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Summary

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1 +Part 1 is Framework
2 +Militarism dominates status quo policies, manifesting itself through a politics of disposability that smothers ethical and critical dialogue. A politics of disposability has reached its endgame and permeates the status quo, meaning we need to fix the problem of militarism before we address ivory tower ethical theories like Kantianism.
3 +Giroux 05, Henry, Held positions at Boston University, Miami University, and Penn State, The Curse of Totalitarianism and The Challenge of Critical Pedagogy, 2005, http://philosophersforchange.org/2015/10/13/the-curse-of-totalitarianism-and-the-challenge-of-critical-pedagogy
4 +The forces of free-market fundamentalism are on the march ushering in a terrifying horizon of what Hannah Arendt once called “dark times.” Across the globe, the tension between democratic values and market fundamentalism has reached a breaking point.1 The social contract is under assault, neo-Nazism is on the rise, right-wing populism is propelling extremist political candidates and social movements into the forefront of political life, anti-immigrant sentiment is now wrapped in the poisonous logic of nationalism and exceptionalism, racism has become a mark of celebrated audacity and a politics of disposability comes dangerously close to its endgame of extermination for those considered excess. Under such circumstances, it becomes frightfully clear that the conditions for totalitarianism and state violence are still with us smothering critical thought, social responsibility, the ethical imagination and politics itself. As Bill Dixon observes: The totalitarian form is still with us because the all too protean origins of totalitarianism are still with us: loneliness as the normal register of social life, the frenzied lawfulness of ideological certitude, mass poverty and mass homelessness, the routine use of terror as a political instrument, and the ever growing speeds and scales of media, economics, and warfare.2 In the United States, the extreme right in both political parties no longer needs the comfort of a counterfeit ideology in which appeals are made to the common good, human decency and democratic values. On the contrary, power is now concentrated in the hands of relatively few people and corporations while power is global and free from the limited politics of the democratic state. In fact, the state for all intents and purposes has become the corporate state. Dominant power is now all too visible and the policies, practices and wrecking ball it has imposed on society appear to be largely unchecked. Any compromising notion of ideology has been replaced by a discourse of command and certainty backed up by the militarization of local police forces, the surveillance state and all of the resources brought to bear by a culture of fear and a punishing state aligned with the permanent war on terror. Informed judgment has given way to a corporate-controlled media apparatus that celebrates the banality of balance and the spectacle of violence, all the while reinforcing the politics and value systems of the financial elite.3 Following Arendt, a dark cloud of political and ethical ignorance has descended on the United States creating both a crisis of memory and agency.4 Thoughtlessness has become something that now occupies a privileged, if not celebrated, place in the political landscape and the mainstream cultural apparatuses. A new kind of infantilism and culture of ignorance now shapes daily life as agency devolves into a kind of anti-intellectual foolishness evident in the babble of banality produced by Fox News, celebrity culture, schools modeled after prisons and politicians who support creationism, argue against climate change and denounce almost any form of reason. Education is no longer viewed as a public good but a private right, just as critical thinking is devalued as a fundamental necessity for creating an engaged and socially responsible populace. Politics has become an extension of war, just as systemic economic uncertainty and state-sponsored violence increasingly find legitimation in the discourses of privatization and demonization, which promote anxiety, moral panics and fear, and undermine any sense of communal responsibility for the well-being of others. Too many people today learn quickly that their fate is solely a matter of individual responsibility, irrespective of wider structural forces. This is a much promoted hypercompetitive ideology with a message that surviving in a society demands reducing social relations to forms of social combat. People today are expected to inhabit a set of relations in which the only obligation is to live for one’s own self-interest and to reduce the responsibilities of citizenship to the demands of a consumer culture. Yet, there is more at work here than a flight from social responsibility, if not politics itself. Also lost is the importance of those social bonds, modes of collective reasoning, public spheres and cultural apparatuses crucial to the formation of a sustainable democratic society. With the return of the Gilded Age and its dream worlds of consumption, privatization and deregulation, both democratic values and social protections are at risk. At the same time, the civic and formative cultures that make such values and protections central to democratic life are in danger of being eliminated altogether. As market mentalities and moralities tighten their grip on all aspects of society, democratic institutions and public spheres are being downsized, if not altogether disappearing. As these institutions vanish – from public schools to health-care centers – there is also a serious erosion of the discourses of community, justice, equality, public values and the common good. One consequence is a society stripped of its inspiring and energizing public spheres and the “thick mesh of mutual obligations and social responsibilities to be found in” any viable democracy.5 This grim reality marks a failure in the power of the civic imagination, political will and open democracy.6 It is also part of a politics that strips the social of any democratic ideals and undermines any understanding of higher education as a public good and pedagogy as an empowering practice, a practice that acts directly upon the conditions that bear down on our lives in order to change them when necessary. At a time when the public good is under attack and there seems to be a growing apathy toward the social contract, or any other civic-minded investment in public values and the larger common good, education has to be seen as more than a credential or a pathway to a job. It has to be viewed as crucial to understanding and overcoming the current crisis of agency, politics and historical memory faced by many young people today. One of the challenges facing the current generation of educators and students is the need to reclaim the role that education has historically played in developing critical literacies and civic capacities. There is a need to use education to mobilize students to be critically engaged agents, attentive to addressing important social issues and being alert to the responsibility of deepening and expanding the meaning and practices of a vibrant democracy. At the heart of such a challenge is the question of what education should accomplish in a democracy. What work do educators have to do to create the economic, political and ethical conditions necessary to endow young people with the capacities to think, question, doubt, imagine the unimaginable and defend education as essential for inspiring and energizing the people necessary for the existence of a robust democracy? In a world in which there is an increasing abandonment of egalitarian and democratic impulses, what will it take to educate young people to challenge authority and in the words of James Baldwin “rob history of its tyrannical power, and illuminate that darkness, blaze roads through that vast forest, so that we will not, in all our doing, lose sight of its purpose, which is after all, to make the world a more human dwelling place”?7
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6 +Militarism corrupts political institutions and unchecked leads to the police state, we can’t engage in ethics until we alter the militaristic status quo.
7 +Pieterse 07, Jan, professor of sociology at the University of Illinois, Review of International Political Economy, Vol. 14, No. 3, Aug, Political and Economic Brinkmanship, ,” p. 473-4
8 +Brinkmanship and producing instability carry several meanings. The American military spends 48 of world military spending (2005) and rep resents a vast, virtually continuously growing establishment that is a world in itself with its own lingo, its own reasons, internecine battles and projects. That this large security establishment is a bipartisan project makes it politically relatively immune. That for security reasons it is an insular world shelters it from scrutiny. For reasons of 'deniability' the president is insulated from certain operations (Risen, 2006). That it is a completely hierarchical world onto itself makes it relatively unaccountable. Hence, to quote 'stuff happens'. In part this is the familiar theme of the Praetorian Guard and the shadow state (Stockwell, 1991). It includes a military on the go, a military that seeks career advancement through role expansion, seeks expansion through threat inflation, and in inflated threats finds rationales for ruthless action and is thus subject to feedback from its own echo chambers. Misinformation broadcast by part of the intelligence apparatus blows back to other security circles where it may be taken for real (Johnson, 2000). Inhabiting a hall of mirrors this apparatus operates in a perpetual state of self hypnosis with, since it concerns classified information and covert ops, limited checks on its functioning. The military stages phirric victories that come at a price of lasting instability. In Afghanistan the US staged a swift settlement by backing and funding the Northern Alliance, which brought warlords and drug lords to power and a corrupt power structure that eventually precipitated the comeback of the Taliban. In Iraq the US backed the Kurds and permitted Shiite militias to operate (until the Samarra bombing of April 2006) and thus created conditions for lasting instability. The American rules of engagement are self-serving. But because the military inhabits a parallel universe and the media are clogged with 'defense experts', discussion of these tactics and hence the capacity for self-correction is limited. Part of the backdrop is the trend of the gradual erosion of state capacities because of 25 years, since the Reagan era, of cutting government services except the military and security. The laissez-faire state in the US has created an imbalance in which the military remains the major growing state capability, which leaves military power increasingly unchecked because monitoring institutions have been downsized or dismantled too. When recently the Pentagon wanted to review all the subcontracts it has outsourced this task was outsourced too. This redistribution of power within the US government played a key part leading up to the war and in the massive failure in Iraq. Diplomacy was under resourced, intelligence was manipulated and the Pentagon and the Office of Strategic Planning ignored experts' advice and State Department warnings on the need for postwar planning (Packer, 2005; Lang, 2004).
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10 +The militarized state has created an agenda in which disabled people are only seen as useful if they serve a purpose otherwise they don’t care about them, it is key that we break down these militaristic assumption to solve this type of discrimination
11 +Castrodale December 2015 ( Mark Anthony, King's University College at Western University, Disability Studies, Faculty Member “ A Critical Discussion on Disabled Subjects Examining Ableist and Militarist Discourses in Education” The University of Alberta Press, chapter five of Gendered Militarism in Canada ) TJS
12 +Drawing on the works of Foucault (1984, 1994, 1995, 2003), one sees that gendered and disabled bodies are constituted discursively through webs of knowledge-power relations, and subjects may also work to constitute themselves. Examination of the intersection of gender and disability may shed new light on the ways in which bodies are constituted in various educational sites in potentially disempowering and empowering ways. In Discipline and Punish Foucault (1995) discusses disciplinary tactics and the “vast science of war” (p. 168) that applies to “the general foundation of all military practice, from the control and exercise of individual bodies to the use of forces specific to the most complex multiplicities” (p. 167). Military knowledges represent a body of knowledge of how to know, move, coerce, discipline, and govern people (Foucault, 1995). Foucault demonstrates military knowledge as a foundation of tactics, procedures, manoeuvres, exercises, and functions, which may be used to regulate and shape entire societies, thereby extending into educational realms. According to Foucault (1995), discipline entails a series of calculated measures, methods, and techniques aimed at observing, knowing, ranking, and rendering bodies useful and docile. For Foucault, a disciplined docile body may be corrected, controlled, and regulated as an “object and target of power,” where in every society individuals are subjected to “constraints, prohibitions, or obligations” (p. 136). Discipline increases the forces of the body in terms of socio-economic utility and decreases forces of resistance to encourage obedience (Foucault, 1995). All bodies may be enhanced. The perfect body, in military terms, is mouldable, moveable, and trainable (Foucault, 1995). Militarization entails seeking advantages, advancing a position, finding tactical opportunities, and developing new technologies. Coordinating bodies that are unpredictable and unruly becomes troublesome. Militaries have been interested and invested in bodies, in making bodies perform certain spatio-temporally coordinated tasks (Foucault, 1995). For militaristic purposes bodies are trained, observed, organized, located, fixed, coordinated together or independently, and moved in rhythmic timings and particular places. Foucault describes this ideal soldier as a male who could be recognized from afar; he bore certain signs: the natural signs of his strength and his courage, the marks, too, of his pride; his body was the blazon of his strength and valour…the soldier has become something that can be made; out of a formless clay, an inapt body, the machine required can be constructed; posture is gradually corrected; a calculated constraint runs slowly through each part of the body, mastering it, making it pliable, ready at all times, turning silently into the automatism of habit. (p. 135) Soldiers’ bodies thus represent mouldable bodies that can be trained in the service of their country; they are oxymoronically disposable and indispensable citizens (see Taber, Chapter 4 of this volume, for a discussion of the latter). Disabled bodies are often characterized as deviant, labelled and sorted according to biomedical, psychological disciplinary fields of knowledges (Murray, 2007), understood as imperfect, faulty, fat, weak, penetrable, and leaky (Shildrick, 1997). The disabled body is seen as deficient, abnormal, and in need of fixing. Disability is associated with dependence, and the disabled body often represents an “entity to be conquered” (Batts and Andrews, 2011, p. 558). Urla and Terry (1995) assert that “scientific and popular modes of representing bodies are never innocent but always tie bodies to larger systems of knowledge production and, indeed, to social and material inequality” (p. 3). Unpacking the constitution of all bodies entails critically thinking about the biomedical gaze (Foucault, 2003), dividing practices, hierarchical rankings, and normalizing judgments (Foucault, 1995), the materiality of bodies (Butler, 1993), the carnal politics of embodiment, and theorizing relating to the intersection of disability, gender, sexuality, race, and class. According to Goodley (2011), “a body or mind that is disabled is also one that is raced, gendered, trans/nationally sited, aged, sexualised and classed” (p. 33). Seeking to improve bodies deemed to be weak and fragile, military operations have developed bio-robotic, technological inventions such as the exoskeleton, which may enhance balance, speed, agility, and efficiency of movement and increase load-carrying capacity (Bogue, 2009). Not only do these technologies support direct military objectives, but they extend into the civilian arena, improving and rehabilitating disabled bodies often to move further and function faster in accordance with able-bodied norms. All bodies may be blended with bio-medical, militarized technologies to render them more useful and productive. CDS offers avenues to critically examine military technologies in relation to how they shape the mattering of bodies. Technologies relating to augmentation and enhancement are of particular military interest. The ways in which bodies are moulded to fit and function with new technologies create hybrid bodies and perhaps new cyborg-body identities (Harraway, 1991). As an example, the prosthetic limbs of the model and athlete Aimee Mullins are imbued with aesthetic form and function. Thompson (2004) comments on how she “counters the insistent narrative that one must overcome impairment rather than incorporating it into one’s life and self, even perhaps as a benefit.…Mullins uses her conformity with beauty standards to assert her disability’s violation of those very standards. As legless and beautiful, she is an embodied paradox, asserting an inherently disruptive potential” (p. 97). Thus, socio-cultural standards of beauty and ability are tied to norms of gendered performativity, connected in a nexus of function and form, aesthetic norms and norms surrounding movement, and ability in various spaces and contexts. To transgress these norms is to violate the “ideal” of “able-bodied” and the “ways of being, or moving, that…approximate more closely to the bodily actions and practices of ‘able-bodied’ people” (Price and Shildrick, 2002, p. 67). As militarized technologies, ideals, standards, and values enter educational realms and inform pedagogical practices, it is essential to critically evaluate new educational technologies, examining how they relate to the ways in which teachers and learners are constituted. Such technologies may reflect normalized, gendered, and able-bodied ideals and reinforce dominant ways of thinking and being in the world. For Falk (2008), all pedagogies may represent military pedagogies because education is a strategic weapon that shapes individuals’ subjectivities as nation-states vie for power. As such, “education doesn’t win hearts and minds. Education makes them” (p. 2).
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14 +Focusing on the particularity of ableism in terms of policy solutions addressing the ableist structures in society is key to solving ableism
15 +Hughes 2k7 (Bill, prof business and society @ Glasgow Caledonian U, Scotland, researcher in disability studies “ Being disabled: towards a critical social ontology for disability studie” Disability and Society Vol. 22, No. 7, December 2007, pp. 673–68)
16 +For most people ‘it goes without saying’ that they are human beings. For disabled people in many historical contexts ‘it has to be said’. Writers who appeal to the humanist nominalism of the human universal—namely mankind or humanity—in order to stress the ontological worth of disabled people recognize the myriad ways in which a disabled existence is invalidated, but do so by abrogating disability as a meaningful subject position. Both Turner, on the one hand, and Shakespeare and Watson, on the other, end up embracing the kind of post-enlightenment humanism in which difference disappears into the abstract and disability is eclipsed by the notion of a common humanity. Particular and concrete existential status (disability and the experience of oppression that is its accompaniment) is sacrificed on the altar of an elusive universal (humanity) that upon brief inspection turns out to have no meaningful political content whatsoever. Of course there is something in the abstract universal argument, because it recognizes that disabled people have to make a significant effort to establish their human worth. Yet this is a massive sacrifice if they have to abandon their particularity in order to do so. Shakespeare and Watson (2002, p. 27) argued that there ‘is no qualitative difference between disabled people and non-disabled people, because we are all impaired’ and Turner (2001, p. 262) claimed that ‘frailty is a universal condition of the human species’, which clearly suggests that ‘the ubiquity of impairment is an empirical fact not a relativist claim’ (Shakespeare and Watson, 2002, p. 27). Turner and Shakespeare and Watson argued that disabled people have a peculiar passport to universality that is incontrovertible in its validity. Human life is fragile and disabled people epitomize fragility, ergo disabled people enter into the siblingship of the human universal on the grounds that they have the necessary and sufficient qualifications. In fact, it turns out that it is impairment that is the universal. If it is frailty that confers humanity, then non-disabled people who fail to recognize their vulnerability fail to recognize their own humanity. On the other hand, the category of disability has to be disavowed by disabled people because their claim to universality has come to the fore through their authenticity as representative of the species. While one might use this argument to get non-disabled people to think about disability and to recognize ‘the other’ in their own lives, it seems to me that turning the ontological problem on its head delivers to disabled people struggling against discrimination a fairly hollow scholastic victory. When people feel that they have to make a claim to humanity they are usually already in big trouble. Enlightenment humanism was probably very far from the minds of slave owners or commandants of Nazi concentration camps. One is reminded of Shylock in The merchant of Venice when he tries to convince his Christian contemporaries of his human credentials: Hath not a Jew eyes? Hath not a Jew hands, organs, dimensions, senses, affections, passions; fed with the same food, hurt with the same weapons, subject to the same diseases, healed by the same means, warmed and cooled by the same winter and summer as a Christian is? If you prick us do we not bleed? The eloquent appeal for recognition as a member of the species is, of course, superfluous. Hardly surprising perhaps, since Shylock’s rationalism is greeted with prejudice, i.e. with closure of the mind. Disability studies would be advised to begin with the social, material reality of disabled peoples lives and the ‘lived experience’ of disability (Paterson and Hughes, 1999; Tichkosky, 2005) rather than with claims that have roots in a tired, abstract philosophical tradition. If we collapse the particularities of disabled lives into the abstract concept of humanity we end up claiming that disability does not matter. It is inconsequential, superfluous in comparison to ones generic, species status. Shylock’s experience, however, tells us something very different. No matter how much he protests his humanity, he is deviant and unworthy of recognition. He is not Christian and, in practice, his religion excludes him. In a disablist society, it does not matter how one defines disability because the qualities ascribed to the status will always appear negative in comparison with those associated with ‘able-bodied being’. Normal/abnormal or valid/invalid! It does not matter which particular binary one invokes, the latter term will be the negative to its partner’s positive. No matter how much we go on about a common humanity, in everyday life the negative ontology of disability and the particularities of prejudice and oppression tend to reassert themselves. Moreover, this sociological claim reaffirms the hegemony of the ontological view that human worth is closely associated with ability
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18 +Thus the role of the ballot to endorse the best tangible policy that minimizes militarism because it is key to address any sort of morality
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23 +Part 2 is Ableism
24 +The police state justified the brutalization of a disabled person with a butter knife as a “defense mechanism”, instead of using the ten other ways of stopping the victim, they decided to shoot her five times, what is worse is that they got away with it
25 +Farias 15
26 +Cristian Farias is a journalist and lawyer who writes on Latino issues, civil rights, and the courts. Slate 3/15 http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2015/03/san_francisco_v_sheehan_supreme_court_case_police_shot_mentally_ill_woman.html
27 +For the first time since Ferguson ignited a national conversation about police use of deadly force, the Supreme Court considered a major police shooting case—perhaps its most important since Graham v. Connor set a standard for the “reasonableness” of shooting a civilian. The victim in San Francisco v. Sheehan isn’t black or Latino, but she’s part of a group whose civil rights are just as vulnerable to in the context of policing: people living with mental illness. One advocacy group estimates that at least half of all people shot to death by police each year have mental health issues. Outcry surrounding the deaths of Anthony Hill, Lavall Hall, and Jason Harrison—to name only a few—underscores the need for rules and guidance for how police should respond with intervention rather than lethal force. But you wouldn’t know any of this by simply standing in line outside the court. On Monday a big crowd braved the cold and assembled several hours prior to the day’s arguments, but most people I talked to knew only about the other case the court was considering—a First Amendment challenge to Texas’ denial of a specialty license plate emblazoned with a Confederate flag. Inside the courtroom, there was a similar disconnect. The near-death of Teresa Sheehan at the hands of the San Francisco Police Department took a backseat to lengthy discussions about procedure, threshold issues, and the propriety of even deciding her case in the first place. The fact that Sheehan involved a real person who was shot five times by police in her own residence seemed to be lost on most of the justices. And maybe that’s just the nature of Supreme Court practice: The higher you go in the appellate chain, the more distant reality appears. But Sheehan shouldn’t be such a case—not when the country is watching how public institutions respond to episodes of police violence. If there’s a decision that should be parsed and dissected for clues about how the Roberts court really feels about cop shootings, Sheehan is it. Justice Sonia Sotomayor infused some legal realism—and humanity—into the proceeding. The case could settle the extent to which the Americans With Disabilities Act serves as a check on police officers’ interactions with people with mental illnesses. The law demands local governments to provide “reasonable accommodations” to individuals with disabilities, and courts have interpreted that guarantee to include arrests—that is, police should take into account the people’s disabilities when taking them into custody. But the law isn’t uniform across the board on whether cops should make such accommodations if the arrestee exhibits violent or erratic behavior. Does an outburst by a woman who is suffering from schizoaffective disorder, hasn’t taken her medication, and is found holding a small bread knife in her own home automatically strip her of legal protection? The justices didn’t dwell much on any of those circumstances, all of which were particular to Sheehan and her disability. Instead, the arguments turned on safety risks—to police officers and the public. The lawyer for San Francisco hadn’t even started arguing when Justice Antonin Scalia quickly interrupted her and framed the legal question in terms of whether the law protects “armed and violent suspects who are disabled.” Describing the question this way dismisses the possibility that such a proposition is even feasible. Scalia’s early pushback set the tone for general skepticism among the justices that federal law makes room for incidents like Sheehan’s. Complicating Sheehan’s case under the ADA is the Supreme Court’s own jurisprudence on searches and seizures, which is relevant to the officers’ forced entrance into her room and the five rounds they unloaded on her during the confrontation. The justices’ and police advocates’ numerous references to “armed and violent,” “direct threats,” and “public safety”—without a mention of Sheehan’s diagnosis, that she was off her meds, or that the situation could’ve been de-escalated by nonviolent means—will no doubt play a part in calculations of the “reasonableness” of the officers’ conduct. And if an officer’s fears are found to be reasonable, the law will vest him with immunity for his constitutional wrongs, never mind that his victim was mentally ill, in her 50s, overweight, and trapped in her own home with nowhere to go. For all these bad omens, something Justice Sonia Sotomayor said toward the end of the Sheehan arguments infused some legal realism—and humanity—into the proceeding. She was responding to a ridiculous scenario that portrayed Sheehan as a conniving outlaw ready to ambush the responding police. “Maybe there was a cup of bleach she could throw in the face of the officers,” suggested the lawyer for San Francisco, as if Sheehan were ready to deploy her “cluttered room full of household items” as a form of warfare against the police. Sotomayor pondered whether the law was designed precisely to prevent these terrible assumptions about people with mental illnesses. That the law’s purpose was to give them a “chance” in the worst-case scenario, much like officers are given the benefit of the doubt in the wake of a civilian shooting. “Unless we want a society in which the mentally ill are automatically killed,” Sotomayor said, before delving into statistics about the hundreds of mentally ill persons who are killed by police officers each year, contrasted with the far fewer officers who are killed under similar circumstances. “Isn’t the ADA ... intended to ensure that police officers try mitigation in these situations before they jump to violence?” she asked. We’ll know soon enough how the Supreme Court answers that question. With Justice Stephen Breyer recused in the case—his brother Charles ruled in the original case at the trial-court level—there is one fewer justice to fashion a pragmatic rule that takes into account the real-life struggles of people with disabilities. Until then, we can only speculate whether a majority will be willing to acknowledge that, yes, the lives of those battling mental illnesses matter, too.
28 +Of course the court said it was okay because of surprise surprise qualified immunity Soronen 15
29 +Lisa Soronen "Supreme Court Declines to Decide (Most of) Disability Arrest Case" The Council of State Governments 5/20/15http://knowledgecenter.csg.org/kc/content/supreme-court-declines-decide-most-disability-arrest-case
30 +In a 6-2 decision, the Supreme Court declined to decide one of the most important questions this term for state and local government: whether Title II of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) requires police officers to accommodate suspects who are armed, violent, and mentally ill when bringing them into custody. But the Court held that the officers in City and County of San Francisco v. Sheehan were entitled to qualified immunity.
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32 +This problem with disabilities results in more than half of police-involved shootings. Courts are key to solve, using the 9th circuit ruling as a go to example, Auner 16
33 +Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review Law Reviews 1-1-2016 For the Protection of Society 's Most Vulnerable, the ADA Should Apply to Arrests Thomas J. Auner. http://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2961andcontext=llr
34 +Violent confrontations between police and mentally ill suspects sparked a national discussion about officers’ treatment of the mentally ill.1 In Fullerton, California, officers severely beat and killed a mentally ill suspect Kelly Thomas.2 In Los Angeles, California, officers shot and killed the unarmed and mentally ill suspect Ezell Ford.3 Indeed, studies show that nearly half of all people police kill are mentally ill.4 Fortunately, courts began taking this disproportionate figure into account by providing mentally ill people with additional legal protections.5 In Sheehan v. City and County of San Francisco, 6 the Ninth Circuit held that the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) applies to arrest situations involving mentally ill persons.7 The Ninth Circuit’s holding significantly furthers the other circuit courts’ momentum and fundamentally changes how police officers approach the mentally ill. However, not all circuits apply the ADA to arrest situations, leading to unequal federal protections for the mentally ill
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36 +The lack of accountability spills over to create a politics of disposability. Neighborhoods become a war zone and state violence is justified, police shoot at disabled people because they are seen as inhuman or nonhuman
37 +Giroux 16, Henry, The Racist Killing Machine in the Age of Anti-Politics, 2016, http://www.counterpunch.org/2016/07/08/the-racist-killing-machine-in-the-age-of-anti-politics/
38 +The killing machine has become spectacularized, endlessly looped through the mainstream cultural apparatuses both as a way to increase ratings and as an unconscious testimony to the ruthlessness of the violence waged by a racist state. Once again, Americans and the rest of the world are witness to a brutal killing machine, a form of domestic terrorism, responsible for the deaths of Philando Castile and Alton Sterling who were shot point blank by white policemen who follow the script of a racist policy of disposability that suggests that black lives not only do not matter, but that black people can be killed with impunity since the police in the United States are rarely held accountable for such crimes. In the Castile case, the police fired into the car with a child in the back seat–a point rarely mentioned in the mainstream press. At the same time, the power of violence as a tool for expending rage and addressing deeply felt injustices has resulted in a young black man mimicking the tools of state violence by deliberately killing five police officers and wounding seven others in Dallas, Texas. This is a horrendous and despicable act of violence but it must be understood in a system in which violence is disproportionately waged against poor blacks, immigrants, Muslims, and others who are now defined as excess and pathologized as disposable. The killings in Dallas speak to a brutal mindset and culture of mistrust and fear in which violence has become the only legitimate form of mediation In the increasingly violent landscape of anti-politics, mediation disappears, dissent is squelched, repression operates with impunity, the ethical imagination withers, and the power of representation is on the side of spectacularized state violence. Violence both at the level of the state and in the hands of everyday citizens has become a substitute for genuine forms of agency, citizenship, and mutually informed dialogue and community interaction. Etienne Balibar has pointed out that “as citizenship is emptied of its content,”i the right to be represented is ceded to the financial elite and the institutions of repression or what Althusser once called the “repressive state apparatuses.” Under such circumstances, politics is replaced by a form of “antipolitics” in which the representative and repressive machineries of the state combine to objectify, dehumanize, and humiliate through racial profiling, eliminate crucial social provisions, transforms poor black neighborhoods into war zones, militarize the police, undermine the system of justice, and all too willingly use violence to both punish blacks and to signal to them that any form of dissent can cost them their lives. But such apparatuses do more, they willfully exclude and repress the historical memories of racial violence waged by both the police and other racist institutions.ii They have no choice since such histories point to the deeply embedded structural nature of such violence as a reproach to the bad cops theory of racist violence. What we are observing is not simply the overt face of a militarized police culture, the lack of community policing, deeply entrenched anti-democratic tendencies, or the toxic consequences of a culture of violence that saturates every day life. We are in a new historical era, one that is marked a culture of lawlessness, extreme violence, and disposability, fueled, in part, by a culture of fear, a war on terror, and a deeply overt racist culture that is unapologetic in its disciplinary and exclusionary practices. This deep seated racism is reinforced by a culture of cruelty that is the modus operandi of neoliberal capitalism–a cage culture, a culture of combat, a hyper masculine culture that views killing those most vulnerable as sport, entertainment, and policy.
39 +Part 3 is Solvency
40 +Thus the plan text—the United States ought to limit qualified immunity in the case of ADA lawsuits
41 +Limit QI against actions for damages brought under the American’s with Disabilities Act- Gildin 99
42 +Gildin, Gary S. (Professor of Law, The Dickinson School of Law of the Pennsylvania State
43 +University.) "Dis-Qualified Immunity for Discrimination against the Disabled." University of Illinois Law Review 1999.3 (1999): 897-948.
44 +In his article Professor Gildin challenges the applicability of¶ the qualified immunity defense in actions brought under the federal¶ disability statutes. Specifically, he contends that the qualified immunity¶ defense should not be available in actions for damages¶ brought under the Rehabilitation Act, the Americans with Disabilities¶ Act, and the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act.¶ Although these acts are very powerful tools to protect the rights of¶ disabled individuals, lower courts have slowly eviscerated a key enforcement¶ mechanism-the remedy of money damages-by transferring¶ the qualified immunity defense permitted in § 1983 actions¶ to actions brought under
45 +these acts. In support of his thesis, Professor¶ Gildin analyzes the text and legislative histories of these acts¶ and argues that neither of these supports the existence of the qualified¶ immunity defense. He also finds that there is no historical¶ linkage between § 1983 and the disability statutes that justifies borrowing¶ qualified immunity from § 1983. Finally, Professor Gildin¶ argues that judges should not legislate this defense as Congress at¶ the time it enacted the disability statutes did not intend for this defense¶ to be available.
46 +
47 +Through upholding the ADA statue we are able to put a wrench into the system by providing the 43 million Americans with disabilities a chance for litigation rupturing the current culture.
48 +Gildin ’99 (Gary S. Gildin, Professor of Law, The Dickinson School of Law of the Pennsylvania State University. B.A. 1973, University of Wisconsin; J.D. 1976, Stanford Law School. “DIS-QUALIFIED IMMUNITY FOR DISCRIMINATION AGAINST THE DISABLED” University of Illinois Law Review, 1999 | SP)
49 +The legislative history of the ADA likewise mandates a broad construction of the Act. Passed in 1990, the ADA was the "final proc lamation that the disabled will never again be excluded, never again treated by law as second-class citizens." n148 Congress thought that through the passage of the Act, "43 million Americans with disabili ties would gain freedom, dignity, opportunity - their civil rights." n149 Regarded as "the greatest expansion of civil rights protection since the 1964 Civil Rights Act," n150 the ADA should be liberally interpreted to protect individuals covered under the Act. Page 12 1999 U. Ill. L. Rev. Online 897, *923 Despite the fact that it already had enlarged the remedies af forded the disabled through three amendments to the Rehabilitation Act, Congress envisioned the ADA as carving an even wider swath, safeguarding those individuals who were not afforded relief under the Rehabilitation Act. As Senator Durenberger noted: Eighteen years ago, when Congress was debating the Rehabilita tion Act here, the then senior Senator from Minnesota, Herbert Humphrey said, "The time ... has come when we can no longer tolerate the invisibility of the handicapped in America... These people have the right to live, to work to the best of their ability, to know the dignity to which every human being is entitled." ... It is time to complete the work we began ... by opening all aspects of life - employment, public accommodations, public services, transportation, and telecommunications for persons with disabilities. The ADA is that step forward, giving people with dis abilities the assurances that there is a future in this country for persons with disabilities. n151 The ADA was designed to finish the task begun by the Rehabilitation Act by providing a "clear and comprehensive national mandate to end discrimination against individuals with disabilities." n152 *926 The United States Supreme Court has approved "the familiar ca non of statutory construction that remedial legislation should be con strued broadly to effectuate its purposes." n153 The lower federal courts have applied this canon to the ADA, instructing in accordance with its legislative history that as a "broad, remedial statute enacted to elimi nate discrimination against disabled persons," the ADA "must be in terpreted broadly to carry out its purpose." n154
50 +Reforming QI in the case of the ADA creates accountability in the police system, spilling over into reform and leading to cultural reform Schwartz 10
51 +Schwartz, Joanna. "What Police Learn from Lawsuits." Cardozo Law Review, 2010. http://law.stanford.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/default/files/event/265497/media/slspublic/What_Police_Learn_From_Lawsuits.pdf. SGK
52 +Lawsuits are widely recognized to compensate and deter; this Article shows suits can also inform. In the departments in this study, lawsuits reveal allegations of misconduct that officials investigate and consider with other data for possible trends. The evidence developed in discovery and trial offers a detailed picture of underlying events that can help identify personnel and policy failures. Closed case files, compared with internal investigations, reveal weaknesses in internal procedures. And trends in settlements and judgments, like initial claim trends, highlight units that officials should more carefully review. Viewed in isolation or in conjunction with other data, lawsuits offer insights about the incidence and causes of individual and organizational failings. And armed with these insights, departments find ways to improve. This view of litigation – as a source of information that can be used to identify and reduce harm and error – parts company with prevailing understand- ings of lawsuits’ role in organizational performance improvement. In the standard story, lawsuits’ financial costs are expected to deter misbehavior.242 Others contend that police officials will be deterred by lawsuits only when the suits jeopardize political capital, bureaucratic and administrative needs, or crime control efforts.243 But all expect that it is lawsuits’ punitive effects that inspire performance improvement. High profile and costly cases can, most certainly, affect change in law enforcement. Indeed, several of the departments in this study began reviewing lawsuit data as a response to significant political and financial pressures.244 But these departments do not limit their attention to cases that garner high payouts or press attention. Instead, they gather information about legal claims, evidence, and dispositions of all cases, even those without financial and political ramifications. Deterrence theory also imagines that officials deciding which course of action to take weigh the costs of litigation against the benefits of the underlying conduct.245 But the policies in place in the departments in this study do not facilitate this sort of weighing. Departments would not, for example, track lawsuits alleging chokeholds and then decide whether to retrain their officers about the impropriety of chokeholds based on the costs of these suits.246 Instead, departments in this study would use lawsuits, with other data, to identify chokeholds as behavior that triggered a concentration of suits, civilian complaints, and/or use-of-force reports. The department then would conduct an investigation and identify ways to address the underlying policy, training, or personnel problems. And when a department looks for trends in payouts, officials do not weigh those judgments and settlements against the costs of potential policy changes. Instead, the concentration of settlements and judgments is treated as an indication of an underlying problem that is then investigated and analyzed. In differentiating department practices from deterrence models, I do not mean to suggest that these departments never engage in cost-benefit analysis. Indeed, department officials likely weigh the costs and benefits of their actions at multiple points during information gathering, analysis, and decision making. When LASD’s Century Station was identified as having a high concentration of payouts, department officials likely considered the bureaucratic and administrative costs of focusing public attention on that station when deciding what course of action to pursue.247 When Portland’s auditor identified a number of incidents suggesting that officers did not understand their authority to enter a home without a warrant, department officials likely weighed the financial costs of various interventions before deciding to make a training video that clarified officers’ legal obligations.248 This type of cost-benefit analysis is far more nuanced and complex than is suggested by formal models of deterrence. And lawsuits’ role in this cost- benefit analysis is not as a “cost” but, instead, as one of many sources of information. Others have recognized that information generated by litigation can serve a regulatory function. Lawsuits challenging the gun industry, clergy sexual abuse, tobacco, and breast implant manufacturers have generated information that supplemented regulatory efforts.249 The revelation of damaging information can also pressure police departments to change their behavior.250 In these contexts, the public disclosure of litigation data caused third parties to influence organizations to improve. The departments in this study reveal that litigation can also generate information previously unavailable to the very entity that is sued. Although these departments view lawsuits as a valuable source of infor- mation, they recognize that the information is flawed.251 Information produced internally – through civilian complaints and use of force reports – is flawed as well.252 The approach of the departments in this study is not to ignore information because of its imperfections, but instead to review data from multiple sources with the hopes that imperfections will be minimized by a holistic approach. The Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department’s policies “consciously were fashioned to create multiple, new, and even redundant sources of information.”253
53 +This is a positive double bind—either payouts meaningfully benefit communities or drawn-out lawsuits compel structural change—empirics prove. This means either way we lead to structural change, shifting the violent policing culture away from a politics of disposability
54 +Feuer 8/16 (Alan, NYT, "In Police Misconduct Lawsuits, Potent Incentives Point to a Payout," 2016, http://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/17/nyregion/police-misconduct-lawsuit-settlements.html?_r=1andregister=google) OS
55 +In many police misconduct cases, the victims and their families are people of limited means for whom a six-figure check could be life-changing. At the same time, lawyers said, those who file, and settle, such suits belong to what might be called a community of the wronged, and often have a strong desire to tell their stories or force the system to change. “Frequently, plaintiffs in these cases are badly damaged and want or even need compensation,” said Barry Scheck, a lawyer who helped negotiate the $9 million settlement for Abner Louima, a Haitian immigrant who was sexually assaulted by the police with a broomstick inside a Brooklyn station house in 1997. “But you have to trade that off sometimes with their aspirations to expose what happened, and to find solutions.” Mr. Louima’s suit, which was filed against the city and its main police union, was a rare example of litigation that produced enormous monetary damages and real alterations to policing policy. When the settlement was reached in 2001, Mr. Louima said that he had dropped his three-year battle because he was convinced that the city and the union had started to improve the ways the Police Department trained, monitored and disciplined its officers. Ultimately, the decision of whether to settle a suit or to air the facts of the case, hoping to both win a judgment and secure reform, is up to the client, said Scott Rynecki, who handled the suit involving Mr. Gurley, an unarmed man killed two years ago by an officer on patrol in a Brooklyn public housing project. “Our primary job is to get our clients” — in this case, it was Mr. Gurley’s domestic partner, Kimberly Ballinger, and their daughter — “a decent recovery,” Mr. Rynecki said. “If the recovery is fair, we have an obligation not to go forward just to ‘go forward.’” Photo Mr. Gurley was killed by a police officer in 2014. Mr. Rynecki said it was also important to create a public record and push for structural change. As part of his negotiations with the city, he said, he urged officials to improve training at the Police Academy in areas like firearms handling and emergency medical care. “I have made repeated calls for this, both in public and in private, with politicians and on TV,” he said. “It’s a constant mantra. We have the greatest police force in country, but that doesn’t mean it can’t be improved.” In Mr. Gurley’s case, as in some others, litigation was preceded by an extensive criminal trial which produced a detailed narrative about everything that had happened. Sometimes, the revelatory nature of a criminal proceeding can persuade a plaintiff, like Ms. Ballinger, that she does not need her day in civil court. But sometimes, even a long criminal trial can leave the record incomplete. Howard Hershenhorn, a lawyer who represented the family of Amadou Diallo, a Guinean immigrant who was shot 41 times by the police in 1999, said he “had no choice but to fully litigate the civil case” because the officers who had killed Mr. Diallo were acquitted and the story of his client’s death was never fully told. Working with his partners, Mr. Hershenhorn took numerous depositions during the case’s discovery phase, unearthing information that never emerged fully at the criminal trial. Much of it concerned the Street Crimes Unit, a plainclothes patrol in the Police Department that employed the officers who shot Mr. Diallo and was eventually disbanded. “We never would have settled the case without assurances from the right people that that would happen,” Mr. Hershenhorn said. “The unit was on its way to being disbanded because of information that we produced in discovery and that, frankly, the city didn’t know.” Since by definition plaintiffs in these cases have suffered the apparent trauma of personal injury or the death of a loved one, there are powerful incentives to take a settled payout and not relive it all at trial. “These cases aren’t easy for the plaintiffs; they’re very difficult and emotional,” said Jonathan Moore, a lawyer who won a $5.9 million settlement in a lawsuit by the family of Eric Garner, who died after an officer placed him in a chokehold while arresting him for selling untaxed cigarettes on Staten Island. “It may not be exactly what they want, but settling a case at least puts an end to it.” Then there is the question of the money, which can be a godsend for plaintiffs. “More often than not, when we first meet our clients they tell us in all sincerity that ‘it’s not about the money,’ but in the end, even a jury verdict is a dollar figure,” said Andrew Stoll, who has represented several plaintiffs in police misconduct cases. “It’s the rare victim that has the luxury of refusing that money to make a bigger point.”
56 +
57 +Because Debate is a scholastic activity grounded in public discourse and critical thinking, this must be a Voting Issue, your role as a educator is to vote down anything that gives weight to the ableist mindset Moshe 05,
58 +Ben-Moshe, Ph.D. student in Sociology, Disability Studies and Women Studies at Syracuse University 5 (Liat,, “Lame Idea”: Disabling Language in the Classroom,” in Building Pedagogical Curb Cuts: Incorporating Disability into the University Classroom and Curriculum, Http://www.syr.edu/gradschool/pdf/resourcebooksvideos/Pedagogical20Curb20Cuts.pdf)
59 +When we use terms like “retarded,” “lame” or “blind”— even if we are referring to acts or ideas and not to people at all— we perpetuate the stigma associated with disability. By using a label which is commonly associated with disabled people to denote a deficiency, a lack or an ill-conceived notion, we reproduce the oppression of people with disabilities. As educators, we must be aware of the oppressive power of “everyday” language and try to change it. False Beliefs Contained in Disabling Phrases We learn about disability through everyday use of language. In the same way that racist or sexist attitudes, whether implicit or explicit, are acquired through the “normal” learning process, so too are negative assumptions about disabilities and the people who are labeled as having them. Our notions of people who are blind, deaf or labeled as mentally retarded come into play when we use disabling phrases, and these notions are usually far from accurate. They do not convey the complexity of living in a society that regards people with disabilities as the Other on the basis of perceived mentally or bodily difference. The use of disability as a metaphor perpetuates false beliefs about the nature of impairment and disability. People who are blind, for example, do not lack in knowledge; they simply have different ways of obtaining it. Paralysis does not necessarily imply lack of mobility, stagnancy or dependence since there are augmentative instruments, such as wheelchairs and personal aids, that secure independence and mobility. The continued use of disabling language in the classroom perpetuates ignorance and misconceptions in regards to the lived experience of people with disabilities. Power Relations in the Classroom As Marxists, feminists and anti-racist activists and scholars have claimed for decades, the world is viewed mostly from the perspective of the rulers, and language is created in their image as well. Therefore, we must not be surprised that the use of disabling language not only persists, but is neither contested nor acknowledged. Disabling language is language that accepts the assumption that disabilities are bad, unfortunate or denote lack/deficiency; that they are invisible and insignificant to society as a whole; and that disabilities belong to the Other and are distinct from what we would term as normal. What this language hides is that there is a
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1 +Alexandra Hoechrel Challenge
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1 +The role of the ballot is to vote for the best political strategy for liberation of the oppressed and that creates the best framework for education
2 +Giroux 10
3 +Henry Giroux. “Rethinking Education As The Practice of Freedom: Paulo Freire and the Promise of Critical Pedagogy.” Truthout. January 3rd, 2010. http://archive.truthout.org/10309_Giroux_Freire
4 +a) Paulo was a cosmopolitan intellectual, who never overlooked the details in everyday life and
5 +b) AND
6 +c) we are unlikely to get the truth since we aren’t considering all perspectives.
7 +
8 +This requires a change in the way education itself is conceived. The education system is dominated by Neoliberal ideology, which has been indoctrinated through public education Hyslop 12
9 +Hyslop-Margison, Emery. "Post Neo-Liberalism And The Humanities: What The Repressive State Apparatus Means For Universities." Canadian Journal of Higher Education. 2012.
10 +The discourse that dominates current public education policy development suggests that neo-liberal logic
11 +AND
12 +and political studies, might be eliminated through a lack of public funding.
13 +
14 +The ideology created in public education celebrates neoliberalism, while professors breaking down oppressive structures are fired by powerful lobbyist groups, a democratized version of free speech is key to breaking down oppression Khan 15
15 +http://www.anarchistagency.com/commentary/masking-oppression-as-free-speech-an-anarchist-take/ “MASKING OPPRESSION AS “FREE SPEECH”: AN ANARCHIST TAKE”; October 28, 2015 Tariq Khan
16 +Last year the American Indian Studies Program at the University of Illinois, Urbana-
17 +AND
18 +go unchecked under the guise of a disingenuous notion of “free speech.”
19 +
20 +Neoliberalist public education is only being used as a tool to destroy education and eliminate critical ideas Hyslop 12
21 +Hyslop-Margison, Emery. "Post Neo-Liberalism And The Humanities: What The Repressive State Apparatus Means For Universities." Canadian Journal of Higher Education. 2012.
22 +We believe the importance of public discursive spaces to democratic society and the current threats
23 +AND
24 +the pressure to say something false or hasty” (p. 51).
25 +
26 +The attack on the university has led to the government restricting the free flow of scholarly ideas, using the war on terror to justify the denial of intellectual’s visa’s and destroying any critical thought Giroux 06
27 +“Henry A. Giroux” “Fall 2006 “Academic Freedom Under Fire: The Case for Critical Pedagogy; pp. 1-42 | 10.1353/lit.2006.0051
28 +In light if this authoritarian agenda, the Bush administration has made it difficult for
29 +AND
30 +restricting open inquiry, critical knowledge, and dissent in the United States.
31 +
32 +Part 2 is Solvency
33 +
34 +Plan Text: Public Colleges and Universities ought to critically interrogate educational perspectives to respect the constitutional rights for free speech to help oppressed fringes of society
35 +
36 +Critical Pedagogy is necessary for educators to break down oppressive structures throughout society, it is the imperative of educators to endorse a critical pedagogy Giroux 06
37 +“Henry A. Giroux” “Fall 2006 “Academic Freedom Under Fire: The Case for Critical Pedagogy; pp. 1-42 | 10.1353/lit.2006.0051
38 +While most defenders of the university as a democratic public sphere rightly argue that the
39 +AND
40 +now at risk in the latest and most dangerous attack on higher education.
41 +
42 +The purpose of the university is to challenge student’s worldview, not inoculate current ideologies Giroux 06
43 +“Henry A. Giroux” “Fall 2006 “Academic Freedom Under Fire: The Case for Critical Pedagogy; pp. 1-42 | 10.1353/lit.2006.0051
44 +What is disturbing about these instances is that aggrieved students and their sympathizers appear entirely
45 +AND
46 +Politcal Correctness is a tool used right win pundits to suppress oppressed people’s voices
47 +
48 +The assault of right wing organization on freedom in the academy epistemologically corrupt knowledge and perpetuate oppressive norms, we need to endorse a different form of education to fix the assault on higher education Giroux 06
49 +“Henry A. Giroux” “Fall 2006 “Academic Freedom Under Fire: The Case for Critical Pedagogy; pp. 1-42 | 10.1353/lit.2006.0051
50 +One gets the sense that conservative educators from Lynne Cheney to Ann D. Neal
51 +AND
52 +one of the very few remaining democratic public spheres in the United States today
53 +
54 +Today ideas of political correctness are used as a tool used right win pundits to suppress oppressed people’s voices Bryant Williams et al 16
55 +Bryant William Sculos and Sean Noah Walsh (2016): The Counterrevolutionary Campus: Herbert Marcuse and the Suppression of Student Protest Movements, New Political Science, DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2016.1228580
56 +Besides the hypocritical critiques from right-wing pundits and presidential candidates, what the
57 +AND
58 +are threatened to be silenced, and silenced as university or state policy.
59 +
60 +Balance is a flawed concept that is used to censor liberal ideas Giroux 06
61 +“Henry A. Giroux” “Fall 2006 “Academic Freedom Under Fire: The Case for Critical Pedagogy; pp. 1-42 | 10.1353/lit.2006.0051
62 +As Stanley Fish has argued, balance is a flawed concept and should be understood
63 +AND
64 +interlocutors presume that liberal academics are to be equated with an evil menace.
65 +
66 +Part 3 is the Underview
67 +
68 +Aff gets RVIs on I meets and counter-interps because
69 +(a) 1AR timeskew means I can’t cover theory and still have a fair shot on substance.
70 +(b) no risk theory would give neg a free source of no risk offense which allows him to moot the AC.
71 +2. The neg must defend one unconditional advocacy. Conditionality is bad because it makes the neg a moving target which kills 1AR strategy. He’ll kick it if I cover it and extend it if I undercover it, meaning I have no strategic options. Also, it’s unreciprocal because I can’t kick the AC.
72 +Kritik without real solutions is doomed to fail, we need to start building real solutions to the problem, liberating against oppression requires material change in ideological spaces Bryan William et al 16
73 +Bryant William Sculos and Sean Noah Walsh (2016): The Counterrevolutionary Campus: Herbert Marcuse and the Suppression of Student Protest Movements, New Political Science, DOI: 10.1080/07393148.2016.1228580
74 +Importantly, we must not limit ourselves to merely critiquing existing oppressions, or just
75 +AND
76 +embodied that impetus here and shown it to be more relevant than ever.
77 +
78 +Higher educational facilities destroy environmental policy discussion Khan 16
79 +Kahn, Richard. "Operation Get Fired: A Chronicle Of The Academic Repression Of Radical
80 +Environmentalist And Animal R." Antioch University. November 2016.
81 +http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.492.988andrep=rep1andtype=pdf
82 +In closing this section, attention must be paid to the manner in which higher
83 +AND
84 +which works in ways that serve to damage academia’s intellectual and civic mission.
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1 +JANFEB- Pedagogy AC
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1 +Blake
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1 +Interp: debaters not run more than one conditional advocacy
2 +
3 +1. Education
4 +2. Fairness
5 +3. Ground
6 +4. Skills
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1 +2017-01-16 23:58:27.0
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1 +Brian Devine
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1 +Brookfield East TG
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1 +24
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1 +Octas
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1 +Appleton East Moorhead Aff
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1 +0- no condo pls
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1 +Alexandra Hoechrel Challenge
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1 +21
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1 +2017-01-02 19:57:45.0
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1 +La Canada AZ
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1 +1
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1 +22
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1 +2017-01-16 23:58:26.0
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1 +Alexandra Hoechrel Challenge

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