to harm the state can be outlawed.46 And neither he nor the Court ever moved away from the “clear and present danger” test of Schenck.47 Speech, Holmes argues, is a good insofar as it helps promote and protect the “truth” of the state.48 There is a large amount of room allowed here for criticism of the state, but it can still be quieted by anything that can reasonably construed as a “legitimate state interest” (like protecting the property rights of a company subject to a strike).49 According to the Gitlow Court (if not Holmes, who did not see in Gitlow’s pamphlet enough of a clear and present danger), any speech that “endangers the foundations of organized government and threatens its overthrow by unlawful means” can be banned.50 Note here that speech does not have to advocate the overthrow of government; rather, it can be banned if through its persuasiveness others might seek to overthrow the government.51 On such grounds all manner of manifestos, and many types of street speaking, may be banned. And more broadly, as evidenced in picketing cases like American Steel Foundries, a similar prohibition may be placed on speech that, again through its persuasiveness (e.g. as to the unjustness of some practice or event) rather than through direct exhortation, may incite people to violence. Of course, speech (and its sister right, assembly), must take place somewhere and it must implicate some set of spatial relations, some regime of control over access to places to speak and places to listen.52 Consequently, the limits to speech, or more accurately the means of limiting speech, become increasingly geographic beginning in utopian. 13
25 -1939 in the case Hague v. CIO, when the Supreme Court finally recognized that public spaces like streets and parks were necessary not only to speech itself but to political organizing.53 The problem is not always exactly what is said, but where it is said. At issue in Hague was whether the rights to speech and assembly extends to the use of the streets and other public places for political purposes, and in what ways that use could be regulated. The Court based its decision in a language of common law, arguing that “wherever the title of the streets and parks may rest, they have immemorially been held in trust for use of the public and, time out of mind, have been used for purposes of assembly, communicating thoughts between citizens, and discussing public questions.”54 But whatever the roots for such a claim may be in common law, it hardly stands historical scrutiny in the United States, where the violent repression of street politics has always been as much a feature of urban life as its promotion.55 That makes Hague v. CIO a landmark decision: it states clearly for the first time that “the use of the streets and parks for the communication of views on national questions may be regulated in the interest of all … but it must not, in the guise of regulation, be abridged or denied.”56 At the same time, the Court made it clear that protected speech in public spaces was always to be “exercised in subordination to the general comfort and convenience, and in consonance with peace and good order….”57 The question, then, became one of finding the ways to regulate speech (and associated conduct) such that order – and even “general comfort” – was always maintained. The answers to that question were spatial. They were based on a regulation of urban geography in the name of both “good order” and “general comfort” and of the rights to speech and assembly. Speech rights needed to be balanced against other interests and desires. But order and comfort, it ought to go without saying, suggest a much lower threshold than does “clear and present danger.” While recognizing in a new way a fundamental right to speech and assembly, that is, the Hague court in fact found a language to severely limit that right, and perhaps even to limit it more effectively than had heretofore been possible. To put this another way (and as I will argue more fully below), the new spatial order of speech and assembly that the Court began constructing in Hague allowed for the full flowering of a truly liberal speech regime: a regime for which we are all, in fact, the poorer.
26 -
27 -The silencing of free speech has spread through education, which has been coopted by neoliberalism, protests and free speech are key to democratize education, Chile proves Williams 15
28 -Jo Williams (Lecturer, College of Education at Victoria University), "Remaking education from below: the Chilean student movement as public pedagogy," Australian Journal of Adult Learning, November 2015
29 -
30 -More than ever the crisis of schooling represents, at large, the crisis of democracy itself and any attempt to understand the attack on public schooling and higher education cannot be separated from the wider assault on all forms of public life not driven by the logic of the market (Giroux, 2003:7) “Fin al lucro en educación, nuestros sueños no les pertenecen” (end profit making in education, nobody owns our dreams 1 ) (slogan of the Chilean student movement, inspired by the French student uprisings of May-June 1968) Over the past four decades, as the economic and ideological depravity of neoliberal policy and its market-driven logic (D. W. Hursh and Henderson, 2011) has been brought to bear on every aspect of education, the very concept of ‘public’ has been negated. Characteristics such as user-pays, competition, assaults on teachers, and mass standardised-testing and rankings, are among the features of a schooling, which is now very much seen as a private rather than public good (Giroux, 2003). The question of public education as a democratic force for the radical transformation of a violently unjust society seems rarely if ever asked, and a dangerous co-option and weakening of the language and practice of progressive pedagogy has occurred to the extent that notions of inclusion and success are increasingly limited to narrowly conceived individualist and competitive measures of market advantage. As Giroux notes “the forces of neo-liberalism dissolve public issues into utterly privatised and individualistic concerns (2004:62), and despite ongoing official rhetoric “the only form of citizenship increasingly being offered to young people is consumerism” (2003:7). Neoliberal education sees students and young people as passive consumers, the emphasis of schooling on learning how to be governed rather than how to govern (Giroux, 2003:7). In such a context the space for a public pedagogy, based on challenging the hegemony of neoliberal ideology and aligned with collective resistance, appears limited at best. And yet, every day people, teachers, students and communities do engage in political struggle, enacting pedagogies that seek to unveil rather than continue to mask the political structures and organisation that ensures power remains in the hands of the few, and at the service of the few, at the expense of the rest of us. Giroux characterises public pedagogies as defined by hope, struggle and a politicisation of the education process. He argues for …a politics of resistance that extends beyond the classroom as part of a broader struggle to challenge those forces of neo-liberalism that currently wage war against all collective structures capable of defending vital social institutions as a public good (Giroux, 2003:14). Central to Giroux’s argument is the need for critical educators to look to, value, and engage in and with social movements as they emerge and develop as sites of resistance. To …take sides, speak out, and engage in the hard work of debunking corporate culture’s assault on teaching and learning, orient their teaching for social change, connect learning to public life and link knowledge to the operations of power (Giroux, 2004:77). He argues that “progressive education in an age of rampant neoliberalism requires an expanded notion of the public, pedagogy, solidarity, and democratic struggle” (Giroux, 2003:13), and that moreover, educators need to work against a “politics of certainty” and instead develop and engage in pedagogical practice that problematises the world and fosters a sense of collective resistance and hope (2003:14). A neoliberal vision of the ‘good citizen’ and ‘good student’ presumes passivity, acceptance of the status quo and an individualistic disposition. Critical pedagogues must seek out and embrace opportunities to support and celebrate collective political action, not only because it develops a sense of social and political agency but also because it constitutes a powerful basis for authentic learning and active and critical citizenship in an unjust world (Freire, 1970). The Chilean student movement stands as one such example of challenging and inspiring counter-practice and a reclaiming of pedagogy as political and public. For ten years students have filled Chile’s streets, occupied their schools and universities, and organised conferences, public Remaking education from below: the Chilean student movement as public pedagogy 499 meetings, political stunts, creative actions and protests. Students and young people have been at the centre of the largest and most sustained political action seen in Chile since the democratic movement of the 80s, which eventually forced out the Pinochet dictatorship. Despite global trends in the opposite direction, the Chilean students have fundamentally influenced a nationwide education reform program constituting significant changes to the existing system which has been described as an extreme example of market-driven policy (Valenzuela, Bellei, and Ríos, 2014:220). Most importantly, they have forced and led a nationwide dialogue on the question of education and social justice in Chile and an interrogation of the current, grossly inequitable and elitist model (Falabella, 2008). This article begins by reviewing the experiences of the Chilean student movement to date and offering a brief explanation of the historical development of the education system it seeks to dismantle. It then considers the movement as an example of public pedagogies, concluding with a discussion of how it might inform notions of radical educational practice and a return of the student and pedagogue as authentic and critical subjects.
31 -
32 -
33 -
34 -Neoliberal globalization is the root of cause of poverty, exploitation, environmental degradation, and violence; the only solution is to eradicate neoliberalism
35 -Szentes, Professor Emeritus of the Corvinus University of Budapest and member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2008
36 -(Tamas, “Globalisation and prospects of the world society,” CENTRAL EUROPEAN POLITICAL SCIENCE, Vol. 9, pp 1-3, http://cepsr.eu/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/ATT81762.pdf#page=9)//
37 -
38 -It’ s a common place thathuman society can survive and develop only in a lasting real peace. Without peace countries cannot develop. Althoughsince 1945 there has been no world war, but • numerous local wars took place, • terrorism has spread all over the world, undermining security even in the most developed and powerful countries, • arms race and militarisation have not ended with the collapse of the Soviet bloc,but escalated and continued, extending also to weapons of mass destruction and misusing enormous resources badly needed for development, •many “invisible wars”1 are suffered by the poor and oppressed people, manifested in mass misery, poverty, unemployment, homelessness, starvation and malnutrition, epidemics and poor health conditions, exploitation and oppression,racial and other discrimination, physical terror, organised injustice, disguised forms of violence, the denial or regular infringement of the democratic rights of citizens, women, youth, ethnic or religious minorities, etc., and last but not least, in the degradation of human environment,which means that • the “war against Nature”, i.e. the disturbance of ecological balance, wasteful management of natural resources, and large-scale pollution of our environment, is still going on, causing also losses and fatal dangers for human life. Behind global terrorism and “invisible wars”we find striking international and intra- society inequities and distorted development patterns2, which tend to generate social as well as international tensions,thus paving the way for unrest and “visible” wars. It is a commonplace now that peace is not merely the absence of war.The prerequisites of a lasting peace between and within societies involvenot only - though, of course, necessarily -demilitarisation, but also a systematic and gradualelimination of the roots of violence, of the causes of “invisible wars”, of thestructural and institutional bases of large-scale internationaland intra-society inequalities, exploitation and oppression. Peace requires a process of social and national emancipation, a progressive, democratic transformation of societies and the world bringing about equal rights and opportunities for all people, sovereign participation and mutually advantageous co-operation among nations. It further requires a pluralistic democracy on global level with an appropriate system of proportional representation of the world society, articulation of diverse interests and their peaceful reconciliation, by non-violent conflict management, and thus also a global governance with a really global institutional system. Under the contemporary conditions of accelerating globalisation and deepening global interdependencies in our world, peace is indivisible in both time and space. It cannot exist if reduced to a period only after or before war, and cannot be safeguarded in one part of the world when some others suffer visible or invisible wars.Thus, peace requires, indeed, a new, demilitarised and democratic world order, which can provide equal opportunities for sustainable development. “Sustainabilityof development” (both on national and world level)is often interpretedasan issue of environmental protection only and reduced to the need for preserving the ecological balance and delivering the next generationsnot a destroyed Nature with over- exhausted resources and polluted environment.However, no ecological balance can be ensured, unless the deep international development gap and intra-society inequalities are substantially reduced. Owing to global interdependencies there may exist hardly any “zero-sum-games”, in which one can gain at the expense of others, but, instead, the “negative-sum-games” tend to predominate, in which everybody must suffer, later or sooner, directly or indirectly, losses. Therefore, the actual question is not about “sustainability of development” but rather about the “sustainability of human life”, i.e. survival of mankind – because of ecological imbalance and globalised terrorism. When Professor Louk de la Rive Box was the president of EADI, one day we had an exchange of views on the state and future of development studies. We agreed that development studies are not any more restricted to the case of underdeveloped countries, as the developed ones (as well as the former “socialist” countries) are also facing development problems, such as those of structural and institutional (and even system-) transformation, requirements of changes in development patterns, and concerns about natural environment.While all these are true, today I would dare say that besides (or even instead of) “development studies” we must speak about and make “survival studies”.While the monetary, financial, and debt crises are cyclical,we live in an almost permanent crisis of the world society, which is multidimensional in nature, involving not only economic but also socio-psychological, behavioural, cultural and political aspects. The narrow-minded, election-oriented, selfish behaviour motivated by thirst for power and wealth, which still characterise the political leadership almost all over the world, paves the way for the final, last catastrophe.Under the circumstances provided by rapidly progressing science and technological revolutions, human society cannot survive unless such profound intra-society and international inequalities prevailing today are soon eliminated. Like a single spacecraft,the Earth can no longer afford to have a 'crew' divided into two parts: the rich, privileged, well- fed, well-educated, on the one hand, and the poor, deprived, starving, sick and uneducated, on the other. Dangerous 'zero-sum-games' (which mostly prove to be “negative-sum-games”) can hardly be played any more by visible or invisible wars in the world society.Because of global interdependencies, the apparent winner becomes also a loser. The real choice for the world society is between negative- and positive-sum-games:i.e. between, on the one hand, continuation of visible and “invisible wars”, as long as this is possible at all, and, on the other, transformation of the world order by demilitarisation and democratization.No ideological or terminological camouflage can conceal this real dilemma any more, which is to be faced not in the distant future, by the next generations, but in the coming years, because of global terrorism soon having nuclear and other mass destructive weapons, and also due to irreversible changes in natural environment. It is, of course, far easier to outline the normative principles of a peaceful democratic social and world order than to state the ways and means of how to achieve it. The causes of inequalities on local, national, regional and world levels are often interlinked.Dominance and exploitation relations go across country boundaries; oppressors are supporting each other and oppressing other oppressors. Societies that exploit others can hardly stay free of exploitation, themselves. Nations that hinder others in democratic transformation can hardly live in democracy. Monopolies induce also others to monopolise. Narrow, selfish interests generate narrow, selfish interest. Discrimination gives birth to discrimination. And so on... The “national societies” of the contemporary world show a great many differences, stemming partly from their own past, partly from their recent transformation.Differences appear not only in the level of economic and technological development and the related world-economic position (as between the “North” and the ”South”)or in respect of the socio- economic system and the related political regime(as in the past between the “East” and the “West”), but also within these groups of countries in terms of natural endowment, geographical and demographic dimensions, historical traditions, cultures, mechanism of management and governance, policy of leadership, etc.At the same time, all societies are subject to the increasing effect of each other and to the impact of globalisation.
39 -
40 -Part 2 is Solvency
41 -
42 -Thus the plan –Public colleges and universities in the United States ought not restrict constitutionally protected speech to free speech zones
43 -
44 -Free speech zones destroy students discourse and should be prohibited Hudson 16
45 -(David L. Hudson Jr. is a First Amendment expert and law professor who serves as First Amendment Ombudsman for the Newseum Institute’s First Amendment Center. He contributes research and commentary, provides analysis and information to news media. He is an author, co-author or co-editor of more than 40 books, including Let The Students Speak: A History of the Fight for Free Expression in American Schools (Beacon Press, 2011), The Encyclopedia of the First Amendment (CQ Press, 2008) (one of three co-editors), The Rehnquist Court: Understanding Its Impact and Legacy (Praeger, 2006), and The Handy Supreme Court Answer Book (Visible Ink Press, 2008). He has written several books devoted to student-speech issues and others areas of student rights. He writes regularly for the ABA Journal and the American Bar Association’s Preview of United States Supreme Court Cases. He has served as a senior law clerk at the Tennessee Supreme Court, and teaches First Amendment and Professional Responsibility classes at Vanderbilt Law School and various classes at the Nashville School of Law), "How Campus Policies Limit Free Speech," Huffington Post, 6/1/2016
46 -
47 -Restricting where students can have free speech. In addition, many colleges and universities have free speech zones. Under these policies, people can speak at places of higher learning in only certain, specific locations or zones. While there are remnants of these policies from the 1960s, they grew in number in the late 1990s and early 2000s as a way for administrators to deal with controversial expression. These policies may have a seductive appeal for administrators, as they claim to advance the cause of free speech. But, free speech zones often limit speech by relegating expression to just a few locations. For example, some colleges began by having only two or three free speech zones on campus. The idea of zoning speech is not unique to colleges and universities. Government officials have sought to diminish the impact of different types of expression by zoning adult-oriented expression, antiabortion protestors and political demonstrators outside political conventions. In a particularly egregious example, a student at Modesto Junior College in California named Robert Van Tuinen was prohibited from handing out copies of the United States Constitution on September 17, 2013 - the anniversary of the signing of the Constitution. Van Tuinen was informed that he could get permission to distribute the Constitution if he preregistered for time in the “free speech zone.” But later, Van Tuinen was told by an administrator that he would have to wait, possibly until the next month. In the words of First Amendment expert Charles Haynes, “the entire campus should be a free speech zone.” In other words, the default position of school administrators should be to allow speech, not limit it. Zoning speech is troubling, particularly when it reduces the overall amount of speech on campus. And many free speech experts view the idea of a free speech zone as “moronic and oxymoronic.” College or university campuses should be a place where free speech not only survives but thrives.
48 -
49 -
50 -Student protest oppose the neoliberal structures in education, translating theory into concrete solutions Delgado and Ross 16
51 -Sandra Delgado (doctoral student in curriculum studies at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, Canada) and E. Wayne Ross (Professor in the Faculty of Education at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, Canada), "Students in Revolt: The Pedagogical Potential of Student Collective Action in the Age of the Corporate University" 2016 (published on Academia.edu)
52 -
53 -As students’ collective actions keep gaining more political relevance, student and university movements also establish themselves as spaces of counter-hegemony (Sotiris, 2014). Students are constantly opening new possibilities to displace and resist the commodification of education offered by mainstream educational institutions. As Sotiris (2014) convincingly argues, movements within the university have not only the potential to subvert educational reforms, but in addition, they have become “strategic nodes” for the transformation of the processes and practices in higher education, and most importantly for the constant re-imagination and the recreation of “new forms of subaltern counter-hegemony” (p. 1). The strategic importance of university and college based moments lays precisely in the role that higher education plays in contemporary societies, namely their role in “the development of new technologies, new forms of production and for the articulation of discourses and theories on contemporary issues and their role in the reproduction of state and business personnel.” (p.8) Universities and colleges therefore, have a crucial contribution in “the development of class strategies (both dominant and subaltern), in the production of subjectivities, (and) in the transformation of collective practices” (p.8) The main objective of this paper is to examine how contemporary student movements are disrupting, opposing and displacing entrenched oppressive and dehumanizing reforms, practices and frames in today’s corporate academia. This work is divided in four sections. The first is an introduction to student movements and an overview of how student political action has been approached and researched. The second and third sections take a closer look at the repertoires of contention used by contemporary student movements and propose a framework based on radical praxis that allows us to better understand the pedagogical potential of student disruptive action. The last section contains a series of examples of students’ repertoires or tactics of contention that exemplifies the pedagogical potential of student social and political action. An Overview of Student Movements Generally speaking, students are well positioned as political actors. They have been actively involved in the politics of education since the beginnings of the university, but more broadly, students have played a significant role in defining social, cultural and political environments around the world (Altbach, 1966; Boren, 2001). The contributions and influences of students and student movements to revolutionary efforts and political movements beyond the university context are undeniable. One example is the role that students have played in the leadership and membership of the political left (e.g. students’ role in the Movimiento 26 de Julio - M-26-7 in Cuba during the 50’s and in the formation of The New Left in the United States, among others). Similarly, several political and social movements have either established alliances with student organizations or created their own chapters on campuses to recruit new members, mobilize their agendas in education and foster earlier student’s involvement in politics2 (Altbach, 1966; Lipset, 1969). Students are often considered to be “catalysts” of political and social action or “barometers” of the social unrest and political tension accumulated in society (Barker, 2008). Throughout history student movements have had a diverse and sometimes contradictory range of political commitments. Usually, student organizations and movements find grounding and inspiration in Anarchism and Marxism, however it is also common to see movements leaning towards liberal and conservative approaches. Hence, student political action has not always been aligned with social movements or organizations from the political left. In various moments in history students have joined or been linked to rightist movements, reactionary organizations and conservative parties (Altbach, 1966; Barker, 2008). Students, unlike workers, come from different social classes and seemly different cultural backgrounds. As a particularly diverse social group, students are distinguished for being heterogeneous and pluralists in their values, interests and commitments (Boren, 2001). Such diversity has been a constant challenge for maintaining unity, which has been particularly problematic in cases of national or transnational student organizations (Prusinowska, Kowzan, and Zielińska, 2012; Somma, 2012). To clarify, social classes are defined by the specific relationship that people have with the means of production. In the case of students, they are not a social class by themselves, but a social layer or social group that is identifiable by their common function in society (Stedman, 1969). The main or central aspect that unites student is the transitory social condition of being a student. In other words, students are a social group who have a common function, role in society or social objective, which is “to study” something (Lewis, 2013; Simons and Masschelein, 2009). Student movements can be understood as a form of social movement (LuesherMamashela, 2015). They have an internal organization that varies from traditionally hierarchical structures, organizational schemes based on representative democracy with charismatic leadership, to horizontal forms of decision-making (Altbach, 1966; Lipset, 1969). As many other movements, student movements have standing claims, organize different type of actions, tactics or repertoires of contention, 3 and they advocate for political, social or/and educational agendas, programs or pleas.
54 -
55 -Student protest combats racial inequality by sparking national dialogue leading to cultural movements Curwen 15
56 -Thomas Curwen, Jason Song and Larry Gordon (reporters), "What's different about the latest wave of college activism," LA Times, 11/18/2015
57 -
58 -Although some of the strategies may seem familiar, it is the speed and the urgency of today's protests that are different. "What is unique about these issues is how social media has changed the way protests take place on college campuses," said Tyrone Howard, associate dean of equity, diversity and inclusion at UCLA. "A protest goes viral in no time flat. With Instagram and Twitter, you're in an immediate news cycle. This was not how it was 20 or 30 years ago." Howard also believes that the effectiveness of the actions at the University of Missouri has encouraged students on other campuses to raise their voices. "A president stepping down is a huge step," he said. "Students elsewhere have to wonder, 'Wow, if that can happen there, why can't we bring out our issues to the forefront as well?'" Shaun R. Harper, executive director of the University of Pennsylvania's Center for the Study of Race and Equity in Education, agrees. The resignation of two top Missouri administrators, Harper said, showed students and athletes around the country that they have power they may not have realized before. The protests show "we're all together and we have the power to make the change we deserve," said Lindsay Opoku-Acheampong, a senior studying biology at Occidental. "It's affirming," said Dalin Celamy, also a senior at the college. "It lets us know we're not crazy; it's happening to people who are just like you all over the country." Celamy, along with other students, not only watched the unfolding protests across the country, but also looked to earlier protests, including an occupation of an administrative building at Occidental in 1968. Echoes of the 1960s in today's actions are clear, said Robert Cohen, a history professor at New York University and author of "Freedom's Orator," a biography of Mario Savio, who led the Free Speech Movement at UC Berkeley in the 1960s. "The tactical dynamism of these nonviolent protests and the public criticism of them are in important ways reminiscent of the 1960s," Cohen said. "Today's protests, like those in the '60s, are memorable because they have been effective in pushing for change and sparking dialogue as well as polarization." Although the targets of these protests are the blatant and subtle forms of racism and inequity that affect the students' lives, the message of the protests resonates with the recent incidents of intolerance and racial inequity on the streets of America. There is a reason for this, Howard said. Campuses are microcosms of society, he said, and are often comparable in terms of representation and opportunity. "So there is a similar fight for more representation, acceptance and inclusion." The dynamic can create a complicated and sensitive social order for students of color to negotiate. "Latino and African American students are often under the belief if they leave their community and go to colleges, that it will be better," Howard said. "They believe it will be an upgrade over the challenges that they saw in underserved and understaffed schools. But if the colleges and universities are the same as those schools, then there is disappointment and frustration." In addition, Howard said, when these students leave their community to go to a university, they often feel conflicted. "So when injustice comes up," he said, "they are quick to respond because it is what they saw in their community. On some level, it is their chance to let their parents and peers know that they have not forgotten the struggle in the community." On campuses and off, Harper, of the University of Pennsylvania center, finds a rising sense of impatience among African Americans about social change. "As a black person, I think black people are just fed up. It's time out for ignoring these issues," he said. While protests in the 1960s helped create specific safeguards for universities today, such as Title IX, guaranteeing equal access for all students to any educational program or activity receiving federal financial assistance, a gap has widened over the years between students and administrators over perceptions of bias. Institutions often valued for their support of free speech find themselves wrestling with the prospect of limiting free speech, but to focus on what is or isn't politically correct avoids the more important issue, Cohen said: whether campuses are diverse enough or how to reduce racism. Occidental student Raihana Haynes-Venerable has heard criticism that modern students are too sensitive, but she argues that subtle forms of discrimination still have a profound effect. She pointed to women making less than men and fewer minorities getting jobs as examples. "This is the new form of racism," she said.
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1 +1. Education
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1 +The role of the ballot is to vote for the best political strategy for liberation of the oppressed and that creates the best framework for education
2 +Giroux 10
3 +Henry Giroux. “Rethinking Education As The Practice of Freedom: Paulo Freire and the Promise of Critical Pedagogy.” Truthout. January 3rd, 2010. http://archive.truthout.org/10309_Giroux_Freire
4 +a) Paulo was a cosmopolitan intellectual, who never overlooked the details in everyday life and
5 +b) AND
6 +c) we are unlikely to get the truth since we aren’t considering all perspectives.
7 +
8 +This requires a change in the way education itself is conceived. The education system is dominated by Neoliberal ideology, which has been indoctrinated through public education Hyslop 12
9 +Hyslop-Margison, Emery. "Post Neo-Liberalism And The Humanities: What The Repressive State Apparatus Means For Universities." Canadian Journal of Higher Education. 2012.
10 +The discourse that dominates current public education policy development suggests that neo-liberal logic
11 +AND
12 +and political studies, might be eliminated through a lack of public funding.
13 +
14 +The ideology created in public education celebrates neoliberalism, while professors breaking down oppressive structures are fired by powerful lobbyist groups, a democratized version of free speech is key to breaking down oppression Khan 15
15 +http://www.anarchistagency.com/commentary/masking-oppression-as-free-speech-an-anarchist-take/ “MASKING OPPRESSION AS “FREE SPEECH”: AN ANARCHIST TAKE”; October 28, 2015 Tariq Khan
16 +Last year the American Indian Studies Program at the University of Illinois, Urbana-
17 +AND
18 +go unchecked under the guise of a disingenuous notion of “free speech.”
19 +
20 +Neoliberalist public education is only being used as a tool to destroy education and eliminate critical ideas Hyslop 12
21 +Hyslop-Margison, Emery. "Post Neo-Liberalism And The Humanities: What The Repressive State Apparatus Means For Universities." Canadian Journal of Higher Education. 2012.
22 +We believe the importance of public discursive spaces to democratic society and the current threats
23 +AND
24 +the pressure to say something false or hasty” (p. 51).
25 +
26 +The attack on the university has led to the government restricting the free flow of scholarly ideas, using the war on terror to justify the denial of intellectual’s visa’s and destroying any critical thought Giroux 06
27 +“Henry A. Giroux” “Fall 2006 “Academic Freedom Under Fire: The Case for Critical Pedagogy; pp. 1-42 | 10.1353/lit.2006.0051
28 +In light if this authoritarian agenda, the Bush administration has made it difficult for
29 +AND
30 +restricting open inquiry, critical knowledge, and dissent in the United States.
31 +
32 +Part 2 is Solvency
33 +
34 +Plan Text: Public Colleges and Universities ought to critically interrogate educational perspectives to respect the constitutional rights for free speech to help oppressed fringes of society
35 +
36 +Critical Pedagogy is necessary for educators to break down oppressive structures throughout society, it is the imperative of educators to endorse a critical pedagogy Giroux 06
37 +“Henry A. Giroux” “Fall 2006 “Academic Freedom Under Fire: The Case for Critical Pedagogy; pp. 1-42 | 10.1353/lit.2006.0051
38 +While most defenders of the university as a democratic public sphere rightly argue that the
39 +AND
40 +now at risk in the latest and most dangerous attack on higher education.
41 +
42 +The purpose of the university is to challenge student’s worldview, not inoculate current ideologies Giroux 06
43 +“Henry A. Giroux” “Fall 2006 “Academic Freedom Under Fire: The Case for Critical Pedagogy; pp. 1-42 | 10.1353/lit.2006.0051
44 +What is disturbing about these instances is that aggrieved students and their sympathizers appear entirely
45 +AND
46 +Politcal Correctness is a tool used right win pundits to suppress oppressed people’s voices
47 +
48 +The assault of right wing organization on freedom in the academy epistemologically corrupt knowledge and perpetuate oppressive norms, we need to endorse a different form of education to fix the assault on higher education Giroux 06
49 +“Henry A. Giroux” “Fall 2006 “Academic Freedom Under Fire: The Case for Critical Pedagogy; pp. 1-42 | 10.1353/lit.2006.0051
50 +One gets the sense that conservative educators from Lynne Cheney to Ann D. Neal
51 +AND
52 +one of the very few remaining democratic public spheres in the United States today
53 +
54 +Today ideas of political correctness are used as a tool used right win pundits to suppress oppressed people’s voices Bryant Williams et al 16
55 +Bryant William Sculos and Sean Noah Walsh (2016): The Counterrevolutionary Campus: Herbert Marcuse and the Suppression of Student Protest Movements, New Political Science, DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2016.1228580
56 +Besides the hypocritical critiques from right-wing pundits and presidential candidates, what the
57 +AND
58 +are threatened to be silenced, and silenced as university or state policy.
59 +
60 +Balance is a flawed concept that is used to censor liberal ideas Giroux 06
61 +“Henry A. Giroux” “Fall 2006 “Academic Freedom Under Fire: The Case for Critical Pedagogy; pp. 1-42 | 10.1353/lit.2006.0051
62 +As Stanley Fish has argued, balance is a flawed concept and should be understood
63 +AND
64 +interlocutors presume that liberal academics are to be equated with an evil menace.
65 +
66 +Part 3 is the Underview
67 +
68 +Aff gets RVIs on I meets and counter-interps because
69 +(a) 1AR timeskew means I can’t cover theory and still have a fair shot on substance.
70 +(b) no risk theory would give neg a free source of no risk offense which allows him to moot the AC.
71 +2. The neg must defend one unconditional advocacy. Conditionality is bad because it makes the neg a moving target which kills 1AR strategy. He’ll kick it if I cover it and extend it if I undercover it, meaning I have no strategic options. Also, it’s unreciprocal because I can’t kick the AC.
72 +Kritik without real solutions is doomed to fail, we need to start building real solutions to the problem, liberating against oppression requires material change in ideological spaces Bryan William et al 16
73 +Bryant William Sculos and Sean Noah Walsh (2016): The Counterrevolutionary Campus: Herbert Marcuse and the Suppression of Student Protest Movements, New Political Science, DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2016.1228580
74 +Importantly, we must not limit ourselves to merely critiquing existing oppressions, or just
75 +AND
76 +embodied that impetus here and shown it to be more relevant than ever.
77 +
78 +Higher educational facilities destroy environmental policy discussion Khan 16
79 +Kahn, Richard. "Operation Get Fired: A Chronicle Of The Academic Repression Of Radical
80 +Environmentalist And Animal R." Antioch University. November 2016.
81 +http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.492.988andrep=rep1andtype=pdf
82 +In closing this section, attention must be paid to the manner in which higher
83 +AND
84 +which works in ways that serve to damage academia’s intellectual and civic mission.
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